[Congressional Record Volume 158, Number 104 (Thursday, July 12, 2012)]
[Senate]
[Pages S4938-S4943]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
DISCLOSE ACT OF 2012--MOTION TO PROCEED--Continued
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the Senate resumes
consideration of the motion to proceed to S. 3369.
The Senator from Louisiana.
SUCCESS Act
Ms. LANDRIEU. Madam President, before we end the debate on the small
business tax relief bills, I want to thank the 57 Members of this
Senate who voted for the SUCCESS Act. The SUCCESS Act has been building
support, strong support across the aisle
[[Page S4939]]
now for about 3 to 4 weeks. It is an outgrowth of not one, not two, but
three very successful, high-profile roundtables the Small Business
Committee in the Senate has conducted over the course of the spring,
coming into the summer, in hopes that we could present a bill that
could give a boost in the middle of this summer period to the small
businesses that are really struggling to hire and to get stronger as
this economy gains strength. Unfortunately, we fell only three votes
short just a few minutes ago.
This bill is primarily a tax cut--very targeted, very specific, and
very effective--to the small businesses we are counting on to grow and
to accelerate the potential high-growth businesses, not just any
startups but those that really have the capacity to grow.
We were hoping that despite the partisan posturing, we could have
received the 60 votes to give this effort some more life. But we are
not going to be discouraged.
I want to particularly thank Senator Shaheen, the Presiding Officer,
for her help. I want to specifically thank Senator Cardin and Senator
Hagan for spending time on the floor for the provision of streamlining
applications for small businesses. That is in this bill.
I want to thank Senator Vitter, Senator Heller, and Senator Collins
particularly for their support today. I want to briefly, for another
minute, mention a few of the organizations that are supporting this
effort, which is only a $4 billion cost. It has a $12 billion immediate
impact but only a $4 billion score. It was very effectively written to
create a score like that. I am proud of the staff work that went into
this effort.
The American Farm Bureau Federation, the American Lighting
Association, the Rental Association, Association of Builders and
Contractors, Association of Equipment Manufacturers, Automotive
Aftermarket Industry Association, Financial Executives, Metal Services
Institute, Independent Community Bankers--and just to name a few more--
the National Beer Wholesalers, National Association of Home Builders,
Printing Industry of America, Small Business & Entrepreneurship
Council, the U.S. Black Chamber of Commerce, many women's
organizations, Women Construction Owners, Women's Business Enterprise,
et cetera, et cetera.
We are very proud to be building in the U.S. Chamber of Commerce a
very broad coalition that can see the value. Perhaps we cannot find
common ground on a $40 billion tax cut bill or a $50 billion tax cut
bill or even $20 billion. But I think we could find common ground on a
bill that only scores and costs the Federal Government $4 billion has a
$12 billion impact.
It is $4 billion over 10 years, but the benefit is right now, the way
that we have structured it, to extend these tax credits and tax
extenders for about a year and 3 months which would give us time as we
move forward to revise the Tax Code and to see how we can reduce and
eliminate our deficit and make our Tax Code more fair. At least it
would give a strong signal to many of these small businesses they can
count on the tax cuts that are in this bill.
So I am going to, on behalf of the 57 Members who voted for this bill
today, file a stand-alone bill. It is going to be called the SUCCESS
Act of 2012. I am going to ask all of those who voted today to join me
as a cosponsor of the legislation. And let's see, we still have some
time left in the summer before we leave. Perhaps, with the
administration's support--and they do support the provisions of this--
and with the leadership shown by some of the Republican Senators today,
who knows, we might be able to get something done.
Finally, we are working closely with the House leadership on the
Small Business Committee. I am working very closely with Chairman
Graves. They have passed some of this already through the House. So
perhaps if we stay focused and work a little bit harder, we might be
able to squeeze out another piece of legislation that will help the
small businesses of America.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. GRASSLEY. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Tax Rates
Mr. GRASSLEY. Madam President, I come to the floor at this point to
counteract and add substance to something the majority leader said
today in regard to taxes.
Recently, the Congressional Budget Office released an update to its
report on average effective tax rates. Several of my colleagues on the
other side of the aisle have pounced on this report claiming that tax
rates are at historic lows.
In a floor speech just this morning the majority leader said the
lowest tax rates in 30 years was ``thanks to President Obama, who has
consistently fought to lower taxes for the middle-class families over
the last 3\1/2\ years.'' However, the majority leader and others of his
political party are only telling half the story. The report also shows
that incomes of households in all income groups have declined by an
average of 12 percent since 2007. This means, then, that Americans are
12 percent poorer than they were in 2007.
