[Congressional Record Volume 158, Number 69 (Tuesday, May 15, 2012)]
[House]
[Pages H2687-H2693]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
EXPRESSING SENSE OF HOUSE REGARDING IMPORTANCE OF PREVENTING IRAN FROM
ACQUIRING A NUCLEAR WEAPONS CAPABILITY
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree
to the resolution (H. Res. 568) expressing the sense of the House of
Representatives regarding the importance of preventing the Government
of Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapons capability, as amended.
The Clerk read the title of the resolution.
The text of the resolution is as follows:
H. Res. 568
Whereas since at least the late 1980s, Iran has engaged in
a sustained and well-documented pattern of illicit and
deceptive activities to acquire a nuclear capability;
Whereas the United Nations Security Council has adopted
multiple resolutions since 2006 demanding the full and
sustained suspension of all uranium enrichment-related and
reprocessing activities by the Iranian Government and its
full cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency
(IAEA) on all outstanding issues related to its nuclear
activities, particularly those concerning the possible
military dimensions of its nuclear program;
Whereas Iran remains in violation of all of the
aforementioned United Nations Security Council resolutions;
Whereas, on November 8, 2011, the IAEA issued an extensive
report that--
(1) documents ``serious concerns regarding possible
military dimensions to Iran's nuclear programme'';
(2) states that ``Iran has carried out activities relevant
to the development of a nuclear device''; and
(3) states that the efforts described in paragraphs (1) and
(2) may be ongoing;
Whereas as of November 2008, Iran had produced, according
to the IAEA--
(1) approximately 630 kilograms of uranium-235 enriched to
3.5 percent; and
(2) no uranium-235 enriched to 20 percent;
Whereas as of November 2011, Iran had produced, according
to the IAEA--
(1) nearly 5,000 kilograms of uranium-235 enriched to 3.5
percent; and
(2) 79.7 kilograms of uranium-235 enriched to 20 percent;
Whereas, on January 9, 2011, IAEA inspectors confirmed that
the Iranian Government had begun enrichment activities at the
Fordow site, including possibly enrichment of uranium-235 to
20 percent;
Whereas Iran has repeatedly refused requests by IAEA
inspectors to visit its Parchin military facility, a
suspected site of Iranian activities related to testing of a
nuclear weapon;
Whereas if Iran were successful in acquiring a nuclear
weapon capability, it would likely spur other countries in
the region to consider developing their own nuclear weapons
capabilities;
Whereas, on December 6, 2011, Prince Turki al-Faisal of
Saudi Arabia stated that if international efforts to prevent
Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons fail, ``we must, as a
duty to our country and people, look into all options we are
given, including obtaining these weapons ourselves'';
Whereas top Iranian leaders have repeatedly threatened the
existence of the State of Israel, pledging to ``wipe Israel
off the map'';
Whereas the Department of State--
(1) has designated Iran as a ``state sponsor of terrorism''
since 1984; and
(2) has characterized Iran as the ``most active state
sponsor of terrorism'';
Whereas Iran has provided weapons, training, funding, and
direction to terrorist groups, including Hamas, Hezbollah,
and Shiite militias in Iraq that are responsible for the
murders of hundreds of American forces and innocent
civilians;
Whereas, on July 28, 2011, the Department of the Treasury
charged that the Government of Iran had forged a ``secret
deal'' with al Qaeda to facilitate the movement of al Qaeda
fighters and funding through Iranian territory;
Whereas in October 2011, senior leaders of Iran's Islamic
Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) Quds Force were implicated
in a terrorist plot to assassinate Saudi Arabia's Ambassador
to the United States on United States soil;
Whereas, on December 26, 2011, the United Nations General
Assembly passed a resolution denouncing the serious human
rights abuses occurring in Iran, including torture, cruel and
degrading treatment in detention, the targeting of human
rights defenders, violence against women, and ``the
systematic and serious restrictions on freedom of peaceful
assembly'', as well as severe restrictions on the rights to
``freedom of thought, conscience, religion or belief'';
Whereas the Governments of the P5+1 nations (the United
States, the United Kingdom, France, Russia, China, and
Germany) have made repeated efforts to engage the Iranian
Government in dialogue about Iran's nuclear program and its
international commitments under the Treaty on the Non-
Proliferation Nuclear Weapons;
Whereas talks between the P5+1 and Iran regarding Iran's
nuclear program resumed on April 14, 2012, in Istanbul,
Turkey, and the parties agreed to meet again on May 23, 2012,
in Baghdad, Iraq;
Whereas in the 2006 State of the Union Address, President
Bush stated that ``The Iranian Government is defying the
world with its nuclear ambitions, and the nations of the
world must not permit the Iranian regime to gain nuclear
weapons.'';
Whereas, on March 31, 2010, President Obama stated that the
``consequences of a nuclear-armed Iran are unacceptable'';
Whereas in his State of the Union Address on January 24,
2012, President Obama stated, ``Let there be no doubt:
America is determined to prevent Iran from getting a nuclear
weapon, and I will take no options off the table to achieve
that goal.'';
Whereas Secretary of Defense Panetta stated, in December
2011, that it was unacceptable for Iran to acquire nuclear
weapons, reaffirmed that all options were on the table to
thwart Iran's nuclear weapons efforts, and vowed that if the
United States gets ``intelligence that they are proceeding
with developing a nuclear weapon then we will take whatever
steps necessary to stop it'';
Whereas, on December 1, 2011, Deputy Secretary of State
William J. Burns and Israeli Deputy Foreign Minister Daniel
Ayalon issued a joint statement in Washington, DC, which
emphasized that ``Iran is the greatest challenge we face
today in the Middle East'' and that ``[c]ontinued efforts by
