[Congressional Record Volume 158, Number 98 (Wednesday, June 27, 2012)]
[House]
[Page H4071]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
AMERICA'S FOREIGN POLICY OF MISCHIEF AND INTERVENTION
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from
Texas (Mr. Paul) for 5 minutes.
Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, last week I introduced legislation, H.R. 5993,
that would prohibit the President from providing military or
paramilitary aid of any sort to any faction in the internal fighting in
Syria. Unfortunately, it appears that the administration is already
very much involved in supporting the overthrow of the Assad government.
There's nary a whimper of criticism in Congress over our growing
involvement in the civil war in Syria. The only noise we hear from
Congress, and repeated in the media, is the complaint that we're not
doing enough and that immediate, direct U.S. military action must be
taken.
Tragically, our political leaders show both bad judgment and short
memories when it comes to the downside of our foreign policy of
mischief and intervention. Our compulsion to engage ourselves in every
conflict around the world is dangerous to our national security.
In dealing with Syria, the administration pretends to pursue
diplomacy and provide humanitarian assistance to the people. In
reality, the U.S. Government facilitates weapons transfers to the
rebels who are demanding immediate regime change.
My goal is to stop our dangerous participation in the violence in
Syria; yet evidence mounts that we're already deeply involved, with no
expectation that the administration will back away from military
engagement.
{time} 1040
Recent reports indicate that the U.S. is providing logistics and
communication assistance to the rebel forces. Assistance in getting
arms to the rebels through surrogates is hardly a secret. Cooperating
with the rebels' propaganda efforts has been reported and is used to
prepare the American people for our coming involvement.
There is every reason to expect that the well-laid plans to, once
again, coordinate a favorable regime change will end badly. Even the
strongest supporters of our direct and immediate military involvement
in Syria admit that the rebel forces are made up of many groups,
including al Qaeda, and no one is sure to whom the assistance should be
given. All they claim is the need for the immediate removal of Assad.
This policy is nothing new, and too often in our recent history our
assistance with dollars and weapons used to overthrow a government ends
up with the weapons being used, instead, against us. The blow-back from
our policy of intervention has caused a great deal of harm to us since
World War II:
Propping up the Shah in Iran for 26 years was a powerful factor in
motivating radical Islamists to eventually overthrow the Shah in 1979.
The hostages taken at the U.S. Embassy at that time was as a
consequence of our putting the Shah into power in 1953;
In working with the mujahadeen in the 1980s, our CIA supported
radical Islam in an effort to combat communist occupation in
Afghanistan. Later, this led to the radical Islamists' hatred being
turned against us over our occupation and interference in Muslim
countries;
The $40 billion given to Egypt for over 30 years to prop up the
Musharraf dictatorship and to buy an unstable peace with Israel has
ended with what appears to be the takeover of Egypt by the Muslim
Brotherhood. They may well turn Egypt into a theocratic Islamic state
unless our CIA is able to, once again, gain control. Al Qaeda now has a
presence in parts of Egypt and has been involved in the bombing of the
pipelines carrying gas to Israel. This is hardly a policy that is
enhancing Israel's security.
What are the possible unintended consequences of this policy if we
foolishly escalate the civil war in Syria?
The worst scenario would be an all-out war in the region involving
Russia, the United States, Israel, Iran, Turkey, and others. The
escalating conflict could rapidly make containment virtually
impossible.
Chaos in this region could encourage the Kurds in Syria, Iraq,
Turkey, and Iran to decide it's an opportunity to move on their long-
sought-after goal of establishing a Kurdish state. Significant
hostilities in the region would jeopardize the free flow of oil from
the Middle East, causing sharp increases in the price of oil. The
already weak economy of the West would suffer immensely. Some will
argue erroneously that a major war would be beneficial to the economy
and distract the people from their economic woes.
War, however, is never an economic benefit, although many have been
taught that for many decades. If liberty and prosperity are to be our
goals, peace is a necessary ingredient of that process.
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