Now, should we also thank President Obama for this reduction in
income? Essentially, this is what the majority leader is doing when he
thanks President Obama for lower tax rates because when individuals
have less income, they pay less in taxes. Now, isn't that common sense?
Millions of Americans are out of work and have very little or no
income. You would have better luck getting blood out of a turnip than
collecting income taxes from someone who has no income.
Over the past weeks and months we have heard a lot about income
inequality. Occupy Wall Street has been very vocal on this issue. Many
Members of Congress have also expressed concern that income inequality
is ever increasing. The Finance Committee, of which I am a member, just
recently had a hearing on this very topic. This most recent CBO data
shows that income inequality is at the lowest point in more than a
decade. The share of income held by the top 1 percent has shrunk by 28
percent. At the same time, the bottom 60 percent of households saw
their share of income increase by an average 11 percent.
So perhaps my friends on the other side of the aisle do have reason
to cheer: The rich are much less rich but, of course, the poor are
poorer as well. It is just that those in the lower incomes did not see
their income shrink by as much as higher income people.
Of course, those in the bottom 60 percent of households are not
better off today than they were when income inequality was greater. In
fact, they are poorer and struggling more than ever. So I just hope my
colleagues on the other side of the aisle keep that in mind as we try
to create a better future, and do it for everyone.
Reduction in income inequality should not be a goal in and of itself.
What really matters is individual well-being and opportunity for
everybody to succeed. This is best achieved, then, through progrowth
policies aimed at growing the economic pie, not by targeting certain
unpopular groups for tax hikes.
Mr. President, I yield the floor, and I suggest the absence of a
quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Coons). The clerk will call the roll.
The assistant bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. WHITEHOUSE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The Senator from Rhode Island.
Mr. WHITEHOUSE. Mr. President, I rise today to speak about the
DISCLOSE Act of 2012. This is legislation that will shine a bit of
needed light into the flood of secret money in our elections. I would
like to start with particular thanks to Senators Chuck Schumer, Michael
Bennet, Al Franken, Jeff Merkley, Jeanne Shaheen, and Tom Udall for
their hard work on developing the legislation. I look forward to
joining them as this debate goes forward.
This morning the majority leader moved to proceed to this vital piece
of legislation. I thank him. I and many of my colleagues are looking
forward to the opportunity to make the case in
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this Chamber for this important piece of legislation. In a sense, that
case has already been made. As anyone who watches television knows, our
airwaves are filled with negative political attack ads. The
organizations that pay for these negative political attack ads all have
patriotic-sounding names dotted with words like ``prosperity,''
``freedom,'' and ``future.'' The names sound harmless, but they are
phony. All too often the ads are paid for by secret special interests,
billionaires, and wealthy corporations seeking special secret influence
in our democracy and drowning out the voices of middle-class American
families.
As USA Today put it just last week in an editorial supporting this
DISCLOSE Act, ``Everybody's watching what's expected to be by far the
most expensive presidential campaign in history, and not without a dose
of horror. Freed by the Supreme Court from spending limits, all manner
of special interests are opening the spigots to buy influence.'' That
is exactly right, ``All manner of special interests are opening the
spigots to buy influence,'' and because their money is secret, the
American public doesn't even know who is behind the negative political
attack ads other than the phony name.
Here is how my home State paper, the Providence Journal, reacted to
the original Citizens United decision that has unleashed this torrent
of secret special interest money:
The [Citizens United] ruling will mean that, more than
ever, big-spending economic interests will determine who gets
elected. More money will especially pour into relentless
attack campaigns. Free speech for most individuals will
suffer because their voices will count for even less than
they do now. They will simply be drowned out by the big
money.
The Providence Journal could not have been proven out more correctly
by the events that have taken place since.
Senator John McCain said earlier this year:
I predicted when the United States Supreme Court, with
their absolute ignorance of what happens in politics, struck
down [the McCain-Feingold campaign finance law], that there
would be a flood of money into campaigns, not transparent,
unaccounted for, and this is exactly what is happening.
Senator McCain was right. Campaigns are no longer waged by candidates
and parties fighting over ideas; they are now waged by shadowy
political attack groups posing as social welfare organizations, run by
political operatives, linked to specific candidates, and fueled by
millions of undisclosed dollars from secret special interests. When
these secretive special interests take over our elections, it puts in
jeopardy the key supports of a strong middle class, supports such as
Social Security, Medicare, Pell grants, a progressive tax system, and
things that have paved the way for generations to achieve the American
dream.