the international community are critical to bringing about
change in Iranian behavior and preventing Iran from
developing a nuclear weapons capability.'';
Whereas the Department of Defense's January 2012 Strategic
Guidance stated that United States defense efforts in the
Middle East would be aimed ``to prevent Iran's development of
a nuclear weapons capability and counter its destabilizing
policies'';
[[Page H2688]]
Whereas, on March 4, 2012, President Obama stated that
``Iran's leaders should understand that I do not have a
policy of containment; I have a policy to prevent Iran from
obtaining a nuclear weapon.''; and
Whereas, on April 9, 2012, President Obama stated ``[T]his
continuing pursuit of nuclear weapons capability continues to
be a major challenge.'': Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That the House of Representatives--
(1) warns that time is limited to prevent the Government of
Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapons capability;
(2) urges continued and increasing economic and diplomatic
pressure on Iran to secure an agreement with the Government
of Iran that includes--
(A) the full and sustained suspension of all uranium
enrichment-related and reprocessing activities;
(B) complete cooperation with the IAEA on all outstanding
questions related to Iran's nuclear activities, including--
(i) the implementation of the Additional Protocol to the
Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons; and
(ii) the verified end of Iran's ballistic missile programs;
and
(C) a permanent agreement that verifiably assures that
Iran's nuclear program is entirely peaceful;
(3) expresses support for the universal rights and
democratic aspirations of the Iranian people;
(4) affirms that it is a vital national interest of the
United States to prevent the Government of Iran from
acquiring a nuclear weapons capability;
(5) strongly supports United States policy to prevent the
Government of Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapons
capability;
(6) rejects any policy that would rely on efforts to
contain a nuclear weapons-capable Iran; and
(7) urges the President to reaffirm the unacceptability of
an Iran with nuclear-weapons capability and opposition to any
policy that would rely on containment as an option in
response to the Iranian nuclear threat.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentlewoman from
Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) and the gentleman from California (Mr.
Berman) each will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from Florida.
General Leave
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all
Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend and to submit
extraneous materials for the Record.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentlewoman from Florida?
There was no objection.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of House Resolution 568, which
I introduced, together with the distinguished ranking member of the
committee, the gentleman from California (Mr. Berman), my friend.
The Iranian regime continues to pose an immediate and growing threat
to the United States, to our allies, and to the Iranian people. In
fact, just over the weekend, it was reported that the IAEA discovered a
drawing that shows an explosive containment chamber of the type needed
for nuclear arms-related tests. This was based on information from
inside an Iranian military base.
Iran remains the world's leading state sponsor of terrorism, aiding
multiple groups, including Hezbollah and Hamas, which continue to
destabilize the Middle East and which are responsible for the deaths of
Americans. It was only a few months ago that U.S. officials foiled a
planned attack on U.S. soil that was commissioned by the Iranian
regime, and the Iranian regime is believed to have been behind the
attacks against Israeli Embassies that took place earlier this year.
I have much more to say, Mr. Speaker, but at this time I will reserve
the balance of my time.
Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Res. 568,
expressing the sense of the House of Representatives regarding the
importance of preventing the Government of Iran from acquiring a
nuclear weapons capability, and yield myself 3 minutes.
Mr. Speaker, this resolution is extremely timely, as next week the
five permanent members of the U.N. Security Council and Germany will
once again sit down with Iran to negotiate secession of Iran's nuclear
weapons program. What better time for this body to send an unambiguous
message that Iran must never be allowed to achieve a nuclear weapons
capability and that its nuclear weapons program must end once and for
all? That's exactly what this resolution does.
The United States must continue to take the lead in preventing Iran
from obtaining the capability to build a nuclear weapon. If Iran were
to achieve that capability, neighbors like Saudi Arabia and Egypt would
want that capability as well. Others in the region would begin to defer
to Iran as if it already were a nuclear power. And worst of all, once
Iran acquires the capability, it would be able to build an actual
nuclear weapon so quickly that we may not be able to stop it.
Stopping Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapons capability is not
simply an American priority, but a global responsibility.
I want to be straightforward about my view. A regime that brutalizes
its own people, trains, arms, and dispatches terrorist proxies, props
up the repugnant Assad dictatorship, denies the Holocaust, and incites
violence against and kills Americans should never be allowed to reach
the nuclear threshold.
The urgent nature of the Iranian nuclear threat demands that the
United States work with our allies to do everything possible
diplomatically, politically, and economically to prevent Iran from
acquiring a nuclear weapons capability. No option, as the President has
said, can be taken off the table.
Mr. Speaker, the policy of preventing Iran from obtaining a nuclear
weapons capability is not unfamiliar to the House of Representatives.
Since 2009, we have passed five bills expressing congressional support
for this policy. These bills have been supported by nearly every Member
of the House.
