[Congressional Record Volume 158, Number 112 (Wednesday, July 25, 2012)]
[Senate]
[Pages S5357-S5367]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
CYBERSECURITY ACT OF 2012--MOTION TO PROCEED
Mr. REID. I now move to proceed to Calendar No. 470, S. 3414.
The VICE PRESIDENT. The clerk will report.
The bill clerk read as follows:
Motion to proceed to Calendar No. 470, S. 3414, a bill to
enhance the security and resiliency of the cyber and
communications infrastructure of the United States.
Cloture Motion
Mr. REID. Mr. President, I have a cloture motion which has been filed
at the desk and I ask that it be reported.
The VICE PRESIDENT. The cloture motion having been presented under
rule XXII, the Chair directs the clerk to read the motion.
The bill clerk read as follows:
Cloture Motion
We, the undersigned Senators, in accordance with the
provisions of rule XXII of the Standing Rules of the Senate,
hereby move to bring to a close debate on the motion to
proceed to calendar No. 470, S. 3414, a bill to enhance the
security and resiliency of the cyber and communications
infrastructure of the United States.
Harry Reid, Joseph I. Lieberman, John D. Rockefeller IV,
Dianne Feinstein, Sheldon Whitehouse, Barbara A.
Mikulski, Barbara Boxer, Jeff Bingaman, Patty Murray,
Max Baucus, Charles E. Schumer, Bill Nelson,
Christopher A. Coons, Tom Udall, Carl Levin, Mark R.
Warner, Ben Nelson.
Mr. REID. Mr. President, I now ask unanimous consent that the
mandatory quorum under rule XXII be waived.
The VICE PRESIDENT. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Honoring Senator Leahy and Senator Lugar
Mr. REID. Mr. President, I rise with great pleasure to honor my
colleagues, Senator Patrick Leahy of Vermont and Dick Lugar of Indiana,
as they reach a milestone in their careers. They each cast a momentous
vote just a short time ago. For Senator Leahy, the vote just cast is
his 14,000th rollcall vote. For Senator Lugar--it is interesting that
it is the same day and 1,000 votes apart--it is his 13,000th. These two
fine men and dedicated Senators share the milestone purely by
coincidence.
I applaud Pat Leahy, my dear friend, who has always possessed a great
drive to serve. Maybe it was growing up across from the State House in
Montpelier that put the idea in his head from such a young age.
After graduating from Georgetown University Law School, Pat served 8
years as State's attorney for Vermont before coming to the Senate. He
continues to exercise his fine legal mind as chairman of the Senate
Judiciary Committee. Senator Leahy has also led the fight against
landmines, as well as numerous landmark pieces of legislation on which
he has been the leader.
Pat is loved by the people of Vermont. His intellect and his
oratorical skills, his boldness, and his persuasiveness are all
overshadowed by one thing--by his teammate Marcelle. Marcelle is
clearly his greatest asset.
I also commend my colleague Senator Lugar on reaching his milestone
of his 13,000th vote. Senator Lugar is a fifth-generation Hoosier, a
proud Navy veteran, and the longest serving Member of Congress in
Indiana history. He is also a bit of an overachiever, graduating first
in both his high school and college classes, and going on to become a
Rhodes Scholar at Oxford.
As ranking member of the Foreign Relations Committee and past
chairman of the committee, having served with the Presiding Officer for
decades, he has dedicated his time in the Senate to reducing the threat
of nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons.
It has been my distinct pleasure to watch both of these fine Senators
work tirelessly on behalf of the United States. I congratulate both of
them on their service and on reaching this impressive milestone.
The VICE PRESIDENT. The Republican leader.
Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, as the majority leader has indicated,
two legislative milestones have been reached in the Senate today by two
dedicated and long-serving Senators who happen to be from different
sides of the aisle. I pay tribute to the senior Senator from Vermont,
Mr. Leahy, for casting his 14,000th vote, and to the senior Senator
from Indiana, Mr. Lugar, for casting his 13,000th vote.
To put these milestones in perspective:
Senator Leahy, a Member of the Senate since 1975, ranks sixth on the
all-time rollcall vote list, most recently passing former Senator Pete
Domenici. Senator Lugar, who was first elected to the Senate 2 years
later, in 1976, ranks tenth on the all-time list and most recently
passed our former colleague and current occupant of the chair, Vice
President Joe Biden. This is not only a remarkable accomplishment of
longevity for both men, it is also an opportunity for their colleagues
to honor them for their decades of service to the people of Indiana and
of Vermont.
Senator Leahy isn't just the second most senior Senator in this body,
he is also the chairman of the Judiciary Committee and a senior member
of the Agriculture and Appropriations Committees. Pat and I got to know
each other pretty well, alternating as chairman and ranking member of
the Foreign Operations Subcommittee of Appropriations for over a
decade. Somehow he finds time to also be an amateur photographer and to
have a blossoming movie career. I have no doubt he gives most of the
credit, of course, to Marcelle, his wife, with whom he will be
celebrating a far more important milestone in the next month, their
50th wedding anniversary. So congratulations to Pat on both counts.
As for our friend Senator Dick Lugar, I have known him going back to
my first Senate campaign. He is the longest serving Member of Congress
in Indiana history and one of America's most widely respected voices on
foreign policy. In a career filled with many achievements and
milestones, Senator Lugar's leadership on the Nunn-Lugar Cooperative
Threat Reduction Program is, in my opinion, his greatest and most
lasting achievement with the American people--not only for the American
people and for the security of this country, but for the promotion of
peace throughout the world. Because of Senator Lugar's work, thousands
of nuclear warheads have been dismantled and the world is, indeed, a
safer place.
Like Senator Leahy, I know Senator Lugar would say none of this would
have been possible without the love and support of his wife of 55
years, Charlene. So I congratulate them both on this milestone and I
join my colleagues in once again paying tribute to
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our two colleagues and this signature achievement.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Bennet). The Senator from Vermont.
Mr. SANDERS. Mr. President, I rise to congratulate my longtime friend
and colleague from Vermont, Senator Patrick Leahy, on the occasion of
his 14,000th vote. That is a lot of votes. In the long history of our
Republic, only six Senators have achieved that milestone before him.
Born in Montpelier, VT, our State's capital, educated at St.
Michael's High School in Montpelier, St. Michael's College in
Colchester, VT, and Georgetown University Law School, Senator Leahy was
first elected to the Senate in 1974--the first and, to this date, only
Democrat elected to the Senate from Vermont. I remember that campaign
very well because I was in it, and Pat Leahy got a lot more votes than
I did.
Before assuming the office of U.S. Senator, Pat Leahy gained a
national reputation for law enforcement during his 8 years as State's
attorney in Chittenden County--the State's largest county.
Over his 3\1/2\ decades here in the Senate, Patrick Leahy has many
remarkable achievements. Let me just mention a few.
Cognizant of the suffering and tragedy that landmines cause for
civilian populations, Patrick Leahy has led, in this body and, in fact,
the entire U.S. Government, the campaign to end the production and use
of antipersonnel landmines. Many lives and limbs have been saved as a
result of Senator Leahy's efforts.
With similar commitment and passion, as chair of the Senate Judiciary
Committee, Patrick Leahy has led the effort to insist on fairness at
the Department of Justice, to support free speech and a free press, and
to require and maintain openness and transparency in government. At a
time of major infringements on privacy rights in this country from both
the private sector and the government, Pat Leahy has been a strong
champion of civil liberties and the Constitution of the United States.
Senator Leahy, reflecting Vermont's very strong consciousness
regarding the need to preserve our environment, has for many years been
a champion of environmental protection and has been named over and over
one of the top environmental legislators by the Nation's foremost
conservation organizations. He has been, as Vermonters well know, a
special champion in preserving the high quality of water in Lake
Champlain, our beautiful lake, perhaps the most valuable natural
resource we have in our State.
Today, I congratulate, on behalf of the people of the State of
Vermont, Senator Patrick Leahy on the occasion of his 14,000th vote and
look forward to working with him as closely in the future as we have
worked in the past.
Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, I want to add my voice to the well-
deserved chorus of congratulations for our colleague and friend from
Vermont.
Senator Patrick Leahy is the last remaining member of a historic
class in the U.S. Senate, the class of 1974, better known as the
``Watergate babies.'' And he has been making history ever since.
Casting 14,000 votes in the Senate is kind of like joining the 3,000
Hit Club in baseball. It is an achievement many dream of but few
actually reach.
More important than the number of votes Senator Leahy has cast,
however, is the wisdom and courage of his voting record.
It has been my privilege to serve on the Senate Judiciary Committee
for more than 15 years. During that time Senator Leahy has been either
our committee chairman or its ranking member.
I have the greatest respect for Patrick Leahy's fidelity to the rule
of law and his determined efforts to safeguard the independence and
integrity of America's Federal courts. He is a champion of human rights
at home and abroad.
I congratulate him on this milestone. As an old friend of his might
say, just keep truckin' on.
