[Congressional Record Volume 158, Number 71 (Thursday, May 17, 2012)]
[House]
[Pages H2815-H2816]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
NATIONAL DEFENSE AUTHORIZATION ACT
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from
[[Page H2816]]
Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer) for 5 minutes.
Mr. BLUMENAUER. Today, the House will debate the Defense
Authorization Act for the next fiscal year. While nothing is more
important than protecting America while keeping our men and women in
uniform safe, the authorization before us today wastes too much of our
Nation's precious wealth and represents yet another missed opportunity
for badly-needed reform.
H.R. 4310, unfortunately, highlights Congress's inability to make
hard choices on defense spending. It opts for an all-of-the-above
strategy and puts the funding of an already bloated military budget
ahead of any semblance of fiscal responsibilities. If passed, the
authorization would represent 57 percent of our total discretionary
budget.
It's clear to most people outside Congress that we can no longer
separate national security from fiscal responsibility. Congress needs
to get that message. Our constituents certainly understand.
Last week, a Stimson Center poll showed that, on average, Americans
feel that the defense budget should be reduced by 18 percent next year.
Instead, this bill will decrease spending by less than one-half of 1
percent after 13 consecutive years of increase.
While budget hawks and military experts agree we need to cut defense
spending, this year's defense authorization provides $8 billion more
than the cap for the defense budget set by the Budget Control Act,
which both parties supported and enacted into law to solve last
summer's manufactured debt ceiling crisis.
Many supporting the bill will raise a false choice between defending
America or rebuilding and renewing America, its infrastructure, and our
economy. We can and we must do both. Spending too much for the wrong
people to do the wrong things will undermine the very security at home
we seek to buy through more military spending. Crumbling bridges and
roads, failing schools, and a massive national debt all pose a greater
national threat to America's power abroad than right-sized defense
spending.
We know how to do this. We have had a cascade of plans, ranging from
the Cato Institute to the Bowles-Simpson to progressive think-tanks.
All would meet our 21st century need for national defense while keeping
promises to future generations here at home.
In addition to ending the war in Afghanistan more quickly, there are
many ways to decrease defense spending. Increased efficiency in naval
deployment can reduce the need for battleships. We don't need a growing
supercarrier fleet. The United States' 11 aircraft carriers add up to
more than the rest of the world combined, and many of the countries
that have aircraft carriers are our allies.
The current level of investment in our nuclear arsenal with
capabilities that correspond to no real military challenge makes no
sense and wastes hundreds of billions of dollars.
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Unfortunately, the Republican leadership either can't or doesn't want
to work towards a balanced approach to reduce defense spending. This
was illustrated by the response to an amendment I offered in the Budget
Committee last week. Instead of making tough choices on defense
spending, our Republican colleagues decided to give the Pentagon even
more than they asked for and provide them this funding in part by
eliminating food stamp benefits for 2 million people, reducing benefits
for 44 million more, curtailing Meals on Wheels, and eliminating school
lunches for 280,000 children.
The level of spending in today's defense authorization is absurd. But
more shocking is what Americans are being forced to give up to continue
funding the Pentagon at this level.
Congress needs to show some leadership and ability to make difficult
choices. That's why I'm leading, along with Representatives Lee and
Frank, an amendment to cut defense spending for the next fiscal year by
the $8 billion that would align the bill with the level already
authorized and written into law last fall.
We can and should go further, but at the very least most should be
able to agree that Congress ought to play by the rules we created, not
sidestepping them at the expense of struggling families, disadvantaged
school children, and our seniors. Unless we are able to fix this bill,
I strongly urge my colleagues to vote ``no.''
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