The resolution before us today reminds us, as well as the world, how
Iran has flaunted its flagrant disregard for U.N. Security Council
resolutions, is an active state sponsor of terrorism, has engaged in
serious human rights abuses against its own citizens, and plotted a
heinous terrorist attack on American soil.
This resolution also reminds us of the urgency, as well as the
seriousness, of the nuclear issue. And so, as the window is closing, we
send a clear message that the House is aligned with the administration
in thoroughly rejecting containment, a policy that would have us sit
back and watch Iran get the bomb, then try to contain it as we
contained the Soviet Union.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. BERMAN. I yield myself an additional 30 seconds.
In fact, we have no choice but to stop Iran's nuclear weapons program
before it ever reaches that point.
Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to support this important
resolution. I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Mr. Speaker, as we know, Iran continues to sponsor violent extremist
groups in Iraq and Afghanistan that have killed our men and women in
uniform. With a nuclear weapons capability, the regime would
dramatically increase its ability to threaten the United States and our
allies.
We are running out of time to stop the nightmare of a nuclear
weapons-capable Iran from becoming a reality. Estimates from the U.S.
and Israeli officials indicate that Iran could develop nuclear weapons
in less than 1 year. And even before the regime actually develops
nuclear weapons, Iran may enter into what the Israeli Defense Minister
calls a ``zone of immunity,'' and after that point we would have very
few options left to actually stop Iran from going nuclear.
Right now, the regime is doing all it can to run down the clock and
enter that zone of immunity. The most recent set of negotiations are
just another way for Iran to hold off Western sanctions and buy more
time to further their capabilities.
{time} 1750
We need to stop the regime before it possesses the capability to
develop nuclear weapons, not before it makes a decision to develop
nuclear weapons, because we may not know that they have actually made
that decision until it is too late. Once that regime enters into the
zone of immunity, it can decide at any time to develop nuclear weapons,
and we would probably not be able to stop them.
[[Page H2689]]
With that, Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the
minority whip, my friend from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer).
Mr. HOYER. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Speaker, the gentleman from California has been a leader on this
issue as has the chair of the committee, Ileana Ros-Lehtinen.
Representative Berman has been a leader in Congress when it comes to
reminding us of how important it is to prevent the rise in nuclear war
and a nuclear-armed Iran. We are fortunate as a country to have a
partnership between the chair and the ranking member focused like a
laser on this issue. So I thank my friend, Mr. Berman, and my friend,
Ileana Ros-Lehtinen. Mr. Berman has also been instrumental in securing
funding for the deployment of the Iron Dome anti-missile system to
counter the threat from Iranian-supplied short-range rockets in the
hands of terror groups like Hamas and Hezbollah.
I rise in strong support of the chair and ranking member's
resolution, and I am proud to be a cosponsor with them of the
resolution.
The most significant threat to peace, regional security, and American
interests in the Middle East is Iran's nuclear program. This resolution
makes clear that it is in America's security interest not to contain a
nuclear Iran, but to prevent one. A nuclear Iran would destabilize an
already volatile region where so many American troops are stationed--
and a region so vital to the world's energy supplies.
Iran continues to be a sponsor of groups committed to the destruction
of our ally Israel and of groups that threaten Americans throughout the
world. Iran is believed to be pursuing not only a nuclear capability
but also delivery technologies that could threaten our allies in Europe
and the Middle East as well as American assets in the region.
Thankfully, the Obama administration has taken a strong lead in
confronting Iran. President Obama has built a wide coalition of support
that has imposed the strongest sanctions Iran has ever faced. In
particular, we are hitting the Iranian Government where it hurts most--
its oil exports and its banking sector. From the very start, his policy
has been not containment but prevention.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. BERMAN. I yield the gentleman an additional 30 seconds.
Mr. HOYER. This resolution reaffirms the administration's prevention
policy, and I urge my colleagues to pass it as a strong sign that Iran
must not be allowed to obtain a nuclear weapon.
Again, in closing, I want to congratulate the chair, Ileana Ros-
Lehtinen, and the ranking member, Howard Berman, on their strong and
unwavering leadership on this critically important issue to the
national security of the United States of America and to international
and global security as well.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
For the Iranian regime, the possession of the capability to produce a
nuclear weapon would be almost as useful as actually having one. Tehran
would be able to intimidate its neighbors and engage in even more
threatening actions by reminding us that they could develop nuclear
weapons anytime the regime wanted. Tehran might even decide not to
reveal whether or not it had developed nuclear weapons, thereby keeping
the world guessing and off balance indefinitely, all while claiming
innocence. Tehran would be in the driver's seat, and the security of
the United States, Israel, and our many other allies would be in their
hands.
We need to make clear that containing a nuclear Iran is not an
option, that nothing short of stopping Iran from developing a nuclear-
weapons capability is good enough. So that is why Ranking Member Berman
and I have introduced the resolution before us, House Resolution 568,
which strongly supports preventing the Iranian regime from acquiring a
nuclear-weapons capability. It rejects any policy that would rely on
efforts to contain a nuclear weapons-capable Iran. It supports the
right and democratic aspirations of the Iranian people. Lastly, it
urges the President to reaffirm the unacceptability of an Iran with a
nuclear-weapons capability and to oppose any policy that would rely on
containment as an option.
With that, Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BERMAN. I am very pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman
from Ohio (Mr. Kucinich).