Why do I say that? I say that because these special interests have
motives to spend this kind of money. If those motives were good for
America, would they be so desperate to keep what they are doing secret?
I don't think so.
Americans who worry now that Washington listens too much to the
special interests, strap in, look out, and hang on to your wallet
because a secret special interest avalanche is underway. According to a
study in April, 90 percent of the money being spent by super PACs,
nonprofits, and other outside groups to elect the President of the
United States is coming from secret sources, secretive corporations,
and billionaires whose names and motives the voters may never know and
who will have no accountability for how that money is spent.
When there is no accountability for how money is spent because the
phony front organization that purports to be spending it isn't real and
the real party and interest has hidden behind a veil of secrecy, then
there is no limit on what people will say. It is accountability that
keeps public dialog in reasonable check. That is why you and I, Mr.
President, are obliged at the end of our campaign advertisements to
say: I am Senator Whitehouse, and I approve this message. I am Senator
Coons, and I approve this message.
Well, relieved from that accountability, about 70 percent of the ads
in this election cycle have been negative. That is up from 9 percent in
2008. I will say it again: 70 percent, up from 9 percent, as this flood
of secret special interest money has hit.
Even worse, if we look at the four top-spending political
501(c)(4)s--the secret organizations, the ones that hide their donors--
and what they have done in the last 6 months, an estimated 85 percent
of their election spending was spent on ads that contained deceptions,
according to a recent analysis by the Annenberg Public Policy Center.
So we unhinge any real person from accountability for this spending.
The special interests behind it remain secret, and the ads become
virtually exclusively negative attack ads and they are riddled with
deception.
This is what the Supreme Court thought free speech looked like. This
is all the result of that disastrous decision by the Supreme Court in
Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission which opened the
floodgates of secret, anonymous special interest money. I think it was
a deliberate decision, but that is a discussion for another day. For
today, our purpose is to point out that the campaign finance system, as
a result, is broken and it lends itself to corruption in new and
unprecedented ways.
The Supreme Court, in the Citizens United decision, in its blissful
ignorance, never even considered what happens behind the scenes. They
talked only about the public debate and the public expenditure of this
money. They assumed it would be independent of the candidates, and they
were wrong. They assumed it would be transparent as to who was
behind it, and they were wrong. They also assumed that what was put on
the air was the end of the issue. They took no consideration of the
behind-the-scenes meeting where the special interest comes in to meet
the Congressman and doesn't spend $5 million in secretly funded
negative attack ads but threatens to. And if the threat works, they buy
the vote, nobody ever sees an ad, and the institution of government is
corrupted.
It is one thing if it is a company and they say: Well, I am going to
be against you, and my CEO is going to have a party and raise money in
$5,000 increments against you, and our PAC is going to give a $10,000
check to your opponent. We are going to tell our workers that you are
not a good person for our industry.
OK, that is not great, but it is nowhere near as dangerous as being
able to say: We are going to put $5 million into a secret campaign of
negative attack ads against you, and nobody is going to know it is us.
If you play right and do what you are told, we will lay off, but
otherwise, look out, we are coming after you. It will be hidden, it
will be negative, and it will be nasty.
That is no way to run a democracy. So today the majority leader has
moved to a bill that will bring at least transparency and
accountability to our elections. At least these big special interests
will have to say who they are. Then we as Americans can evaluate what
their motives are, what the deal might be, whether we are actually
aligned with their interests, and we can evaluate what they are saying
about candidates. We will have more information. We will have a better
quality of free speech. This is not a Democratic or Republican issue.
In fact, disclosure has never before been a Republican or Democratic
issue. This is about protecting our democratic process as Americans.
I really look forward to debating this important measure with my
colleagues in the upcoming days. I am joined by Americans of all
political stripes who are disgusted by the influence of this unlimited
secret money pouring into our elections. We are disgusted by campaigns
that succeed or fail, that last or don't last, depending on how many
billionaires the candidate has funding their campaign through these
special organizations. More and more around this country, particularly
in Rhode Island--the people I hear from at home--people feel this
government responds only to wealthy and corporate interests. They feel
the middle class can't catch a break, that nobody is listening, that
everything is done for the big guys. They see their jobs disappear.
They see their wages stagnate. They see bailouts and special deals for
the big guys, and they lose faith that their elected officials are
actually listening to them. If we thought that was a problem before,
when at least it was public and at least we knew who the registered
lobbyists were and who had
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made the campaign contributions and at least we knew there were some
reasonable limits on all that--all those gates have been knocked down.