Mr. President, I also want to congratulate another friend and
colleague, Senator Richard Lugar from Indiana.
Senator Lugar knows that wisdom is not the exclusive property of any
one political party.
He bases his political decisions not on polls or the passions of the
day but on what his conscience and his own careful study tells him is
right.
Two years ago, Dick Lugar joined me in asking the President not to
deport young people who were brought to this country at a young age by
their parents.
When the DREAM Act was on the Senate floor a year and a half ago,
Senator Lugar was one of three Republicans who voted in support.
He coauthored the Nunn-Lugar Cooperative Threat Reduction Act--one of
the most visionary and courageous bipartisan achievements in recent
time.
His work on the Global Fund has helped the United States meet its
commitment to the single most powerful tool in the fight against AIDS,
tuberculosis and malaria.
Senator Lugar has served six terms in the Senate, and he will be
missed.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Vermont.
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I want to thank, of course, the majority
leader and the Republican leader, friends with whom I have served for
years--and we have always been friends--for their kind words.
I want to thank my colleague from Vermont, another dear friend. Our
careers have paralleled in many areas--from the time he was the mayor
of our largest city, to being our lone Representative in the House of
Representatives, to now being my partner here in the Senate.
Of course, as to my dear friend Dick Lugar, we have worked together
so many times. We alternated between being the chair and ranking member
of the Senate Agriculture Committee. He did a great deal on the
environment, passed an organic farm bill, did so many things, all the
time when he was doing his invaluable work to protect our Nation
against nuclear weapons.
Mr. President, I value the Senate. I love the Senate. It has been a
major part of my life. But I was glad to hear both leaders mention the
true love of my life, my wife of nearly 50 years. There is nothing I
have accomplished throughout my whole public career that I could have
done without Marcelle's help. Not only has she raised three wonderful
children and is helping to raise five wonderful grandchildren, every
single day I have been a better person because of her. When we first
started the race for the Senate in 1974, few people said I could win.
Marcelle and I campaigned together. She always said I could. And we
did.
None of us know how long we might be in the Senate, but I have valued
every single moment here, and I will value every single moment as long
as I am here.
I am glad Marcelle is here. She is joined by my dear and valuable
friend Peter Welch, our Congressman from Vermont, and his wife
Margaret, but also so many members of my staff. I feel that I have been
blessed with the finest staff any Senator has ever had. Again, they are
the ones every day who, if I look good and do something well on this
floor, I give the credit. I joke that I am a constitutional impediment
to them totally running everything. But thank goodness they are there.
I will speak more about this at another time.
But it is a special feeling to be here with my friend Dick Lugar, to
hear the kinds words of my friend and colleague Bernie Sanders, to know
that the other Member of our delegation--we are a huge delegation; all
three Members--Peter Welch is here. But especially I acknowledge
Marcelle and Kevin, Alicia, and Mark, and their families. How wonderful
it is to be here.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Indiana.
Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, what a pleasure it is to be with my
colleague Pat Leahy on this very special day. It was a great
coincidence that the 13,000th vote and the 14,000th vote should occur
this afternoon, but what a joyous moment to be with my friend on this
experience.
I once again thank the leader Mitch McConnell of our party and Harry
Reid the majority leader of the Senate for their very generous remarks
about both Pat and me.
I join Pat in extolling the virtues of those who have made such a
difference in our lives. My wife Charlene, our 4
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sons, our 13 grandchildren, our great-grandchildren--these are very
precious people who have made such a difference in my life and made it
possible for me to have good health and spirits throughout all this
time and to enjoy thoroughly this experience.
I would just add to the remarks of my colleague that tomorrow we hope
to have a little celebration in the Agriculture Committee room.
Long ago, at the beginning of our careers, Pat and I were situated at
the end of the long table that stretched the length of the Agriculture
Committee room. Our chairman, Herman Talmadge of Georgia, was at one
end with Senator Jim Eastland of Mississippi. I am not certain what the
rules of the Senate were at that time, but I recall that frequently
both were enveloped in smoke at the end of the room, and it seemed to
me that they were, in fact, developing whatever the policy was going to
be and making decisions. As a matter of fact, sometimes they simply
arose, and Pat and I were left to ponder really what had occurred.
So it was appropriate that our two portraits should be put at the end
of the table, at the entry to the Agriculture Committee room, where we
once sat as the most junior members and eventually ascended to the
chairmanship, having great experiences together in farm policy and the
ability to help feed the world.
I am grateful, likewise, for Vice President Biden's presence today
because he was a wonderful partner in the Foreign Relations Committee
for so many years. I was not aware that the Vice President would be in
the chair. I told him I was somewhat embarrassed because my 13,000th
vote finally eclipsed his votes, and he ranks now 11th. Joe was aware
of that. He had in the chair today the rankings 1 through 11. So we are
sort of all situated and still love each other in the process.
I thank all Senators for the honor that has been accorded for this
opportunity to address the body. This has been a great experience of my
life, and this has been a very special moment.
I thank the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Kansas.
Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to address the
Senate as in morning business.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, first of all, I congratulate my colleagues,
Senator Leahy and Senator Lugar, for this achievement and thank them
for their service to the country.
I also appreciate the willingness of Senator Collins and Senator
Lieberman to allow me to speak for a few minutes before we return to
the business at hand--legislation regarding cybersecurity.
USDA Employee Newsletter
I want to point out to my colleagues--and perhaps to the Department
of Agriculture--something I saw today that caught my attention. In
fact, it is amazing to me, this development.
This is the Department of Agriculture's--the USDA--employee
newsletter I hold in my hand. In that newsletter, it says the
following--it has a section in the newsletter that says ``Food Services
Update.'' Well, the Department of Agriculture, which, in my view, has a
serious and significant responsibility to promote agriculture, says
this in their own newsletter:
One simple way to reduce your environmental impact while
dining at our cafeterias is to participate in the ``Meatless
Monday''. . . .
``Meatless Monday.''
This effort . . . encourages people not to eat meat on
Mondays. . . .
How will going meatless one day of the week help the
environment? The production of meat, especially beef (and
dairy as well) has a large environmental impact. According to
the U.N.--
``According to the U.N.''--
animal agriculture is a major source of greenhouse gases and
climate change. It also wastes resources. It takes 7,000 kg
of grain to make 1,000 kg of beef. In addition, beef
production requires a lot of water, fertilizer, fossil fuels,
and pesticides. In addition there are many health concerns
related to the excessive consumption of meat. While a
vegetarian diet could have a beneficial impact on a person's
health and the environment, many people are not ready to make
that commitment. Because Meatless Monday involves only one
day a week, it is a small change that could produce big
results.
Our own Department of Agriculture, again, at least from my
perspective--and we ought to look at what the mission of the Department
Agriculture is, and I think it will reflect what I am saying--is to
promote agriculture, to help those who every day go to work to produce
food, fiber, and fuel for this country and the world. Yet our own
Department of Agriculture is encouraging people not to eat meat and
indicates--from these statements, again, from their newsletter--that
``the USDA Headquarters Food Operations are a high profile opportunity
to demonstrate USDA's commitment to USDA mission and initiatives.''
So it would not surprise me if what you see is that the Department of
Agriculture somehow loses this newsletter. But it is posted on their
Web site, and I would encourage Secretary Vilsack and the officials at
the Department of Agriculture to rethink their role in discouraging
something that is so vital to the U.S. economy and something so
important to the Kansas economy.
We are a beef-producing State, and it generates significant revenue
for Kansas farmers and ranchers and is one of the items that improve
our balance of trade, as we export meat and beef around the world. Yet
our own Department of Agriculture encourages people not to consume
meat.
I think I will have more to say about this topic, but for the moment,
in light of the kindness that was extended to me by the Senators, I
yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Connecticut.
Mr. LIEBERMAN. Mr. President, I thank my friend from Kansas.
Normally, when you yield the floor to a colleague in the Senate, you
are not sure how long they are going to speak. So he not only kept his
word to speak for less than 3 minutes, he proved that he continues to
have some lingering holdover reflexes from his service in the House of
Representatives, where they always speak shorter than we do.
Mr. President, what is the pending business?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The motion to proceed to S. 3414.
Mr. LIEBERMAN. I thank the Chair.
Mr. President, I rise to support that motion to proceed to S. 3414,
which is the Cybersecurity Act of 2012, and I do so with the hope and
request that all of our colleagues will vote yes on this motion to
proceed so we can begin what I think is a crucial debate about how best
to protect our national and economic security in this wired world where
threats increasingly--and thefts--come not from land, sea, or sky, but
from invisible strings of ones and zeros traveling through cyberspace.
This bill has been a long time in coming to the floor. A lot of work
has been done on it. But I must say, I have a sense of confidence,
certainly, about the inclination of the overwhelming majority of
Members of the Senate to vote to proceed to this matter because I think
everyone in the Chamber understands what we are dealing with is not a
problem that is speculative or theoretical.