Mr. KUCINICH. I thank my friend from California, but, unfortunately,
I must disagree with him.
This resolution contains broad and dangerous language that would
undermine any diplomatic solution regarding Iran's nuclear program.
Without explicit language stating there is no authorization for
military action, this could be interpreted as a blank check for war.
Former Secretary of State Colin Powell's chief of staff, Colonel
Lawrence Wilkerson, stated:
This resolution reads like the same piece of music that got
us into the Iraq war.
Did not Congress learn anything from being hustled into a war based
on misrepresentations?
At a time when the U.S. is engaging in its first successful direct
talks with Iran in years, it is more critical than ever for Congress to
support these negotiations. Even if language were added to H. Res. 568
to make it absolutely clear that this bill does not constitute an
authorization for war and that only Congress can make such an
authorization, it still puts Members of Congress on record as opposing
a diplomatic solution, paving the way toward war with Iran. In the
past, Congress has rejected its power to declare war, and now we want
to tell the President that he can't declare diplomacy. Congress must
reject resolutions that could lead the U.S. into yet another disastrous
and costly war and tie the President's hands as he endeavors for a
peaceful solution.
Have we not lost enough of our brave men and women to causes that are
not in the interests of the U.S.?
H. Res. 568 lowers the bar for war by changing longstanding U.S.
policy that Iran must not acquire nuclear weapons by, instead, drawing
the red line for military action at Iran's achieving a nuclear-weapons
capability. The term ``capability'' is undefined in the underlying
resolution, and it could be applied to any country with a civilian
nuclear program, including Japan and Brazil. This resolution,
therefore, sets a precedent which could cause us to stumble from one
war into another.
And, what, we haven't had enough wars?
Not all enrichment is devoted to building bombs. This resolution
marks a significant shift in U.S. policy that could threaten critical
upcoming negotiations with Iran on May 23. It is likely that a
negotiated deal to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran would provide for
Iranian enrichment for peaceful purposes, under the framework of the
nonproliferation nuclear weapons treaty, with strict safeguards and
inspections.
I want to point out, in conclusion, that Yuval Diskin, the former
Shin Bet chief, has stated that attacking Iran will encourage them to
develop a bomb.
Meir Dagan, the former Mossad chief, echoed his sentiment by saying:
Attacking Iran is the stupidest thing I've ever heard of.
It will be followed by a war with Iran. It's the kind of
thing where we know how it starts but not know how it will
end.
I think our diplomacy is having an effect, said General Martin
Dempsey, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. I yield myself such time as I may consume.
This resolution reaffirms the position of the House with respect to
U.S. policy on Iran's nuclear program. Efforts to misrepresent this
resolution really distract from the real problem, which is the
increasing threat posed by Iran's nuclear program and the need to
prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapons capability.
Tehran has repeatedly lied to the world about its secret nuclear
activities; Tehran has violated international nonproliferation
obligations; and it has repeatedly threatened to destroy our ally
Israel.
Just earlier this year, Ayatollah Khamenei said:
The truly cancerous Israel must be destroyed in the region,
and this will without doubt come to fruition.
[[Page H2690]]
{time} 1800
It is abundantly clear that Iran cannot be trusted with uranium
enrichment or any component of the nuclear program. Even the U.N.
Security Council resolutions have demanded that Iran stop all uranium
enrichment and reprocessing.
Unless compelled to change course, Iran will soon have all of the
basic components or capabilities to produce a nuclear weapon. The only
thing that would be left for them to do will be to put the pieces
together.
According to the International Atomic Energy Agency, Iran is
expanding its stockpiles of uranium, advancing its missile
capabilities, and burying and hiding its nuclear infrastructure. As if
that were not enough, the smoking gun in the IAEA's November 2011
report was that Iran carried out, ``work on the development of an
indigenous design of a nuclear weapon, including the testing of
components.'' In addition, the IAEA uncovered evidence that Iran was
attempting to miniaturize a warhead to fit on top of a ballistic
missile.
As we fast-forward to this weekend, drawings were revealed showing a
secret chamber at an Iranian military facility of the type needed for
nuclear weapons testing. Again, the regime is building up its
capacities on all fronts. When it has mastered all of these, Tehran
would be able to intimidate its neighbors and engage in even more
threatening actions, always with the threat that it could flip the
switch and produce nuclear weapons at any time. At that point, the U.S.
and other responsible nations would have no other option but to sit in
fear of this nuclear-armed state sponsor of terrorism.
We must reaffirm our commitment to adoption of this resolution and
stronger sanctions legislation to prevent this doomsday scenario from
becoming a reality.
With that, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 1 minute to the
Delegate from American Samoa, the ranking member of the Asia and the
Pacific Subcommittee of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr.
Faleomavaega.
(Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA asked and was given permission to revise and extend
his remarks.)
Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, it is imperative that the United
States and the international community understand that a nuclear-
capable Iran is a global threat and a danger to the United States and,
just as important, to the State of Israel, where Iranian leaders have
continued to threaten Israel's existence by pledging that Israel must
be wiped off the map. This is a direct threat to our closest ally in
the Middle East.
Iran's reckless attitude continues to be a stimulus for the
instability in the Middle East. My greatest fear is that a nuclear-
capable Iran will cause other countries in the region to also build
their own nuclear program.