It is the Wild West now, and it is secret.
Six in ten Americans say the middle class will not catch a break in
this economy until we reduce the influence of lobbyists, big banks, and
big donors. Guess what. With these fountains of secret money behind
them, their influence isn't being reduced; it is going to be
dramatically increased--and increased in ways that lend themselves to
corruption.
One out of every four Americans actually says they are less likely to
even vote because they believe big donors and super PACs have so much
more influence over elected officials than they do that they feel
pushed out of the process, so why bother. That is a terrible blow to
American democracy.
Nearly 7 in 10 Americans, including a majority of Democrats and
Republicans, agree with this proposition: New rules that let
corporations, unions, and people give unlimited money to super PACs
will lead to corruption. One would think that is a blindingly obvious
proposition. It escaped the five conservative members of the Supreme
Court who decreed that was not going to be the case. Seven out of ten
Americans disagree with them. I disagree with them. The closer we get
to elections, the more we see that proposition is foolhardy.
So we have the DISCLOSE Act, a bill that Republican and former
Federal Election Commission Chairman Trevor Potter said is
appropriately targeted, narrowly tailored, clearly constitutional, and
desperately needed. I very much hope we can join in this debate; that
we can get this bill passed in the Senate; that we can clean up our
elections and begin to do something about this foul avalanche of
negative attack ads--again, 85 percent of them containing deception--
that are now polluting our public discourse.
Prior to the Citizens United decision and prior to the floodgates
actually opening, there was a long and rich bipartisan tradition in
this Senate of demanding disclosure of spending in elections. Many of
our Republican colleagues in the Senate have loudly and clearly
supported disclosure in the past, and I hope they will join us in
passing this important piece of legislation. The fundamental principle
of a government of the people, by the people, and for the people is a
government that will listen to the people, not just to the big special
interests that can afford massive secret money.
I urge my colleagues to support the DISCLOSE Act of 2012.
I thank the Presiding Officer.
I yield the floor, and I note the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. CHAMBLISS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Franken). Without objection, it is so
ordered.
Mr. CHAMBLISS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in
morning business for up to 10 minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Tribute to Lieutenant General Ronald L. Burgess
Mr. CHAMBLISS. Mr. President, I rise today to pay tribute to LTG
Ronald L. Burgess, Jr., the current Director of the Defense
Intelligence Agency, and one of the Nation's premier leaders in the
intelligence community and in the United States military.
Lieutenant General Burgess retires this summer after a distinguished
38-year career. During his career, Lieutenant General Burgess has been
recognized with numerous awards and decorations, which include the
Defense Distinguished Service Medal, Defense Superior Service Medal
with two oak leaf clusters, the Legion of Merit, Meritorious Service
Medal with four oak leaf clusters, Joint Service Commendation Medal,
United States Special Operations Command Medal, Army Commendation
Medal, Army Achievement Medal, NATO Medal--Former Republic of
Yugoslavia, Parachutist Badge, Joint Chiefs of Staff Identification
Badge, and the Army Staff Identification Badge.
As a driving force in the intelligence community, General Burgess
will soon conclude a career marked by exceptional leadership and
strategic vision, both of which have significantly advanced U.S.
national security interests while also strengthening our national
intelligence and military intelligence capabilities during a very
challenging period in our Nation's history.
Throughout his time in uniform, Lieutenant General Burgess has
demonstrated an unyielding dedication to duty and an innate ability to
inspire enthusiasm and commitment to serve those he leads. Lieutenant
General Burgess's selfless service to country and his unparalleled
personal drive have been instrumental in transforming defense
intelligence into a more capable and cooperative enterprise, providing
the critical intelligence required by military commanders and
policymakers both at the defense and national levels.
Commissioned as a second lieutenant through the Auburn University
ROTC Program in 1974, Lieutenant General Burgess began his career with
a series of assignments in armor and military intelligence units in
Germany and Ft. Stewart, GA, where he was directly responsible for
planning multiple highly successful National Training Center rotations,
numerous command post exercises, and an Army training and evaluation
program.
Lieutenant General Burgess was recognized for his meticulous planning
and forceful execution of operational procedures which contributed
significantly to combat readiness. Later Lieutenant General Burgess
held a variety of key staff and command positions, including Assistant
Executive Officer to the Deputy Chief of Staff for Intelligence,
Washington, DC in 1990, and as the battalion commander, 25th Infantry
Division, from May 1993 to May 1994, at Schofield Barracks, HI.