Anybody who has spent any time not even studying the classified
materials on this but just reading the newspaper, following the media,
knows that America is daily under constant cyber attack and cyber
theft. The commander of Cyber Command, GEN Keith Alexander, said
recently in a speech that cyber theft represented the largest transfer
of wealth in human history.
That is stealing of industrial secrets and moving money from bank
accounts. I believe he said it was as if we were having our future
stolen from us. It is all happening over cyberspace. Obviously,
enemies--both nation states, nonstate actors such as terrorist groups,
organized criminal gangs, and just plain hackers--are finding ways to
penetrate the cyber systems on which our society depends, the cyber
systems that control critical infrastructure: electric grid,
transportation system, the whole financial system, the dams that hold
back water, et cetera, et cetera, et cetera.
This bill is not a solution in search of a problem. It is a problem
that is real and cries out for the solution this bill would provide.
There are some controversial parts of the bill. There has been some
spirited debate both in committee and in the public media about it.
There is a competing bill introduced by some of our colleagues called
SECURE IT.
[[Page S5360]]
But I want to report to the Chamber and to the public that there was
a significant breakthrough today where the lead cosponsors of our bill,
Senators Collins, Rockefeller, Feinstein, Carper, and I met with the
lead cosponsors of the other bill, Senators Chambliss, McCain, and
Hutchison, along with a group of Senators led by Senator Kyl and
Senator Sheldon Whitehouse, who, along with Senator Coons, Senator
Mikulski, Senator Coats, and others who have been working very hard to
create common ground because they recognize the urgency of this
challenge.
Well, this is good news. We got a motion to proceed, which, in the
current schedule, will come up on Friday. I think it would send a
message of real encouragement to the public that we can still get
together across party lines on matters of urgent national security if
we adopted that motion to proceed overwhelmingly, particularly now that
we are engaged in dialogue with the leaders of these main bills and
people trying to bridge gaps that began to meet today. We will meet
again tomorrow morning. So I think we have a process going that can
lead us to a very significant national security accomplishment.
I am going to yield at this time to Senator Rockefeller, the chair of
the Commerce Committee, whose committee produced a bill of its own. He
worked very closely with Senator Collins and me to blend our bills. We
did. Senator Feinstein came along with her chairmanship of the
Intelligence Committee of the Senate, did some tremendous work on the
information-sharing provision, title VII of the bill before us.
I know Senator Rockefeller has another engagement which he has to go
to. So I am going to yield to him for his opening statement. Then
Senator Collins, who, as always, for all these years, has been just the
most steadfast, constructive, sturdy, reliable, creative partner in
working on this bill. It gives me confidence that together we will see
it to success next week. So I will now yield to the distinguished
senior Senator from West Virginia, who is a real expert on this subject
and has contributed enormously to the bill that is pending before the
Senate now.
Mr. ROCKEFELLER. My dear colleague, I would feel better if the
Senator from Maine spoke before I did.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Whitehouse.) The Senator from Maine.
Ms. COLLINS. Mr. President, that is very kind of the Senator from
West Virginia. My statement is quite lengthy. So if the Senator from
West Virginia, in light of his commitment, would like to precede me, I
would be more than happy to have him do so. I would encourage him to go
ahead. Then the Senator from Connecticut has graciously said he would
allow me to go next. We are all so nice around here.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from West Virginia.
Mr. ROCKEFELLER. Mr. President, I wish all negotiations proceeded
with such comity. For those of us who have lived long enough, we have
seen, obviously, enormous transition. We are in a totally new age.
Today, as we begin our debate, over 200 billion e-mails will be sent
around the world to every continent. Google, a company that really is
just 10 years old, will process over 1 billion searches and stream more
than 2 billion videos today. And in the next minute, about 36,000
tweets will be posted on Twitter. So we are now connected as we never
have been before.
Here in the United States we have been the leader in both its
development and adoption of the initial structure. Actually, it is
interesting because it was created by our own government. The open
nature of the Internet can be traced back to our initial decision in
the government to relinquish control of what we had invented, so to
speak. So to this day our Nation remains a leader in using the
Internet's innovation and growth.
In just over a decade, we have digitized and networked our entire
economy and our entire way of life. Every one of our most critical
systems now relies upon these interconnected networks: power grids,
transportation systems, gas pipelines, telecommunications. They all
rely on networks to function. They all rely on the Internet. Yet the
ramifications of this new era remain poorly understood by many;
frankly, by most.
History teaches us that disruptive technological advancements can
bring about both opportunities and also dangers. We cannot let our
exuberance blind us from this simple truth. We cannot ignore the part
of the equation in this happy adventure of ours that is unpleasant.
This is it. These technological advances can compromise our national
security and indeed are already doing so.
The connectivity brought about by the Internet and the new ability to
access anything, combined with our decision as a country to put
everything we hold dear on the Internet, means we are now vulnerable in
ways that were unfathomable just a few years ago. Yes, we rushed to
digitize and connect every aspect of the American economy and way of
life. We have spent little time focusing on what this actually means
with respect to our security. We have left ourselves extraordinarily
vulnerable.
The consequences, as pointed out by the Senator from Connecticut, are
devastating. Our intellectual property is our greatest asset as a
nation. It is our greatest advantage in the world. It is currently
being pilfered and stolen because it is connected to the Internet and
therefore is unsecure.
Well, we did not think about that, did we? Experts have called this,
as the Senator from Connecticut said, the greatest transfer of wealth
in the history of the world. That is a dramatic statement, but it is
just an absolute terrifying fact--terrifying fact.
Our most important personal information, including our credit card
numbers, our financial data is now accessible via the Internet and is
stolen through data breaches that occur all the time.
Most importantly, our critical infrastructure: water facilities and
gas pipelines to our electric power grid and communications networks
are now vulnerable to cyber attacks, and they are happening. Many of
those systems were designed before the Internet. In fact, virtually all
of these systems were designed before the Internet came about, and were
never intended to be connected to a network. Yet they are. Therefore,
they are unsecure.
If these systems are exploited via cyber vulnerabilities, lives could
be lost. Yes, there is lots of other things that could happen before
that, but this has the potential to be far greater than even the
tragedy of 9/11.
In recent months we have learned that hackers penetrated the networks
of companies that control our Nation's pipelines--gas pipelines. There
have been attempts to penetrate the networks of companies that run
nuclear power plants. Last year, a foreign computer hacker showed that
he could access the control systems of a water facility in Texas with
ease. He accomplished this task in minutes at a computer thousands of
miles away.
Our critical infrastructure is being targeted, and it is vulnerable.
The major general of our National Guard, James Hoyer, recently shared a
frightening story with me. He was talking about his work on
cybersecurity. He said in West Virginia, he learned that a critical
infrastructure facility in the State--critical infrastructure facility;
that means a really important one--its engineers were being allowed to
operate control systems on their home computers. How naive. But who
would know? Who would have guessed?
The Internet and what it has done for our country is unparalleled,
but everything we have accomplished in this Internet age is now
vulnerable and, in starker terms, undoable. We have built a castle in
the sand and the tide is approaching. Our systems are too fragile, too
critical, and too vulnerable. It is a recipe for disaster. It is time
to do something about it before it is too late.
We have all known about the seriousness of our cyber situation for
years. Our national security experts know it. Our law enforcement
experts know it. And there is a bipartisan agreement that something
needs to be done. But that does not tell us a lot, to make that
statement in the Senate. In my capacity both as the chairman of the
Commerce Committee and former chairman of the Senate Intelligence
Committee, and still on that committee, I have become very familiar
with the threat posed by cybersecurity. I have been working with my
colleagues to address it.
For the past 3 years, a number of us have been working with both
Republican and Democratic Senators to find
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common ground on these issues so we can have a bill to get control of
this. We have held hearings, we have held markups, we have held
countless meetings with the private sector and interest groups. It is
an endless, endless process, and the staff does four times as much.
We have been very patient in working to find a compromise. Now is the
time to make that compromise happen. It will not happen today; it could
happen in the next several days. We know what we need to do, I do
believe. So here is what we know right now: The Federal Government
needs to do a better job of protecting its own networks.
Companies control most of our Nation's critical infrastructure, and
they need to do a better job of eliminating cyber vulnerabilities in
their systems. There are no clear lines in the authorities and
responsibilities in the Federal Government for cybersecurity, which
will cause confusion in the event of a cyber catastrophe.
The private sector and the Federal Government need to be able to
share information about cyber threats. Over the last year, the
committees of jurisdiction in the Senate have worked together. The
committees have worked together to finalize legislation that addresses
each of those concerns.
Senators Lieberman, Feinstein, Collins, and I have made it a
priority, as well as others, to finish this work together and with a
broader group. We believe every Member of this body will be able to
support some kind of legislation. We have put legislation before the
Senate, but it is subject to change. In fact, it may be in the process
of changing in a good sense because we held a long meeting this
morning. We are going to have another one tomorrow, perhaps on a daily
basis.
The basic thing we have done is that we took a more regulated
approach. In other words, we have to do this. This is what we should
do. At one level we should do it.