With that, Mr. Speaker, I want to associate myself with the eloquent
statements made earlier by our good chairman, Chairman Ros-Lehtinen,
and my good friend, Ranking Member Berman.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H. Res. 568, expressing the
sense of the House of Representatives regarding the importance of
preventing the Government of Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapons
capability. I want to thank House Foreign Affairs Chairwoman Ileana
Ros-Lehtinen of Florida and Ranking Member Howard Berman of California
for their leadership on this very important matter. I also want to
thank all the cosponsors and supporters of this critical resolution.
H. Res. 568 reiterates the United States policy against the
Government of Iran from ever acquiring nuclear arms capability and
expresses the U.S.'s strong support for ensuring that the universal
rights and aspirations for democracy of the Iranian people are
protected.
It is imperative that the U.S. and the international community
understand that a nuclear-capable Iran is a global threat and a danger
to the U.S. and just as important to the State of Israel where Iranian
leaders have continued to threaten Israel's existence by pledging that
Israel must be ``wiped off the map.'' This is a direct threat to our
closest ally in the Middle East. Iran's reckless attitude continues to
be a stimulus for instability in the Middle East. My greatest fear is
that a nuclear-capable Iran will cause other countries in the region to
build their own nuclear weapons.
The United Nations Security Council has passed many resolutions
demanding the suspension of Iran's nuclear program but it has fallen on
deaf ears. In 2011, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has
reported that Iran's nuclear program was suspected of having ``possible
military dimensions'' in their program and that Iran has continued to
enrich uranium to levels that are capable of building a nuclear weapon.
The U.S. and our international community must continue to enforce
economic and political sanctions on Iran. I certainly commend President
Obama and his Administration for maintaining his position in not
``taking any options off the table'' in preventing Iran from ever
having a nuclear weapon. The Administration must continue to pressure
Iran to agree in having full and complete cooperation with the IAEA in
addressing concerns relating to their nuclear activities.
I thank Chairwoman Ros-Lehtinen and Ranking Member Berman again for
their leadership and I urge my colleagues to pass H. Res. 568.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of
my time.
Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 1 minute to the
gentlelady from Maryland (Ms. Edwards).
Ms. EDWARDS. Thank you, Ranking Member Berman, for yielding the time.
I would like to engage the gentleman in a colloquy.
After reading the resolution and studying it, I just have a couple of
questions that I would ask that you clarify your understanding about
the resolution, and that is the resolved clauses, especially clauses 4
through 7, which are of some concern to me, but I'm interested in
hearing from you.
In your view, does this resolution in any way constitute an
authorization for the use of military force?
Mr. BERMAN. Will the gentlelady yield?
Ms. EDWARDS. I yield to the gentleman from California.
Mr. BERMAN. Absolutely not. This resolution is no way intended and in
no way can it be interpreted as an authorization for the use of
military force. It is a nonbinding resolution that endorses a
diplomatic resolution to the Iranian nuclear program. It includes no
operative authorizations regarding the use of force.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentlewoman from Maryland
has expired.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Some may put forth the argument that this resolution undermines and
threatens the ongoing P5+1 negotiations. The truth is, Mr. Speaker,
that the Iranian regime is using these negotiations as a way to buy
time and continue enrichment without any additional sanctions.
Time and again, the United States has come to the table with Iran,
made concession after concession, and left with nothing in return. In
one example, last month, the Los Angeles Times reported that U.S.
officials are now willing to let Iran continue enriching uranium, even
though multiple U.N. Security Council resolutions demand that Iran
immediately halt uranium enrichment. And today's New York Times
included a report, entitled, ``Iran Sees Success in Stalling on Nuclear
Issue,'' and the report states:
Iran's negotiation team may be less interested in reaching
a comprehensive settlement than in buying time and
establishing the legitimacy of its enrichment program.
I couldn't say it better. It's time to stop glorifying negotiations
for the sake of negotiations. This resolution strengthens the U.S.
position and our leverage.
With that, I reserve the balance of our time.
Mr. BERMAN. I am pleased to yield 1 minute to a member of the Foreign
Affairs Committee, my friend from Florida (Mr. Deutch).
Mr. DEUTCH. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from California, and I
rise today in strong support of House Resolution 568, a resolution
making clear that the United States' policy towards Iran is not one of
containment but is one of prevention.
I'm pleased to have co-introduced this resolution with a bipartisan
group of colleagues, including the chair, Ms. Ros-Lehtinen.
Indeed, this Congress, this administration, and this President
understand that failing to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran would ignite a
destabilizing arms race in the Middle East, would threaten the very
existence of our ally Israel,
[[Page H2691]]
and would endanger the security of the American people.
As Iran faces growing international isolation, now is not the time to
roll back crippling economic sanctions, nor should we fall victim to
this regime's penchant of hiding behind the pretense of negotiations
simply to buy more time. With this resolution, we will send a message
to Iran's regime and to the world that the U.S. will accept nothing
less than a strict policy of prevention when it comes to this regime's
illicit quest for nuclear weapons.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time to
close on the resolution.
Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I do have a few more speakers.
I am now pleased to yield 1 minute to the ranking member of the
Europe and Eurasia Subcommittee of the House Foreign Affairs Committee,
the gentleman from New York (Mr. Meeks).
