[Congressional Record Volume 158, Number 110 (Monday, July 23, 2012)]
[Senate]
[Pages S5250-S5251]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
Aurora, Colorado Shootings
Mr. GRASSLEY. Mr. President, it was a very sad weekend and will be
for a long period of time in Aurora, CO. I heard the remarks of the
majority and minority leaders today expressing condolence for the
victims and their families. I wish to associate myself with those
remarks and offer my condolences to all the people of Aurora but
particularly to those who have deceased family members and those who
are hospitalized because of this tragic event that happened there.
Mr. President, I support the nomination of Michael A. Shipp to be
U.S. district judge for the District of New Jersey, currently serving
as a U.S. magistrate and coming out of committee on voice vote. I am
not aware of any controversy regarding this nominee, and I expect he
will be confirmed with an overwhelming vote.
There has been a bit of discussion regarding whether the cloture vote
that had been scheduled on today's nominee was some sort of escalation
of Presidential election politics or an indication of a partisan fight
over judicial confirmations. Those are raised as speculation or
misreading what is happening in the Senate. The fact is that the
cloture vote, which is now vitiated, had nothing to do with the
judicial confirmation process in general or this nominee in particular.
There is, unfortunately, an element of partisan gridlock that is
affecting this nomination, but it is not because of a Republican desire
to block this nominee or to shut down the Senate floor. Republicans, in
fact, have been demanding more access to the Senate floor. That
gridlock is the majority leader's tactics to block amendments on the
Senate floor.
Time after time the majority uses parliamentary procedure to prohibit
amendments, block votes, and deny or limit debate. For example, last
Thursday the Republican leader asked the majority leader if the
anticipated business coming before the Senate, the Stabenow-Obama
campaign tax bill, would be open for amendment. The majority leader
responded that would be ``very doubtful.'' These actions, although they
may be permitted by Senate rules, are contrary to the spirit of the
Senate.
Certainly we are far from being the world's greatest deliberative
body at this time. So when a Senator who seeks a vote on his amendment
is stymied time after time, it is not surprising that the Senator would
use Senator rules and procedures to bring pressure on the majority
leader for a vote--in other words, to do exactly what the Senate was
set up under the Constitution to do. There is a bit of sad irony that
Senators who are facing obstructionism are the ones who are labeled
obstructionist when they are persistent in trying to bring a matter to
a vote, which is customary in the Senate.
Unfortunately, we are now seeing this obstructionism strategy creep
into committee activity as well. Again, last Thursday the Judiciary
Committee marked up an important national security bill. The bill was
open to amendment but apparently only amendments the chairman agreed
with. In the Judiciary Committee, we have a longstanding practice of
voting up or down on difficult, controversial issues. What happened
last week undermined the responsibility of the committee to debate and
address important issues--in this case, national security. The
Judiciary Committee is a forum for these debates.
The bill that was on the agenda is one of the few vehicles that will
likely be passed before the end of the year, so it was an important and
appropriate vehicle for addressing such issues once the chairman opened
the amendment process by adopting his own substitute amendment.
Instead, the partisan gridlock, driven by the majority leader's tactics
to block amendments on the Senate floor, has now spread to the
committee level with made-up germaneness rules and tabling motions
forced on amendments, some of which had received bipartisan support
from members of the Judiciary Committee in the past. The only
conclusion that can be drawn is that the Senate majority leadership
wants to protect its members at every step of the legislative process
from having to make difficult votes, and the majority leadership will
employ any procedure it can to duck debates and to govern.
Even as we turn to the 154th nominee of this President to be
confirmed to the district or circuit courts, we continue to hear
unsubstantiated charges of obstructionism. The fact is we have
confirmed over 78 percent of President Obama's district nominees. At
this point in his Presidency, 75 percent of President Bush's nominees
had been confirmed. President Obama, in other words, is running ahead
of President Bush on district confirmations as a percentage.
I continue to hear some of my colleagues repeatedly ask the question:
What is different about this President that he is to be treated
differently than all of these other Presidents? I won't speculate as to
any inference that might be intended by that question, but I can tell
you that this President is not being treated differently than previous
Presidents. By any objective measure, this President has been treated
fairly and consistently with past Senate practices.
As I stated, as a percentage of nominations, this President is
running ahead of the previous President with regard to the number of
confirmations. Let me put that in perspective for my colleagues with an
apples-to-apples comparison. As I mentioned, we have confirmed 153
district and circuit nominees of this President. We have also confirmed
two Supreme Court nominees. Everyone understands that the Supreme Court
nominations take a great deal of committee time. The last time the
Senate confirmed two Supreme Court nominees was during President Bush's
second term, and during that term the Senate confirmed a total of 119
district and circuit court nominees. With Judge Shipp's confirmation
today--which I support and which I think will be confirmed almost
unanimously--we will have confirmed 35 more district and circuit court
nominees for President Obama than we did for President Bush in similar
circumstances.
During the last Presidential election, 2008, the Senate confirmed a
total of 28 judges--24 district and 4 circuit. This Presidential
election year we have already exceeded those numbers. We have confirmed
5 circuit nominees, and this will be the 27th district judge confirmed.