We have taken that away, and we have made it much more voluntary. We
made it a voluntary approach. Some say that is worse than no bill at
all, to which I reply, no, if we incent people properly with a
voluntary approach, the pressure to do something is greater,
particularly if they have to submit to audits as to the standards of
work they are doing to protect themselves.
There are a variety of ways to do this. We could have a council--a
DHS council that would decide what the standards should be. There was
talk this morning about having a convening session called by NIST,
National Institute of Science and Technology--which is very good at
this stuff--convene the private sector and have those two work out a
system. NIST has no regulatory authority, so they could let them come
up with their suggestions. Then there was an idea that maybe DHS could
look at that and certify it, stamp it with approval, on basic critical
infrastructure. Of course, we would have to pick out which was the
critical infrastructure because there is lots of it. Which one would be
subject to special regard is something we would still have to work out.
This bill, however it works so far, and I think in the future, is
bipartisan. There is some sort of tribulation about let's let bygones
be bygones, we have all given up and compromised, to which my point of
view is some of us have been working on this for a very long time, and
we have been joined by others with good ideas. But don't close off the
past or the future.
The bill will be bipartisan. It will incorporate the good ideas and
suggestions that have been made by many colleagues. We have settled on
a plan that creates no new bureaucracy. However that plan forms, it
will have no new bureaucracies or heavy-handed regulation. That is
already understood. It is premised on companies taking responsibility
for securing their own networks, with government assistance where
necessary. This bill represents a compromise, and it is time to move
forward with it.
I think, in closing, back to the year 2000 and 2001. I was on the
Intelligence Committee at the time of 9/11. The fact is, we get reports
on all this which never surfaced, but we know the facts. There were
signs of people moving around the country, and they weren't just sort
of haphazardly moving around. In San Diego, a certain safe house there
would appear and people were coming and going from there. Then there
was the FBI office in Minneapolis and the Moussaoui case, and the FBI
office in Minneapolis reported to the FBI Osama bin Laden office--and
perhaps that didn't happen.
We all knew something was new and that the world was getting
different. We knew the danger could come upon us. Our intelligence and
national security leadership took these matters very seriously.
However, they did not take it seriously enough, nor did we. So then it
was too late and 9/11 happened, and the world changed forever.
Today, we have a new set of warnings flashing before us with a wide
range of challenges to our security and safety and we once again face a
choice: Act now and put in place safeguards to protect this country and
our people or act later when it is too late. Obviously, the conclusion
is we must act now.
I thank the Chair and yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Maine is recognized.
Ms. COLLINS. Mr. President, first, let me thank the Senator from West
Virginia for his comments. He has worked so hard on this issue for many
years but, in particular, the past 3 years, as he and the chair of the
Senate Intelligence Committee, Senator Feinstein, have worked with
Senator Lieberman and me.
I rise this evening to urge our colleagues to vote to begin the
debate on the Cyber Security Act of 2012. Senator Lieberman and I have
introduced this bill along with our colleagues Senator Rockefeller,
Senator Feinstein, and Senator Carper. It has been a great pleasure to
work with all of them--and work we have--in numerous sessions over
literally a period of years, as we have attempted to merge the bills
that were reported by the Commerce Committee and the Homeland Security
Committee.
Of course, it is always a great pleasure to once again work with my
dear friend the chairman of the Homeland Security Committee, Senator
Lieberman, as we bring forth yet another bipartisan bill to the Chamber
for its consideration.
FBI Director Robert Mueller has warned that the cyber threat will
soon equal or surpass the threat from terrorism. He has argued that we
should be addressing the cyber threat with the same kind of intensity
we have applied to the terrorist threat. This vital legislation would
provide the Federal Government and the private sector with the tools
needed to help protect our country from the growing cyber threat. It
would promote information sharing, improve the security of the Federal
Government's own networks, enhance research and development programs
and, most important of all, it would help to better secure our Nation's
most critical infrastructure from cyber attack. These are the
powerplants, the pipelines, the water treatment facilities, the
electrical grid, the transportation systems, and the financial networks
upon which Americans rely each and every day.
The fact is the computerized industrial controls that open and close
the valves and switches in our infrastructure are particularly
vulnerable to cyber attack. Indeed, the Internet is under constant
siege on all fronts by nations such as China, Russia, and Iran, by
transnational criminals, by terrorist groups, by activists, and by
persistent hackers. That is why our Nation's top national security and
homeland security leaders from the current and former administrations
have urged us to take legislative action to address this unacceptable
risk to both our national security and our economic prosperity.
Earlier this year, Defense Secretary Leon Panetta described our bill
as ``essential to addressing our Nation's critical infrastructure and
network cyber security vulnerabilities, both of which pose serious
national and economic security risks to our Nation.''
Just last month, the Secretary reiterated his call for Congress to
pass our bill and stress the potential for a cyber attack to cripple
our critical infrastructure in a way that would virtually paralyze this
country.
The Director of National Intelligence, James Clapper, has also
sounded the alarm. He has described the cyber threat as a ``profound
threat to this country, to its future, its economy and its very
being.''
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The warnings have not been confined to officials in the Obama
administration. Former national security officials, including Michael
Chertoff, Michael McConnell, Paul Wolfowitz, Michael Hayden have
written that the cyber threat ``is imminent and . . . represents one of
the most serious challenges to our national security since the onset of
the nuclear age sixty years ago.'' They have urged us to protect the
``infrastructure that controls our electricity, water and sewer,
nuclear plants, communications backbone, energy pipelines, and
financial networks'' with appropriate cyber security standards.
Similarly, in a letter to our colleague, Senator John McCain, GEN
Keith Alexander, the commander of U.S. Cyber Command and the Director
of the National Security Agency, wrote:
Given DOD reliance on certain core critical infrastructure
to execute its mission, as well as the importance of the
Nation's critical infrastructure to our national and economic
security overall, legislation is also needed to ensure that
infrastructure is sufficiently hardened and resilient.
The threats to our infrastructure are not hypothetical; they are
already occurring. For example, while many of the details are
classified, we know multiple natural gas pipeline companies have been
the target of a sophisticated cyber intrusion campaign that has been
ongoing since December of last year.
The cyber threat to our critical infrastructure is also escalating in
its frequency and severity. According to DHS's Industrial Control
Systems Cyber Emergency Response Team, last year, almost 200 cyber
intrusions were reported by critical infrastructure owners and
operators. That is nearly a 400-percent increase from the previous
year, and these are only the intrusions that have been reported to the
Department of Homeland Security. Many go unreported and, even worse,
many owners are not even aware their systems have been compromised.
What would a successful cyber attack on our critical infrastructure
look like? We have just seen recently what a serious storm that leaves
more than 1 million people without power can cause: the loss of life,
the blow to economic activity, the hardship for the elderly, the
nonworking traffic lights that resulted in accidents. Multiply that
impact many times over if there were a sustained cyber attack that
deliberately knocked out our electric grid.
The threat is not just to our national security but also to our
economic edge, to our competitiveness. The rampant cyber theft
targeting the United States by countries such as China has led to the
``greatest transfer of wealth in history,'' according to General
Alexander. You have heard many of us use his quote. Let me give some
specifics of his estimates. He believes American companies have lost
about $250 billion a year through intellectual property theft, $114
billion to theft through cyber crime, and another $274 billion in
downtime the thefts have caused.
In their op-ed earlier this year, former DNI McConnell, former
Homeland Security Secretary Chertoff, and former Deputy Secretary of
Defense Bill Lynn warned that the cost of cyber espionage and theft
``easily means billions of dollars and millions of jobs.'' The threat
of a cyber attack doesn't just go to our national security, critical
though that is. It also directly is a threat to America's ability to
compete, to our economic edge.
In recent years, a growing number of U.S. firms, including
sophisticated firms such as Google, Adobe, Lockheed Martin, RSA, Sony,
NASDAQ, and many others have been hacked by malicious actors. Earlier
this month, the security firm McAfee released a report on a highly
sophisticated cyber intrusion dubbed ``Operation High Roller,'' which
has attempted to steal more than $78 million in fraudulent financial
transfers at at least 60 different financial institutions.
Trade associations have been attacked too. The Chamber of Commerce
was the victim of a cyber attack for many months, blissfully unaware
until informed by the FBI that its membership data was being stolen.
The evidence of our cybersecurity vulnerability is overwhelming. It
compels us to act.
Yesterday 18 experts in national security strongly endorsed the
revised legislation we have introduced. The Aspen Homeland Security
Group, made up of officials from both Republican and Democratic
administrations and chaired by former Secretary Chertoff and former
Congresswoman Jane Harman, urged the Senate to adopt a program of
voluntary cybersecurity standards and strong positive incentives for
critical infrastructure to implement those standards. This group called
for action on our bill, saying:
The country is already being hurt by foreign cyber
intrusions, and the possibility of a devastating cyber attack
is real. Congress must act now.