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H. Res. 568. This
resolution supports President Obama's policy towards Iran.
As the President stated during the AIPAC annual convention in March:
Iran's leaders should understand that I do not have a
policy of containment; I have a policy to prevent Iran from
obtaining a nuclear weapon.
President's Obama's commitment to Israel's security is ironclad.
America has stood with Israel under this administration which has
facilitated unprecedented levels of security assistance for Israel,
increasing every single year, even in a tough domestic budget
environment. Above all, President Obama has directed his administration
to prevent--not merely contain--Iran achieving nuclear weapons
capability.
I urge my colleagues to vote in favor of this resolution, supporting
the President's position and affirming that the U.S.-Israel
relationship is too important to be distorted by politics.
I thank Chairman Ros-Lehtinen and Ranking Member Howard Berman for
bringing us together in a united way and passing this resolution.
Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from New Jersey, an individual who knows a lot about this
subject, Mr. Holt.
{time} 1810
Mr. HOLT. Mr. Speaker, I thank the ranking member.
The threat of nuclear proliferation is the greatest threat to world
peace. A nuclear Iran would destabilize the region and threaten the
United States and our allies.
This resolution is not an authorization for military force. It is not
a call for war. I would not support this resolution if it were.
Our shared goal must be to persuade Iran to end its nuclear weapons
program. That's President Obama's purpose in agreeing to negotiations.
That's our purpose here. The world does not have many tools available,
but we should use, and the world is united in using, economic and
diplomatic pressure. This does not preclude diplomatic resolution. In
fact, it makes diplomatic resolution more possible.
Of course, ultimately, Iran should decide that it's not in her
people's interest for Iran to pursue nuclear weapons. And we and all
nuclear powers should stop behaving as if we think nuclear weapons are
beneficial for a country. This resolution will help move us in that
direction.
Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, could we get an indication of the time
remaining on both sides?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from California controls 6
minutes, and the gentlewoman from Florida controls 10 minutes.
Mr. BERMAN. I thank the Speaker.
I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the other expert from New Jersey (Mr.
Andrews).
(Mr. ANDREWS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. ANDREWS. Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank Chairwoman Ros-
Lehtinen and Ranking Member Berman for bringing this resolution
forward. I regret but do not doubt its necessity.
The issue raised in this resolution is not whether we are authorizing
war--because we clearly are not. The issue is not whether the President
would have to come to this Chamber--any President--should he conclude
that war is necessary--because he clearly would. The issue in this
resolution is not whether we should conduct negotiations but how we
should conduct negotiations. And this resolution gives us an emphatic
opportunity to say that when we are negotiating with a country that has
conceived its nuclear weapons program in secret, that has brandished
its nuclear weapons program with the rhetoric of hostility, and for
whom the attainment of a nuclear weapon would be fraught with peril for
free people everywhere, then in the context of that negotiation, our
position must be that we will not support or stand for an Iran with
nuclear weapons.
This is the issue. I would urge a ``yes'' vote. And, again, I thank
the chair and the ranking member for their patriotic and unified
leadership on this question.
Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to my friend
from Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer).
Mr. BLUMENAUER. I appreciate the gentleman's courtesy in permitting
me to speak on this.
This is no dispute in this Chamber that a nuclear armed Iran is
completely unacceptable. That's why it was so encouraging to hear the
Democratic whip say with assurance--and I think we all agree--that we
are hitting Iran where it hurts the most.
The news this weekend was filled with accounts of ``dark'' ships of
oil tankers of Iran that are unable to deliver oil. They are having
their oil trade significantly constricted. Their economy is being
battered, their currency in free-fall.
The President has assembled the broadest coalition we have seen
uniting behind this diplomatic effort. We have had a range of people in
the past who have been, I think, too sympathetic to Iran or at least
have not stood up to them. But they are falling in place with us.
Now we are on the verge of what hopefully will be encouraging
diplomatic efforts scheduled to start next week. The resolution claims
to support an endorsed diplomacy but, in fact, the timing and the
wording undercuts that.
Now is the time that we ought to be united and we ought to be
focused. We ought to make sure that we have a positive environment to
seize on the pain that is being inflicted on the regime, to be able to
capitalize on the coalition and be able to make progress. Instead, we
have a resolution--and these concepts have been bandied about now for
several months--but we have a resolution that's rushed to the House
floor, unsettlingly timed before the negotiations.
It never had a hearing. It never had a markup. There was no
opportunity to find out what, actually, the implications are of
changing a standard from preventing Iran from ``acquiring'' nuclear
weapons to preventing Iran from ``obtaining'' a nuclear weapons
capability. These are not small matters, and they bear on the ultimate
success of our coalition, the diplomacy, because every expert has
concluded that an armed intervention, a military attack against Iran
would be disastrous for all involved. And my colleague from Ohio quoted
people from the Israeli Government who are convinced that military
action would be folly.
But the point is, we shouldn't be at this point. We shouldn't be
casting a cloud over the negotiations. It's unnecessary. It's
nonproductive. I would urge a ``no'' vote.
Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the remainder of my time.
Ms. EDWARDS. Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. BERMAN. I yield to the gentlelady from Maryland.
Ms. EDWARDS. Mr. Speaker, if I could just ask the ranking member
whether, under this resolution, the President would be required to come
to the Congress for a specific authorization for the use of military
force.