From July 1995 to May 1997, Lieutenant General Burgess commanded the
470th Military Intelligence Brigade where he served with great
distinction. As commander, he provided outstanding leadership which led
to the unit's operational success in support of the Commanding General
of the United State's Army South and the Commander U.S. Southern
Command.
During this period, LTG Burgess skillfully integrated a multi-
disciplined intelligence force into an extremely innovative war-
fighting asset while also expanding the brigade's regional focus
through more than 150 operational deployments across Latin America, the
Caribbean, Europe, and Korea. While commanding the 470th, LTG Burgess
also served as acting vice director of intelligence, and subsequently
the acting director of intelligence for U.S. Southern Command. During
this period LTG Burgess guided a continuous flow of intelligence
analysis in support of the year-long Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement
hostage crisis at the Japanese ambassador's residence in Lima. LTG
Burgess's support was key to developing the detailed analysis required
by U.S. military commanders, our ambassador to Peru and the President
to make timely and informed decisions leading to the safe withdrawal of
American hostages.
Following his assignment at U.S. Southern Command, LTG Burgess served
as the Director of Intelligence (J-2) for the Joint Special Operations
Command, JSOC, Fort Bragg, North Carolina, from May 1997 to May 1999.
During this assignment, Ron's leadership was instrumental in supporting
continuous global deployments as well as major exercises and highly
complex joint-service training events.
Mr. President, in June 1999, Ron returned to the Southern Command as
the Director of Intelligence, J-2. Among his achievements while serving
in that position, LTG Burgess led an interagency intelligence effort to
create a fused Colombian intelligence capability that enhanced military
and police cooperation against illegal global drug networks. LTG
Burgess led Southern Command's intelligence response to many challenges
including potential migrant operations, tracking of Cuban exiles,
hurricane and earthquake disaster relief, and sustained counterdrug
operations in both the area of responsibility and throughout transit
zones.
From June 2003 to July 2005, LTG Burgess served as the Director for
Intelligence (J-2) for the Joint Chiefs of Staff, JCS. As the J-2, Ron
directed
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all-source intelligence analysis and reporting for the Chairman JCS,
the Secretary of Defense, the Joint Staff, and Unified Commands. LTG
Burgess served as the focal point for crisis intelligence support to
military operations, indications and warning intelligence in the
Department of Defense, and Unified Command intelligence requirements.
Assuming control of intelligence operations only months after the
United States and coalition forces invaded Iraq, LTG Burgess was at the
forefront of providing timely and insightful intelligence for
operational requirements in Iraq, Afghanistan, transnational terrorism,
and all developing global issues affecting U.S. interests abroad.
In August 2005, LTG Burgess reported to the Office of the Director
for National Intelligence, ODNI, where he served as the Deputy Director
of National Intelligence for Customer Outcomes, Director of the
Intelligence Staff, Acting Principal Deputy Director of National
Intelligence, and acting Director of National Intelligence. During this
period, LTG Burgess played a key role in developing and reforming the
Intelligence Community during an unprecedented period of global change.
During Ron's tenure at ODNI, his leadership was key during the revision
of Executive Order 12333, which governs all intelligence activities,
the development of the first-ever joint manning document for military
personnel assigned to organizations outside of the Department of
Defense, critical Intelligence Community managerial operations were
overhauled, and innovative human capital practices were implemented
under his watch.
After completing his ODNI assignment, LTG Burgess was appointed the
17th director of the Defense Intelligence Agency, DIA, in March 2009.
As the Vice Chairman of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence I
have personally witnessed Ron's thoughtful and ambitious program to
strengthen DIA's ability to address the ever-changing requirements of
military commanders and policymakers at the defense and national
levels. LTG Burgess has focused DIA on our nation's greatest challenges
including Afghanistan-Pakistan, Iraq, Iran, transnational terrorism,
and preventing strategic surprise elsewhere around the globe. In doing
so, Ron has reinforced DIA's ability to surge in support of contingency
operations and crises, successfully launching a 24/7 crisis analysis
cell at the start of the Libyan crisis and establishing an Afghanistan-
Pakistan Task Force that refined the agency's ability to support
ongoing combat operations
As DIA was celebrating its 50th anniversary, LTG Burgess charted an
innovative, five-year strategy to strengthen and unite the agency's
core defense capabilities while also focusing the agency on warning,
core mission areas, partnership, and performance. DIA's new strategy
emphasizes best practices to support our warfighters and policy makers
in an era of persistent conflict and enduring U.S. fiscal challenges
and sets the path toward achieving the strategy's major theme of ``One
Mission--One Team--One Agency.''