Mr. President, you have heard some Members of this body say that
somehow this process has been rushed or the bill inadequately
considered. Nothing could be further from the truth. Since 2005--7
years ago--our Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee
alone has held 10 hearings on cybersecurity. Other Senate committees
have also held hearings, for a total of 25 hearings since 2009, not to
mention numerous briefings the Presiding Officer and Senator Mikulski
of Maryland have helped to convene--classified briefings--for any
Member to attend.
In 2010, Chairman Lieberman, Senator Carper, and I introduced our
cybersecurity bill, which was reported by our committee later that same
year. As I indicated, we have been working with Chairman Rockefeller to
merge our bill with legislation he has championed, which was reported
by the Commerce Committee. We have also worked very closely with
Senator Feinstein, an expert on information sharing.
The bill we are urging our colleagues to proceed to today is the
product of these efforts. It also incorporates substantial changes
based on the feedback from the private sector, our colleagues, and the
administration.
This new bill is a good-faith effort to address the concerns raised
by Members on both sides of the aisle by establishing a framework that
relies upon the expertise of government and the innovation of the
private sector. It improves privacy protections that Americans expect
from their government.
It also reflects many concepts proposed by Senators Kyl, Whitehouse--
the Presiding Officer--Blunt, Coats, Graham, Mikulski, Blumenthal, and
Coons. We have revised our bill in a very substantial way. We have
abandoned the approach--which I still believe to be a good idea--of
mandatory standards and, instead, have adopted a voluntary approach to
standards. This is a significant change from our initial bill, and it
was one that was promoted by Senator Kyl's and Senator Whitehouse's
group.
The new version encourages owners of critical infrastructure to
voluntarily adopt the cybersecurity practices in exchange for various
incentives for entities complying with these best practices. This was
also one of the primary recommendations of the House Republican
Cybersecurity Task Force.
These incentives include liability protection against punitive
damages. I, for one, am open to making that a more robust liability
protection. They include the opportunity to receive expedited security
clearances, eligibility for prioritized technical assistance from the
government, and access to timely cyber threat information held by the
government.
These major changes from the approach we initially proposed
demonstrate our willingness to adopt alternatives recommended in good
faith by our colleagues, and we are still open to changes to the bill.
Our bill also includes strong information-sharing provisions that
promote voluntary information sharing within the private sector and the
government, while ensuring that privacy and civil liberties are
protected. And again, we incorporated some suggestions from the
Democratic side of the aisle to strengthen these provisions.
To be sure, more information sharing is essential to improving our
understanding of the risks and threats. But let us be clear: More
information sharing, while absolutely essential, is not sufficient to
ensure our Nation's vital, critical infrastructure is protected. If you
survey the vast majority of experts in this field, they will tell you
that to pass a bill that only provides for more information sharing
does not begin to accomplish the job that must be done
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to better secure our Nation from this threat.
With 85 percent of our Nation's critical infrastructure owned by the
private sector, government obviously must work with the private sector.
Our bill--both our original bill and our revised bill--has always
envisioned a partnership between government and the private sector. We
have a very stringent definition of what constitutes covered critical
infrastructure. It is infrastructure whose disruption could result in
truly catastrophic consequences.
What do I mean by that? I am talking about mass casualties or mass
evacuations or severe degradation of our national security or a serious
blow to our economy. That is the kind of disruption we are talking
about. Obviously those who have claimed that every company or every
part of our infrastructure is going to be considered as critical
infrastructure have not read the definition in our bill.
But here is more evidence of why we must act. A study done in 2011 by
the computer security firm McAfee and CSIS revealed that approximately
40 percent of the companies surveyed--the critical infrastructure
companies--were not regularly patching and updating their software,
despite the fact these safeguards are among the most basic and widely
known cybersecurity risk mitigation practices. We have even found
reports where companies haven't bothered to change the default password
that came with the industrial control software. In many cases, the
control devices used to operate our Nation's most critical
infrastructure are inherently insecure.
A Washington Post special report last month noted that security
researchers found six out of seven control system devices are ``riddled
with hardware and software flaws,'' and that ``some included back doors
that enabled hackers to download passwords or sidestep security
completely.''
Another front-page story in the Post earlier this month highlighted
the fact that as technological advances have allowed everyone from
plant managers to hospital nurses to control their systems remotely via
the Internet, these vital systems have become even more vulnerable to
cyber attacks. To prove the point, the story described how a security
researcher was able to easily steal passwords from a provider that
connects millions of these systems to the Internet.
These examples illustrate that far too many critical infrastructure
owners are not taking even the most basic measures to protect their
systems, and this is simply dangerous and unacceptable to the security
of our country. These basic practices need not be expensive. In most
cases, they are not expensive. And I will tell you, they are a lot less
costly than the consequences of a breach, not to mention a major cyber
attack.
A recent report by Verizon, the Secret Service, and other
international law enforcement agencies analyzed 855 data breaches and
found that 96 were not difficult to pull off and 97 percent of them
could have been prevented through fairly simple and inexpensive means.
The point is, we must act, and we must act now. We cannot afford to
wait for a cyber 9/11 before taking action on this legislation.
In all the years I have been working to identify vulnerabilities
facing our country in the area of homeland security, I cannot identify
another area where I believe the threat is greater and that we have
done less.
I urge my colleagues to listen to the wisdom of former Homeland
Security Secretary Michael Chertoff and former NSA Chief General
Hayden. They wrote the following:
We carry the burden of knowing that 9/11 might have been
averted with the intelligence that existed at the time. We do
not want to be in the same position again when ``cyber 9/11''
hits--it is not a question of ``whether'' this will happen;
it is a question of ``when.''
And this time all the dots have been connected. This time we know
that attacks are occurring against our Internet systems and cyber
systems each and every day. This time the warnings from all across the
board are loud and clear. I urge our colleagues to heed these warnings
and to support the motion to proceed to the cybersecurity bill.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Connecticut.
Mr. LIEBERMAN. Mr. President, I thank my dear friend, the ranking
member on the Homeland Security Committee, for her excellent and
thoughtful statement. I thank Senator Rockefeller, the chair of the
Commerce Committee, for his compelling statement on behalf of
proceeding and, of course, on behalf of the underlying bill. I think
these two statements set the table for the debate that will follow in
the next several days.
Within the next day or two, certainly no later than Friday, we will
vote on the motion to proceed to the Cybersecurity Act of 2012. I
appeal to our colleagues to come together across party lines and vote
to proceed, as a way of saying that we recognize exactly what Senator
Rockefeller and Senator Collins have said: We have a problem here. We
are vulnerable to cyber attack. It is not just speculative. We are
being attacked. We are being robbed every day through cyberspace. And
we are not adequately defended. It is as simple as that.
Part of the problem, as my colleagues have said, in the challenge is
that 80 to 85 percent of our critical infrastructure in this country is
privately owned. That is the American way. That is the way it ought to
be. But that privately owned infrastructure is vulnerable now to attack
by our enemies, and we have to work together--public and private
owners, Republicans and Democrats, liberals and conservatives,
Americans all--to figure out a way to say to the private owners of
critical cyber infrastructure, You have got to do more to protect our
security, to protect our prosperity. And that is what this bill is all
about.
My colleagues have described the challenge, the inadequacy of the
current defenses, the work that has been done on our bill, the
compromises that have been made all along the way. I thank the
Presiding Officer, the Senator from Rhode Island, Senator Whitehouse,
and Senator Kyl from Arizona and the others who worked on a bipartisan
basis to help us find common ground.
This question of cybersecurity is, again, a test of whether this
great deliberative body still has the capability to come together and
solve our Nation's most serious problems.
We had a couple of votes today. I suppose some people could say they
were show votes. I took them seriously. But they all involved the
terrible fiscal shape our country is in, $16 trillion in national debt.
Earlier in my life I couldn't believe we could come to this point. And
why have we? Because we haven't been willing to make tough decisions.
We haven't been willing to work across party lines to do some things
that might be politically controversial to fix a problem we have. So
the problem gets tougher and tougher to fix. This is another one.
Usually, even in the most partisan and ideologically rigid times,
when it comes to our national security we put our party labels aside
and our party loyalties aside, and we have acted based on our loyalty
to our country--to the oath of office we took to protect and defend not
our ideology or our party but to protect and defend the Constitution of
the United States, our freedom. That is as much in jeopardy from cyber
attack as any other source of threat to our country.
I appreciate the opening statements that have been made. I am
actually very optimistic about the vote on the motion to proceed that
will occur in the next day or two, and I am increasingly hopeful we are
going to pass, before we break for August, a strong cybersecurity bill.
It is not going to be the bill Senator Collins, Senator Rockefeller,
Senator Feinstein, and I started out with. We have compromised along
the way.
I have in my office in a very prominent place a picture of two of
Connecticut's representatives to the Constitutional Convention, Sherman
and Ellsworth. I have it there because these two were the creators, the
source of the so-called Connecticut Compromise. Some people erroneously
refer to it as the Great Compromise. The correct title is the
Connecticut Compromise. This was the conflict between the States that
had a lot of population and the smaller States, how were they going to
be represented in this new Congress. Sherman and Ellsworth came up with
a great compromise: We will
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have one body--the Senate--where every State has two representatives,
and another body--the House--where you are represented by population.