Mr. BERMAN. I thank the gentlewoman for the inquiry.
The President is the Commander in Chief. There is no authorization
for the use of force.
Contrary to what was said earlier by my friend from Ohio, whatever
one thought about the decision to go to war in Iraq, 5 months before
that, Congress very explicitly provided an authorization for the use of
force. There is nothing in this resolution, and there is no intention
in this resolution, to provide that authorization.
[[Page H2692]]
Nuclear weapons capability--there are three elements, as defined by
the Director of National Intelligence: fissile material production,
one. Design, weaponization, and testing of a warhead, two. A delivery
vehicle. To be nuclear-capable, you really have to have to master all
three elements.
While Iran has the delivery system, they have not yet mastered--but
they are making progress--on steps one and two. And if one day, when
they've mastered all the other elements and they kick out the
inspectors and they shut off the cameras, I will consider them nuclear-
capable.
This is about achieving a goal through economic sanctions rigorously
applied to achieve a diplomatic resolution. It is the perfect time to
bring up this resolution.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Just 2 months ago, President Obama extended the national emergency,
as we heard, with respect to Iran, declaring that the regime's
activities pose ``an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national
security, foreign policy, and economy of the United States.''
Well, this resolution is an important statement, clarifying
congressional commitment to countering the Iranian threat. However, our
focus must be on rapidly and dramatically ratcheting up sanctions,
without the glaring exceptions that we now have, in order to put our
boot on the throat of this dangerous regime.
{time} 1820
We must compel the Iranian regime to permanently and verifiably
dismantle its nuclear program, abandon its unconventional and missile
development programs, and end its support for violent extremism. We do
not want to look back, Mr. Speaker, and wish that we had heeded the
warning signs.
We anxiously await the other body's strengthening and passage of
companion legislation to the measures that the House passed months ago.
We must meet our responsibility to the American people and protect the
security of our Nation, our allies, and the world from this threat of a
nuclear capable Iran.
With that, Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. BACA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to voice my strong support for H.
Res. 568.
This hi-partisan resolution signifies the importance of preventing
the Government of Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapons capability.
I want to thank my friend from Florida, Congresswoman Ileana Ros-
Lehtinen, for introducing this resolution.
For over 20 years Iran has engaged in a sustained and well-documented
pattern of deceptive activities to acquire a nuclear capability outside
of what can be considered for peaceful use.
The UN Security Council has adopted a number of resolutions since
2006 demanding the suspension of uranium enrichment-related and
reprocessing activities by Iran and its cooperation with the IAEA on
all nuclear activities, including the possible militarization of its
nuclear program.
The IAEA's extensive report documents ``serious concerns'' regarding
military dimensions to Iran's nuclear activity in hopes of developing a
nuclear device.
If Iran is successful in acquiring a nuclear weapon capability, it
will force other countries in the region to consider developing their
own nuclear capabilities; notably, Saudi Arabia.
Iranian leaders have previously threatened the existence of Israel,
pledging to ``wipe Israel off the map'' and since 1984 Iran has been
recognized by the State Department as an active sponsor of terrorism.
I feel just as President Obama has previously stated, ``that the
consequences of a nuclear-armed Iran are unacceptable'' and we are
determined to prevent Iran from getting a nuclear weapon.
Our Congress must stand in one voice and prevent Iran from acquiring
a nuclear weapons capability.
I ask my colleagues to join me in condemning Iran's nuclear ambitions
and vote in favor of H. Res. 568.
Mr. GENE GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support
of H. Res. 568, a bipartisan resolution affirming that it is our
nation's policy to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons
capability and emphasize that containment is not a viable option.
Iran is developing the capability to quickly produce a nuclear weapon
at a time of its choosing. Iran's acquisition of such a capability
would create a significant new regional danger and be an immediate
threat to America's interest and allies in the Middle East.
A nuclear Iran would most likely trigger an arms race in the region
that could de-stabilize an already fragile peace and threaten the
global economy.
It is imperative that our nation continue to strengthen existing
diplomatic and economic pressure on Iran and force it to change course
before it is too late.
Ms. RICHARDSON. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H.
Res. 568, ``Expressing the sense of the House of Representatives
regarding the importance of preventing the Government of Iran from
acquiring a nuclear weapons capability.'' As a member of the Homeland
Security Committee and a proud cosponsor of this resolution, I believe
it is of critical importance to American security to continue dialogue
with Iran. However, we must also take a clear stance that the United
States will take the necessary steps to prevent Iran from obtaining
nuclear weapons.
H. Res. 568 rejects the possibility of containing a nuclear Iran. If
Iran is able to develop nuclear weapons, Tehran will be able to
leverage its new capabilities to secure its own agenda at the expense
of broader American interests. Such a program would also likely spur
other Middle Eastern countries to develop their own nuclear
capabilities, leading to an arms race and massive instability. The
development of these weapons is not just bad for the region. It is
dangerous to the global community.
The United States has always maintained a strong relationship with
the State of Israel and is committed to its security and prosperity. I
was particularly alarmed to hear of top Iranian officials threatening
to ``wipe Israel off the map,'' and I urge my colleagues not to take
this threat lightly. The United States has a demonstrated history of
supporting democracy, human rights, and peace throughout the Middle
East. A nuclear arms race would be an affront to this ideal.