As Director of DIA, LTG Burgess has worked to strengthen and improve
the Joint Worldwide Intelligence Communications System, JWICS, the
secure backbone for much of the U.S. Intelligence Community, the White
House, U.S. combatant commanders, and allies. Additionally, he has led
the effort to establish the Defense Clandestine Service, DCS, which
provides enhanced collection capabilities in support of the highest
priority intelligence requirements of the Director of National
Intelligence, the Secretary of Defense, the Secretaries of the Military
Departments, and the Combatant Commanders.
No matter the range or complexity of the issues, Ron always kept
himself, his colleagues and subordinates focused on the fundamental
obligations and responsibilities borne by those entrusted with some of
the Nation's most important and sensitive missions.
He frequently reminded DIA employees, ``While much of what we do is
secret, our work is a public trust.''
And consistent with that view, Ron emphasized at every opportunity
the non-negotiable need for intelligence professionals to always
demonstrate the highest degree of integrity, both personal and
professional. He often counseled new employees, senior managers and
military attaches headed to new postings that ``integrity is needed
most when it is hardest to maintain.''
Mr. President, while much of what is said behind closed doors at the
Senate Intelligence Committee is classified, I can tell you, my
colleagues and the American people, that DIA is held in high esteem by
the Senate Intelligence Committee, due in no small part to Ron's
leadership. DIA is an indispensable, principal member of the U.S.
Intelligence Community and has strengthened its performance as the
functional intersection between defense and national intelligence. LTG
Burgess leaves behind a more flexible and adaptive agency, one that is
much more capable of meeting our national security challenges. Under
his leadership, DIA has earned even greater respect within the
Intelligence Community and continues to warrant Congress' strong
support and trust.
Mr. President, while the Army and Intelligence Community will be
losing a leader who has answered the call time and again at such
critical points in our Nation's history, I know that Ron will be happy
to reclaim his Saturday afternoons in the fall to root for his Auburn
Tigers, and that the Burgess family will cherish more time with a
husband and father. Mr. President, I wish Ron and his wife Marta the
very best as he enters retirement. On behalf of a grateful Nation and
my colleagues in the U.S. Senate, I thank Ron and his family for his
many years of faithful service and a job well done.
Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. REID. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Unanimous Consent Agreement--Executive Calendar
Mr. REID. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that on Monday, July
16, at 5 p.m., the Senate proceed to executive session to consider the
following nomination: Calendar No. 662; that there be 30 minutes for
debate equally divided in the usual form; that upon the use or yielding
back of that time, the Senate proceed to a vote with no intervening
action or debate on the nomination; that the motion to reconsider be
considered made and laid upon the table, with no intervening action or
debate; that no further motions be in order; that any related
statements be printed in the Record; that the President be immediately
notified of the Senate's action and the Senate then resume legislative
session.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. REID. Mr. President, the Senate is currently on the motion to
proceed to S. 3369; is that correct?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The leader is correct.
Cloture Motion
Mr. REID. That being the case, I have a cloture motion at the desk on
the motion to proceed to that matter.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The cloture motion having been presented under
rule XXII, the Chair directs the clerk to read the motion.
The bill clerk read as follows:
Cloture Motion
We, the undersigned Senators, in accordance with the provisions of
rule XXII of the Standing Rules of the Senate, hereby move to bring to
a close debate on the motion to proceed to calendar No. 446, S. 3369, a
bill to amend the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 to provide for
additional disclosure requirements for corporations, labor
organizations, Super PACs and other entities, and for other purposes.
Harry Reid, Sheldon Whitehouse, Jack Reed, Joseph I.
Lieberman, Jon Tester, Mark L. Pryor, Benjamin L.
Cardin, Christopher A. Coons, Jeanne Shaheen, Daniel K.
Akaka, Herb Kohl, Charles E. Schumer, Mark Begich, Tim
Johnson, Robert Menendez, Frank R. Lautenberg, Mark
Udall, Sherrod Brown.
Mr. REID. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the mandatory
quorum required under our rule XXII be waived, and that on Monday, July
16, following the vote on the McNulty nomination and the resumption of
legislative session, there be up to 10 minutes of debate, equally
divided between
[[Page S4943]]
the two leaders or their designees prior to a cloture vote on the
motion to proceed to S. 3369.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
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