Judge Shipp received his B.S. from Rutgers University in 1987 and his
J.D. from the Seton Hall University School of Law in 1994. Upon
graduation, he clerked for the Honorable James H. Colman, Jr., a
justice on the Supreme Court of New Jersey. After his clerkship, Judge
Shipp joined Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom LLP as a litigation
associate. There, he worked in general litigation matters, handling
labor and employment work. He also developed an expertise in mass tort
law and products liability litigation.
In 2003, Judge Shipp became an assistant attorney general in charge
of
[[Page S5251]]
consumer protection with the Department of Law and Public Safety of New
Jersey. There, he managed five practice groups: consumer fraud
prosecution, insurance fraud prosecution (civil), securities fraud
prosecution, professional boards prosecution, and debt recovery. He
supervised approximately 80 deputy attorneys general. In 2005, he was
promoted to the Attorney General's front office. There, he acted as an
advisor to the Attorney General on sensitive legal matters related to
ethics and appointments.
In 2007, Judge Shipp was appointed as a United States magistrate
judge for the District of New Jersey. As a magistrate judge he presides
over civil and criminal pre-trial proceedings. He also presides over
civil trials, with the consent of the parties. The ABA Standing
Committee on the Federal Judiciary gave Judge Shipp a rating of
substantial majority ``Qualified,'' minority ``Not Qualified.''
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak for 1
minute.
Mr. GRASSLEY. I ask unanimous consent to have 1 minute, then, too.
Mr. LEAHY. I have no objection. In fact, I will give a courtesy to
the Senator from Iowa that he did not give to me, and I will be happy
to yield 1 minute.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? Without objection, it is
so ordered.
Mr. LEAHY. Usually, Mr. President, it has been my experience that in
37 years in this Senate, as the second most senior Member here, if a
Senator wants to come and attack another Senator, they have the
courtesy of giving him notice before they do. I am sorry my friend from
Iowa didn't follow the normal courtesy.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Iowa.
Mr. GRASSLEY. Mr. President, for my 1 minute I will respond simply to
that by saying that I am talking about the institution of the Senate
and not one single Senator personally.
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, how much time do I have remaining?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator has 25 seconds.
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I yield to no Member of this body in the
fact that I uphold not only the rules but the courtesies of this
Senate. As chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, I have never cut
off a Member of the other party who wished to speak, unlike some of the
procedures they followed when they held the chair. I have never refused
to have a Member of the other party bring up an amendment, contrary to
the procedures they followed when they chaired it.
I believe in the Senate. I believe in the rules of the Senate, but
especially I believe in the comity that Thomas Jefferson believed in,
in this body; otherwise, the Senate would fall apart.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is, Will the Senate advise and
consent to the nomination of Michael A. Shipp, of New Jersey, to be
United States District Judge for the District of New Jersey.
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second? There appears to
be a sufficient second.
The clerk will call the roll.
The assistant legislative clerk called the roll.
Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from Alaska (Mr. Begich), the
Senator from California (Mrs. Boxer), the Senator from Pennsylvania
(Mr. Casey), the Senator from Iowa (Mr. Harkin), and the Senator from
Colorado (Mr. Udall) are necessarily absent.
I further announce that, if present and voting, the Senator from
Colorado (Mr. Udall) would have voted ``yea.''
Mr. KYL. The following Senators are necessarily absent: the Senator
from South Carolina (Mr. DeMint), the Senator from Utah (Mr. Hatch),
and the Senator from Illinois (Mr. Kirk).
Further, if present and voting, the Senator from Utah (Mr. Hatch)
would have voted ``yea.''
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mrs. Hagan). Are there any other Senators in
the Chamber desiring to vote?
The result was announced--yeas 91, nays 1, as follows:
[Rollcall Vote No. 182 Ex.]
YEAS--91
Akaka
Alexander
Ayotte
Barrasso
Baucus
Bennet
Bingaman
Blumenthal
Blunt
Boozman
Brown (MA)
Brown (OH)
Burr
Cantwell
Cardin
Carper
Chambliss
Coats
Coburn
Cochran
Collins
Conrad
Coons
Corker
Cornyn
Crapo
Durbin
Enzi
Feinstein
Franken
Gillibrand
Graham
Grassley
Hagan
Heller
Hoeven
Hutchison
Inhofe
Inouye
Isakson
Johanns
Johnson (SD)
Johnson (WI)
Kerry
Klobuchar
Kohl
Kyl
Landrieu
Lautenberg
Leahy
Levin
Lieberman
Lugar
Manchin
McCain
McCaskill
McConnell
Menendez
Merkley
Mikulski
Moran
Murkowski
Murray
Nelson (NE)
Nelson (FL)
Paul
Portman
Pryor
Reed
Reid
Risch
Roberts
Rockefeller
Rubio
Sanders
Schumer
Sessions
Shaheen
Shelby
Snowe
Stabenow
Tester
Thune
Toomey
Udall (NM)
Vitter
Warner
Webb
Whitehouse
Wicker
Wyden
NAYS--1
Lee
NOT VOTING--8
Begich
Boxer
Casey
DeMint
Harkin
Hatch
Kirk
Udall (CO)
The nomination was confirmed.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the motion to
reconsider is considered made and laid upon the table, and the
President will be immediately notified of the Senate's action.
____________________