Mr. Speaker, I also stand with the people of Iran and strongly
advocate for their rights and security. The United Nations' General
Assembly has condemned Iran for failing to meet international human
rights standards and expressed concern over a high frequency of
executions and violations of minority groups' rights. As the United
States exercises sanctions against Tehran, I would like to highlight
the message that we are not seeking to punish the Iranian people and
that we wish for them a responsive and stable government.
Mr. Speaker, we cannot afford to watch this situation continue to
escalate while we sit idly by. President Obama, Secretary of Defense
Panetta, and other American leaders have united and pledged to prevent
Iran's nuclear weapons capability at any cost. I am proud to be a
cosponsor of H. Res 568 and hope that Congress can also unite to become
another powerful voice against Iranian aggression.
Ms. JACKSON LEE of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to support H.
Res. 568, ``Expressing the sense of the House of Representatives
regarding the importance of preventing the Government of Iran from
acquiring a nuclear weapons capability.'' This measure affirms that it
is vital to our national interest to prevent Iran from acquiring
weapons of mass destruction. It also makes clear that our time is
limited and we must act to prevent Iran from acquiring full nuclear
weapons capability. As a Ranking Member of the Homeland Security
Subcommittee on Transportation Security, I am well versed in the
dangers posed by allowing countries who are against our interests to
gain nuclear weapons. I have always been and will continue to be
concerned for the average citizen of Iran. This measure is not a
reflection of the will of the average Iranian but a reflection of the
government which currently represents them. H. Res. 568 represents our
commitment to national security.
The United States of America should increase economic and diplomatic
pressure on Iran to secure an agreement that includes: (1) the
suspension of all uranium enrichment-related and reprocessing
activities, (2) ensures Iran's complete cooperation with the
International Atomic Energy Agency, IAEA, regarding their nuclear
activities, and (3) a permanent agreement that verifiably assures that
Iran's nuclear program is entirely peaceful.
I support the Iranian people's universal human rights and access to
inclusive, democratic representation. H. Res. 568 urges the President
to reaffirm the unacceptability of an Iran that has nuclear weapons
capability. This piece of legislation calls for enforcing tougher
sanctions against Iran. Iran has been involved in the proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction, whether they are nuclear or chemical or
biological.
This timely piece of legislation addresses the need for the U.S. to
take a strong stance against the aggressive and hostile behavior of
these three countries. These governments are not our friends. We must
not underestimate their ability to manufacture nuclear weapons. The
government of Iran, under its president and leader, Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad, has pursued policies undermining democracy and
[[Page H2693]]
threatening regional security as well as our own national security.
Iran's actions regarding its nuclear program have been highly
troublesome. Investigations conducted by the U.N.'s International
Atomic Energy Agency, IAEA, have revealed that Iran has been in
violation of the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty time and time again.
In 2003, Iran confirmed that there are sites in the cities of Natanz
and Arak that are under construction. But Iran insisted that these
sites, like Bushehr, are designed to provide fuel for future power
plants and nothing else.
Subsequent actions, however, have led us to believe otherwise.
Stemming from the most recent IAEA report, experts believe that, with
further enrichment of its existing stockpile of uranium, Iran already
has enough raw material to make two or three nuclear weapons. Even
though having the raw material is different from having an actual
weapon, Ahmedinejad's belligerent and hostile actions create an
atmosphere dangerous to U.S. national security.
Iran also has a horrific human rights abuse record. On December 26,
2011, the United Nations General Assembly passed a resolution
denouncing the serious human rights abuses occurring in Iran.
The resolution included torture, cruel and degrading treatment in
detention, the targeting of human rights defenders, violence against
women, and ``the systematic and serious restrictions on freedom of
peaceful assembly'' as well as severe restrictions on the rights to
``freedom of thought, conscience, religion or belief.''
The Iranian regime's treatment of women is particularly heinous.
Prominent human rights activist Shirin Ebadi, the 2003 Nobel Peace
Prize Laureate, has faced intensified persecution from the Iranian
government for her courageous activism and efforts to promote women's
rights in Iran.
On 21 December 2008, dozens of government agents carried out a raid
on the Defenders of Human Rights Center, run by Ms. Ebadi. The Center
provides legal assistance to victims of human rights violations.
The raid on the Center occurred hours before they were planning on
holding an event there to commemorate the 60th anniversary of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Center staff members and guests
were harassed and intimidated and the center was forcibly closed.
Later, officials identifying themselves as tax inspectors came to the
Center to remove documents and computers, despite Ms. Ebadi's protests
that they contained protected lawyer-client information. Ms. Ebadi has
repeatedly been subjected to threats and intimidation for the work she
does. Occurrences like this must stop.
The United States' relations with Iran have been volatile and
tumultuous for almost 60 years. We are engaging with a hostile regime
that has not demonstrated a desire to compromise or an ability to admit
to its wrongdoings. Our focus now is to address the security concerns
in the region.
The provisions put forth in this bill are vital to ensuring our
nation's security interests. Those who govern Iran must be held
accountable for its actions.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the
gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) that the House suspend the
rules and agree to the resolution, H. Res. 568, as amended.
The question was taken.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds
being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further
proceedings on this question will be postponed.
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