I always like to say to people, the very institution we are
privileged to be Members of was created as a result of a compromise.
Generally speaking, in this Congress--which represents 310 million
people, extraordinarily diverse in every way--you can't succeed here,
we can't get things done if people say, I must get 100 percent of what
I want on this bill or I am going to vote against it.
That is the way we have felt and that is why we have compromised,
particularly because of the urgency of the cyber threat, which is real,
present, and growing.
Senator Collins and I have felt very strongly, we want to get
something started. It can't just be anything, it has to be real. S.
3414 is real. It will be effective. The standards are no longer
mandatory, but there are enough incentives in here. And the very fact
that there will be standards, private sector generated but approved by
a governmental body, I think will create tremendous inducements--yes,
maybe even pressure--on CEOs and private operators of critical cyber
infrastructure to adopt those standards and implement them in their
business or else, God forbid, in case of attack, they will be subject
to enormous, probably a corporation-ending, liability.
I am very encouraged, thanks again to a lot of good work done by a
lot of people, that we have started today, the lead sponsors of the
other bill, SECURE IT, the lead sponsors of this bill, the
Cybersecurity Act of 2012, and the group that has been working so hard,
a bipartisan group, to bring us together. We did come together today.
We are going to meet again tomorrow morning, and I think we are
involved in a collaborative process that will not only lead to the
passage of cybersecurity legislation this year that will be effective
to protect our national security and prosperity but will in its way
prove to the American people that we are still capable here in the
Senate of coming together across party lines to fix a problem--in this
case, to protect our great country.
With that, and knowing we will be back tomorrow, I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Minnesota.
Mr. FRANKEN. Mr. President, I plan to speak on cybersecurity
tomorrow. I thank Chairman Lieberman, Chairman Rockefeller, Chairman
Feinstein, and Senator Collins for their work on this very important
issue, and also all the other Senators who have worked so hard on this,
including the Presiding Officer.
I ask unanimous consent to speak this evening as in morning business.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Remembering the Victims of Aurora, CO
Mr. FRANKEN. Mr. President, I rise today to talk about loss. I know I
speak for all Minnesotans when I say how shocked and saddened we have
been by the loss of life in Colorado. Our hearts go out to the families
and friends of those who died, and to those who were wounded in that
massacre. Anyone who has watched reports can only feel outrage or
profound sadness.
So many of those who died were so young. A number died so heroically,
shielding a loved one from the madman's bullets. So much grief, so much
suffering is unspeakable. The one hopeful lesson we can draw from this
tragedy comes from the stories of courage and selflessness we have
heard about those who were in the theater, the first responders, and
the outpouring from the community of Aurora and the rest of the Nation.
Minnesota unfortunately has also seen its share of senseless
violence. It is something no State is immune to. Hopefully, out of this
tragedy we can draw lessons that will make these kinds of tragedies far
less common.
Remembering Tom Davis
Today I come to the floor to talk about a personal loss to me and to
so many of his friends and family and fans--a Minnesotan who brought so
much laughter and so much joy to his fellow Minnesotans and to millions
and millions of Americans. My friend Tom Davis died last Thursday after
he was diagnosed 3 years ago with cancer.
I had the privilege to be Tom's comedy partner and best friend for
over 20 years. We started working together in high school in Minnesota
and did standup together for years, and were among two of the original
writers for ``Saturday Night Live.''
I spoke with Tom's mom Jean last Thursday, not long after Tom died.
She told me how fondly she remembered the laughter that came from the
basement when Tom and I started writing together in high school over 40
years ago. That is what I remember about Tom, his laughter.
I last saw Tom about 2 weeks ago at his home in Hudson, NY. Dan
Aykroyd, who collaborated so often with Tom, was there too with his
wife Donna and Tom's wife Mimi. We laughed and laughed.
Tom's humor was always sardonic, and as you might expect, it was a
little more sardonic that day than usual. But his humor also had a
sweetness about it. We laughed. But Tom told us that he was ready to
go. He faced death with great humor and courage.
Tom created laughter. The obituary cited Tom's body of work--some of
it. He and Dan Aykroyd created the Coneheads. Tom was the key
collaborator with Bill Murray on Nick the Lounge Singer, and on and on
and on. This started an outpouring of blogging on the Internet--people
writing about Tom and the laughs he brought them. I was happy to see
him get his due. People called him an original. He was. They called him
a brilliant comedian. He was.
Since last Thursday, I have been hearing from our friends and
colleagues, how Tom's voice was unique, how so often his stuff came
seemingly from out of nowhere, how Tom had come up with the biggest
laugh of the season in the rewrite of this sketch or that one or how
Tom had been the first to nail Ed McMahon's attitude when he and I did
Khomeini the Magnificent, and how Tom was such a loyal and generous
friend.
People would always ask me and Tom what our favorite moment was from
``Saturday Night Live.'' We worked on so many sketches that it was
impossible to single anything out. Both of us would always say our
favorite memory was rolling on the floor--the 17th floor at 30 Rock--
rolling on the floor, laughing at 2:00 in the morning or 3:00 in the
morning at something that someone wrote or at a character someone had
just invented. This was that moment of creation. There was the laugh at
whatever it was that one of us had come up with, combined with the joy
that you knew you had something.
This is your job. Woody Allen once said that writing comedy is either
easy or impossible. When it is impossible, it can be agony. When it is
easy, when you are laughing and rolling on the floor--literally, when
Danny, Billy, Belushi, Gilda, Dana Carvey, Jim Downey, Conan O'Brien,
or Steve Martin or any of the many hilarious people whom we had the
privilege to work with would come up with something that made us
explode with laughter and roll there on the 17th floor, that was just
pure joy.
Tom was an improvisational genius. The first public stage we
performed at was Dudley Riggs' Brave New Workshop in Minneapolis.
Dudley's was essentially the Minneapolis version of Second City, based
on the same improvisational techniques. When Tom and I were in high
school, we did standup there. But while I went off to college, Tom
joined the company at Dudley's, and when I came back, I saw that he had
mastered improv and mastered it hilariously.
Now, as a writing team, Tom and I brought different strengths to our
craft. Sometimes we would get stuck, and Tom would find an object. The
third year of SNL, Tom and I were watching TV, and we saw Julia Child
cut herself while doing a cooking segment on, I believe, the ``Today
Show.'' So we wrote a sketch that Danny performed brilliantly that is
now known as ``Julia Child Bleeding to Death.'' The sketch worked so
well that when they installed the Julia Child exhibit at the National
Museum of American History, in addition to her TV kitchen set--I
believe this was at her insistence because she loved it so much--they
included a monitor with the sketch of her bleeding to death on
``Saturday Night Live.''
When Tom and I were writing the sketch, we could not find an ending,
and Tom found an object--the phone. The phone hanging on the wall of
Julia Child's cooking set. I don't actually
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think there was one; Tom just found it. That is something improv
artists do when they are on the stage, they find objects to work with.
So Danny, as Julia Child in the sketch, is spurting blood, and Julia is
trying everything to explain how to make a tourniquet out of a chicken
bone and a dish towel or how to use chicken liver as a natural
coagulant, and nothing is working. She is losing blood. So, in
desperation, she sees the phone on the wall, and turning to it, she
says, ``Always have the emergency number written down on the phone. Oh,
it isn't. Well, I know it. It's 911.'' She dials 9-1-1 and realizes it
is a prop phone and throws it down sort of in disgust and starts to get
woozy and rambles on about eating chopped chicken liver on Ritz
crackers as a child. Finally she collapses, and as she is about to die,
she says, ``Save the liver.''
It was a tour de force by Danny. When I was with Danny and Tom a
couple of weeks ago, we started talking about this somehow, and Danny
says he remembers me there under the counter pumping the blood. Only I
wasn't the one pumping the blood; it was Tom. I remember that was
something of a union issue because that is a special effect, pumping
blood, pumping the blood to get exactly the right pressure so that
Danny could release the spurts at precisely the right time.
Now, every once in a while, the special effects guy or the sound
effects guy would let a writer do the effects because it was all about
the comedic timing. Also, they liked Tom. Everybody liked Tom. The
special effects guy knew that Tom knew exactly what to do, and it was
all about teamwork with Danny, who was also controlling the spurting
when Tom was controlling the pressure. Man, it was hilarious.
Now, this is live TV. We did hundreds and hundreds of sketches
together, a lot of stuff that was just so stupid that it was funny. We
just had so much fun. Tom and I toured together all over the country. I
told Senator Mike Johanns, my colleague and friend from Nebraska, that
Tom and I played Chadron State twice. And last week we had a witness in
Judiciary whom Senator Sessions introduced from Anniston, AL, where Tom
and I played. We did a gig to six students in Huron, SD, because they
booked us by mistake during spring break and there were just six
students there. There were five members of the basketball team who
couldn't afford to go back east for the break. The sixth guy had been
grounded because he had gotten caught smoking pot freshman year and
they wouldn't let him leave campus except during summer vacation. I
think this was his junior year. I think Tom and I played 45 States.
