[Congressional Record Volume 158, Number 49 (Monday, March 26, 2012)]
[Senate]
[Page S2015]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
RYAN BUDGET
Mr. KYL. In a recent column in the Arizona Republic, my friend Bob
Robb laid out a very thoughtful contrast between President Obama's
budget and the alternative put forth by House Budget Committee chairman
Paul Ryan, which the House of Representatives will be acting on this
week. In his column Robb notes that the Ryan budget would get the
Federal deficit below 3 percent of GDP by 2015 and after a decade would
reduce our debt-to-GDP ratio from today's 100 percent to about 87
percent or just under the share many economists believe affects private
sector economic performance and casts doubt on the government's ability
to even repay its obligations. Robb explains that ``despite the
caterwauling of critics, Ryan doesn't achieve this through brutal
budget cuts. Quite the contrary.'' He explains why the Ryan budget
would allow spending to increase about 3 percent each year, compared to
the Obama budget's about 5 percent annual increases, and he concludes
that low interest rates are currently muting the effects of our growing
debt on the economy, but it could change overnight. ``And if it
changes, the federal government will have to take action much more
drastic and quicker than the relatively gentle and gradual pathway
provided by the Ryan budget.''
I hope Senators will take a few moments to review this column in its
entirety. I ask unanimous consent that it be printed in the Record.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
[From the Arizona Republic, Mar. 23, 2012]
Ryan Has a Less-Painful Debt Plan
(By Robert Robb)
Critics of Rep. Paul Ryan's proposed budget resolution are
almost universally unserious about getting federal debt and
deficits under control. The country will be very lucky if it
gets a chance to implement as gentle and gradual a path to
fiscal sobriety as the Ryan plan outlines.
Economists believe there are two red lines for debt and
deficits. If accumulated debt exceeds 90 percent of GDP, it
begins to affect private-sector economic performance and
raise questions about the ability of the government to pay it
back. And annual deficits of more than 3 percent of GDP are
regarded as a sign of a government that has lost control of
its finances.
Right now, total federal debt exceeds 100 percent of GDP.
The deficit is 8.5 percent of GDP. And that's the lowest it's
been in four years.
The Ryan budget would get the annual deficit below 3
percent of GDP by 2015. At the end of the 10-year planning
horizon, total federal debt would be an estimated 87 percent
of GDP, barely out of the red zone.
Despite the caterwauling of critics, Ryan doesn't achieve
this through brutal budget cuts. Quite the contrary.
Under Ryan's budget, federal spending would increase from
$3.6 trillion today to $4.9 trillion 10 years from now.
That's an average annual rate of increase of around 3
percent. Hardly a starvation diet.
What is the alternative to Ryan's plan to get the federal
government out of the red zone on debt and deficits? It
certainly isn't President Barack Obama's budget.
Under Obama's budget, the annual deficit wouldn't get under
3 percent of GDP until 2017. That would mean eight
consecutive years of exceeding the deficit speed limit.
That's not a country in control of its finances.
Under Obama's budget, the country would never get below 100
percent of GDP in terms of total debt. After 10 years, the
country would still be deep in the red zone.
Rather than increase federal spending to $4.9 trillion over
10 years, Obama would increase it to $5.8 trillion--or nearly
5 percent a year, compared with Ryan's 3 percent.
Obama's tax increases aren't really to reduce the deficit,
as he claims. They are to support his higher rate of growth
in spending.
Right now, there's not a political urgency to do something
meaningful about debt and deficits because the federal
government can borrow a seemingly unlimited amount of money
at very low interest rates.
But that could change. And it could change overnight. And
if it changes, the federal government will have to take
action much more drastic and quicker than the relatively
gentle and gradual pathway provided by the Ryan budget.
The most controversial parts of the Ryan budget--tax reform
and Medicare reform--are actually irrelevant to the task of
getting out of the red zone for debt and deficits. The tax
reform is intended to be revenue-neutral. The Medicare reform
doesn't kick in until after the 10-year planning horizon of
the budget resolution. It's intended to reduce the debt
problem of the future, not get us out of our current hole.
If Democrats were serious about doing something about debt,
there would be room for discussion about changes to the Ryan
blueprint. The Simpson-Bowles Commission proposed tax reform
similar to what Ryan advocates, lower rates on a broader
base, but in a way that increases revenues to the government.
Ryan proposes spending $440 billion more on defense over 10
years than does Obama. The relative allocations within the
Ryan spending limits are certainly arguable.
But Democrats aren't serious, so the Ryan budget is the
only current alternative to just waiting for the credit
markets to start saying no. If that day arrives, the Ryan
plan will look awfully lovely in retrospect.
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