When we flew, we always booked ourselves in aisle seats across from
each other, C and D seats, so we could talk to each other. Tom would
always get on first and find our row, and if there was a pretty girl in
the middle seat of one side, he would sit next to her, and I would sit
next to the fat, sweaty guy in the mesh shirt, which, by the way, I
think should not be allowed on planes. I plan to introduce legislation
on that.
This went on for years. Tom would board first, get to a row, and take
the aisle seat next to an attractive woman or quiet-looking, slender
man, and I would sit next to the large loud guy who looked like he
wanted to talk through the entire flight. I thought, what a
coincidence, Tom's aisle seat is always next to the more desirable
seatmate. Finally I checked my ticket stub, and I saw that Tom had
taken my seat. That is when I realized he had been doing this for
years. He said: Yeah, I was just waiting for you to figure it out. Now,
I really had to blame myself. Tom had played me, and it was my fault
for being a kind of trusting idiot.
Tom saved my butt on occasion. We used to go camping and fishing up
in the Boundary Waters of the wilderness area between northern
Minnesota and Canada. Tom was expert with a canoe, and I wasn't. I
really wasn't. Once, we went up there in October. It was kind of cold,
but we were catching a lot of walleye and having a great time. There
were three of us--me, Tom, and our friend Jeff Frederick. We had put in
for just one canoe.
On the third evening I decided to fish from this point near our
campsite on this island. I cast out and got my line caught in
something, so I decided to go out alone in the canoe and untangle the
line. So I am paddling out, and I get caught in this current and start
getting carried away from the island we were camped on, and I start
calling for help. Now, we are in the Quetico wilderness in Canada in
October. We had not seen another human being in the 3 days we had been
there. So Tom and Jeff come running and yelling and cursing at me
because if I didn't make it back with the canoe, they were pretty much
stuck on this island for the winter, and I am probably dead because I
have no gear, nothing, just the paddle, which isn't doing me any good
at this point. This is where Tom's improvisational skills came in
really handy because he talked me back. He was screaming and cursing,
but he talked me out of the current that was carrying me away to my
certain death, and I was able to circle back and get to the point--
exhausted but so relieved. Maybe that is why I cut him some slack when
he played me on the aisle seats years later.
Now, speaking of cold, Tom and I were huge Vikings fans. We would go
to the old Metropolitan Stadium during the Bud Grant years when Grant
would not allow heaters on the side lines even when it was below zero.
I once asked Bud Grant why he did that, and he said: There are certain
things people can do when they are cold.
Tom and I were there on a very cold winter afternoon at the Vikings-
Cowboys playoff game, the one where Roger Staubach threw the Hail Mary
that Drew Pearson pushed off on and caught for a touchdown--and he did
push off. Senator Hutchison and Senator Cornyn need to go back to the
videotape. Drew Pearson pushed off. It was offensive pass interference,
and the Vikings should have won that game and gone to the Super Bowl.
That is how I saw it, that is how Tom saw it, and that is how the fan
who threw the whiskey bottle from the bleachers and knocked the ref out
saw it. Tom and I both saw the bottle glinting in the cold winter Sun
as it arced from the bleachers. We were stunned when it hit the ref
right in the forehead. That was not Minnesota nice.
Tom and I suffered through four Super Bowl losses and through last
season. As sick as he was, Tom watched our Vikings and complained
bitterly to me on the phone later on Sunday.
Tom and I went to a lot of Grateful Dead shows together--more than
even Senator Leahy. Tom and I went to a lot of New Year's Eve Dead
shows. This year I went up to New York to celebrate New Year's with Tom
and Mimi at their home. We knew this would probably be his last, and at
midnight we turned on the Dead and we danced.
Now, unlike me, Tom became an accomplished guitarist, and he could
sit in with rock or blues bands. Tom was a terrible student in high
school, but the fact is he was a renaissance man. He loved to read
history, philosophy, and fiction. He devoted a lot of his last years to
his art, sculpting solely from found objects from the creek that ran by
his house in upstate New York.
Tom was an original. Some time ago, Tom and I talked about writing
something for this occasion, but about a year or so ago he wrote a
piece for a literary magazine that, to me, said what needed to be said.
It was Tom and his take on what he was facing. It is called ``The Dark
Side of Death.'' I decided to read from it, with a few edits for the
Senate floor, and I ask that the piece in its entirety, with some other
edits, be printed in the Record at the conclusion of my remarks.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection it is so ordered.
(See exhibit 1.)
Mr. FRANKEN. ``The Dark Side of Death'' by Tom Davis.
The good news: my chemotherapy is working and I'm still
buying green bananas. I've lost about 50 pounds. (I need to
lose 49.) . . . False hope is my enemy, also self pity, which
went out the window when I saw children with cancer. I try to
embrace the inevitable with whatever grace I can muster, and
find the joy in each day. I've always been good at that, but
now I'm getting really good at that.
I wake up in the morning, delighted to be waking up, read,
write, feed the birds, watch sports on TV, accepting the fact
that in the foreseeable future I will be a dead person. I
want to remind you that dead people are people too. There are
good dead people and bad dead people. Some of my best friends
are dead people. Dead people have fought in every war. We are
all going to try it sometime.
[[Page S5366]]
Fortunately for me, I have always enjoyed mystery and
solitude.
Many people in my situation say, ``It's been my worst and
best year.'' If that sounds like a cliche, you don't have
cancer. On the plus side, I am grateful to have gained real,
not just intellectual empathy. I was prepared to go through
life without having suffered, and I was doing a good job of
it. Now I know what it's like to starve. And to accept ``that
over which I have no control,'' I had to turn inward. People
from all over my life are reconnecting with me, and I've
tried to take responsibility for my deeds, good and bad.
I think I've finally grown up.
It is odd to have so much time to orchestrate the process
of my own death. I'm improvising. I've never done this
before, so far as I know. Ironically, I will probably outlive
one or two people to whom I've already said goodbye. My life
has been rife with irony; why stop now?
As an old-school Malthusian liberal, I've always believed
that the source of all mankind's problems is overpopulation.
I'm finally going to do something about it.
Tom faced death with humor and courage.
Rest in peace.
Exhibit 1
The Dark Side of Death
(By Tom Davis).
The good news: my chemotherapy is working and I'm still
buying green bananas.
The bad news: two years ago, before we knew it as MDD
(Michael Douglas Disease), I was diagnosed with tonsorial
squamous cell carcinoma, a/k/a head and neck cancer. After
surgery, I elected to go with radiation therapy sans
complementary chemo, which was probably a big mistake. The
malignancy unexpectedly spread to the bones of my pelvis and
lower spine, where it has been munching away without thought
of its host's well-being. It's now described as ``exotic and
aggressive,'' but it's getting its cancerous ass kicked by
taxotere, a drug that imitates the chemistry of the European
Yew tree. Made in China, of course. I'll be using it, or a
related drug ``for the rest of my life,'' which could be as
long as two more high-quality-of-life years. I'd be thrilled
with that.
There are side effects, the two weirdest being a ``recall
effect,'' in which radiation sores reappear, and neuropathy
in my fingernails, which are in the unpleasant process of
falling off. Ow. I've lost hair from all over my body. With
only a little bit of white fluff on my head, I visited my
mother, who suffers from Alzheimer's disease in Minneapolis.
``Now I want you to take all your medicine and your hair
will grow back,'' she said cheerfully. ``I think you look a
little like that bird Woodstock in Peanuts.'' I'll take that;
better than Uncle Fester.
My old comedy partner (Senator) Al Franken, volunteered to
draw my hair back on with a magic marker, which would be
funny for about two days. We're planning to write something
for him to read once I de-animate, the final Franken and
Davis piece. We'll see. Typically, we would wait until the
last minute.
I've lost about 50 pounds. (I needed to lose 49.) It's
great to wear jeans from the 70s, although I remember making
a few people laugh when I said I would save them in case I
got cancer. Once, in the early eighties, Franken and Davis
appeared on the David Letterman Show as ``The Comedy Team
that Weighs the Same,'' a piece so stupid it was really
funny. We dressed in bathrobes and Speedos for the final
weigh-in on a huge scale. David asked if any other comedy
team had weighed the same, and I said ``Laurel and Hardy, but
only near the end of Ollie's life,'' which got a good groan
laugh. Maybe I tempted fate a little too often.
My grocer at the Claverack Market, Ted the Elder, recently
asked if I had heard that there are two stages in life:
``youth,'' and ``you look great.'' Wish I'd thought of that.
Several close friends have asked if I was aware of
alternative medicines, therapies, protocols, doctors,
clinics, and books. One offered personal testimony. His colon
cancer was supposed to have killed him several years ago. He
attributes his survival to an exclusive diet of blueberry
smoothies.
My fear is not death; my fear is spending my last years
slurping blueberry, whey and soy powder shakes in a rock star
hospital in Houston, surrounded by strangers. No.
False hope is my enemy, also self pity, which went out the
window when I saw children with cancer. I try to embrace the
inevitable with whatever grace I can muster, and find the joy
in each day. I've always been good at that, but now I'm
getting really good at it.
I wake up in the morning, delighted to be waking up, read,
write, feed the birds, watch sports on TV, accepting the fact
that in the foreseeable future I will be a dead person. I
want to remind you that dead people are people too. There are
good dead people and bad dead people. Some of my best friends
are dead people. Dead people have fought in every war. We're
all going to try it sometime.
Fortunately for me, I have always enjoyed mystery and
solitude.
Many people in my situation say, ``It's been my worst and
best year.'' If that sounds like a cliche, you don't have
cancer. On the plus side, I am grateful to have gained real,
not just intellectual empathy. I was prepared to go through
life without having suffered, and I was doing a good job of
it. Now I know what it's like to starve. And to accept ``that
over which I have no control,'' I had to turn inward. People
from all over my life are reconnecting with me, and I've
tried to take responsibility for my deeds, good and bad. As
my friend Timothy Leary said in his book, Death by Design,
``Even if you've been a complete slob your whole life, if you
can end the last act with panache, that's what they'll
remember.''
I think I've finally grown up.
It is odd to have so much time to orchestrate the process
of my own death. I'm improvising. I've never done this
before, so far as I know. Ironically, I probably will outlive
one or two people to whom I've already said goodbye. My life
has been rife with irony; why stop now?
As an old-school Malthusian liberal, I've always believed
that the source of all mankind's problems is overpopulation.
I'm finally going to do something about it.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Iowa.
The Farm Bill
Mr. GRASSLEY. Mr. President, the Senate passed a farm bill a few
weeks ago--a pretty good farm bill. The House Agriculture Committee has
reported out of its committee a farm bill, and now the discussion of
whether we have a farm bill is a decision to be made by the leadership
of the House, of whether a farm bill should come up. So I wish to speak
about the necessity of a farm and nutrition bill being passed.
It is called a farm and nutrition bill because about 80 percent of a
farm bill's expenditures are related to the food stamp program. If we
can get this bill completed and to the President's desk, it will be the
eighth farm bill I have had a chance to participate in.
Every 5 years or so, Congress debates, changes, argues over, and
ultimately passes a farm and nutrition bill--not always of that title
but pretty much of that content. This time should be no different. We
need to get the job done. I understand there are folks who want to see
more cuts here or there, and there are folks who want to spend more
here or there. Those are very important discussions to have. We should
have a healthy debate on how to tweak, reform, and reshape the policies
in the bill, whether it is in regard to programs affecting farmers or
the portion of the bill that receives the overwhelming share of the
dollars, as I said, the nutrition title.
We had those debates in the Senate Agriculture Committee. We had
those debates on the Senate floor. The House Agriculture Committee has
had those debates. Now I hope their product can be brought up on the
Senate floor. In fact, I am more than happy to debate these various
issues with some of my friends on the House Agriculture Committee--why
setting high target prices, as they did, is the wrong direction for
Congress to take and how the House should adopt the payment limit
reforms the Senate has embraced, provisions of the farm bill in the
Senate that I got included. I am sure many on the House Agriculture
Committee would be more than happy to debate with me the merits of
having a more balanced approach to where we find savings in the bill by
taking an equal portion from the nutrition title and the farm-related
titles. We should find more savings for sure than what is contained in
the Senate-passed farm bill, including saving more out of the nutrition
title, as the House Agriculture Committee has been able to do.
But the fact is we have to keep moving the ball forward, regardless
of how we feel about all these separate parts of a farm bill. We need
to get to finality. We have a drought gripping this Nation and that is
going to be tough on Americans. It is going to affect every American,
not just the 2 percent of the people who are farmers, because it is
going to cause food prices to go up. But the drought has drawn into
focus just how important our farmers are to our food supply.
Americans enjoy a safe and abundant food supply. That is because of
the hard work and dedication of so many farming families throughout our
country. Sometimes weather conditions or other events outside farmers'
control can make it difficult to keep farming. Farmers aren't looking
for a handout, but when faced with conditions such as a near-historic
drought, many farmers may need assistance to get through. Men and women
go into farming for all sorts of reasons, but at the heart of farming
is the desire to be successful at producing an abundant crop to feed
the Nation and the world.
Farmers have many tools to manage their risks so they can keep
producing food. They have adopted advanced
[[Page S5367]]
technology such as drought-resistant crops. Farmers buy crop insurance.
In my State of Iowa, about 92 percent of the farmers have crop
insurance. Livestock farmers help animals manage heat by building
climate-controlled buildings. But when faced with weather conditions
such as we are currently dealing with, even the best laid plans may not
keep the farming operation afloat. That is where the Federal Government
comes in. We help provide a safety net.
Let me say just how that drought affects crops. I just read in the
newspaper something put out by some government agency that said about
55 percent of the landmass of the United States is in a drought
condition right now. In my State of Iowa and many other Midwestern
States, on an average of about 22 years, we face drought situations
that are catastrophic for crops. Actually, the last one was in 1988, so
now we are having one in my State of Iowa and that is 24 years. But, on
average, it happens about that long. So we see the need for something
that is beyond farmers' control. We can't do anything if it doesn't
rain when it is supposed to rain, and right now is one of those most
important times when crops need rain. So why do we provide the safety
net? Because the American people understand how important the
production of food is to our food supply and farmers doing that
production.
It is a matter of national security. It has been said we are only
nine meals away from a revolution. If people were without food, this
argument goes, they would do whatever it takes to get food for
themselves and their families. It has only been 3 years, I believe, in
some places in the world where they had riots that were national
problems--not just local problems but national problems--because of a
shortage of rice. That is a staple in many countries; I suppose
particularly of Asia. So we have to have a stable food supply if we are
not going to have social upheaval.
The need for food can also be illustrated by looking at military
history. In other words, a food supply is very important for our
national security. It may be a joke, but Napoleon supposedly said ``an
army marches on its stomachs.'' But we also know from modern history,
if we consider World War II on this very day, 60 or 70 years after
World War II, why the Japanese and the Germans protect their farmers so
much with safety nets of various sorts. Because they know what it was
like during wartime not to have adequate food as a part of national
security. A well-fed military is one ready to fight and to defend.
There is nothing more basic than making sure the Nation's food supply
is secure, whether it is to prevent social upheaval or for our national
security or maybe for a lot of other reasons. In order to have
stability in our food system, we need to have the safety net available
to assist farmers through the tough times so they can keep producing
food.
I have not always agreed with the policies set in each and every farm
bill Congress has passed--of the eight I have been involved in. In
fact, there have been times in which I voted against individual farm
bills because I didn't agree with the policy being set. However, I
support, to a large extent, what we accomplished in the Senate-passed
farm bill last month. Obviously, I didn't agree with everything,
particularly with the lack of savings we captured from the nutrition
title. But, for the most part, we passed a bill that embraced real
reform in the farm program that still provides an effective safety net.
Whether it is the Senate bill that cut back $23 billion from the
present farm program or whether it is the House bill that seems to cut
back $35 billion, I will bet this is the only piece of legislation that
can possibly get to the President's desk this year that is going to
save money rather than if it had just been simply extended. I would
think people who want to set a record of fiscal conservatism for the
upcoming election would be very anxious to take up a bill the
Congressional Budget Office says saves either $23 billion or $35
billion.
So I say mostly to the other body, because right now that is where
the action is and where we hope it will take place, we should not delay
any longer. The farm bill is too important to all Americans to leave it
in limbo. We need to get a farm bill to the President. The farm bill is
approximately 80 percent nutrition programs. Most of the people who
benefit are not farmers. Then, the other 20 percent is a safety net for
farmers but also for all the programs the Department of Agriculture
administers.
I yield the floor and suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. WHITEHOUSE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Begich). Without objection, it is so
ordered.
Mr. WHITEHOUSE. Mr. President, before I go into the closing business,
let me say I had the pleasure of presiding in this body during the
remarks that were just made by the distinguished chairman of the
Homeland Security Committee, Senator Lieberman of Connecticut, the
distinguished ranking member of that committee, Senator Collins of
Maine, and the distinguished chairman of the Commerce Committee and,
until recently, chairman of the Intelligence Committee, Senator
Rockefeller of West Virginia.
I simply want, briefly, to add my voice to theirs and echo the three
points they emphasized: One, we absolutely must take action on
cybersecurity; two, it is a genuine and undeniable matter of our
American national security; and, three, we cannot claim to have done
the job, we cannot claim to even have attempted the job seriously if we
do not address the question of the critical infrastructure on which
American life and our economy depend that is in private hands and,
therefore, cannot be protected under the existing regime in place
protecting our government and military networks. We have to solve that
problem. Anything that does not solve that problem is a clear failure
of our duty, as national security experts from Republican and
Democratic administrations alike have very clearly explained.
____________________