[Congressional Record Volume 158, Number 31 (Tuesday, February 28, 2012)]
[House]
[Pages H976-H992]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
PROTECTING ACADEMIC FREEDOM IN HIGHER EDUCATION ACT
Ms. FOXX. Madam Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I
call up House Resolution 563 and ask for its immediate consideration.
The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:
H. Res. 563
Resolved, That at any time after the adoption of this
resolution the Speaker may, pursuant to clause 2(b) of rule
XVIII, declare the House resolved into the Committee of the
Whole House on the state of the Union for consideration of
the bill (H.R. 2117) to prohibit the Department of Education
from overreaching into academic affairs and program
eligibility under title IV of the Higher Education Act of
1965. The first reading of the bill shall be dispensed with.
All points of order against consideration of the bill are
waived. General debate shall be confined to the bill and
shall not exceed one hour equally divided and controlled by
the chair and ranking minority member of the Committee on
Education and the Workforce. After general debate the bill
shall be considered for amendment under the five-minute rule.
It shall be in order to consider as an original bill for the
purpose of amendment under the five-minute rule the amendment
in the nature of a substitute recommended by the Committee on
Education and the Workforce now printed in the bill. The
committee amendment in the nature of a substitute shall be
considered as read. All points of order against the committee
amendment in the nature of a substitute are waived. No
amendment to the committee amendment in the nature of a
substitute shall be in order except those printed in the
report of the Committee on Rules accompanying this
resolution. Each such amendment may be offered only in the
order printed in the report, may be offered only by a Member
designated in the report, shall be considered as read, shall
be debatable for the time specified in the report equally
divided and controlled by the proponent and an opponent,
shall not be subject to amendment, and shall not be subject
to a demand for division of the question
[[Page H977]]
in the House or in the Committee of the Whole. All points of
order against such amendments are waived. At the conclusion
of consideration of the bill for amendment the Committee
shall rise and report the bill to the House with such
amendments as may have been adopted. Any Member may demand a
separate vote in the House on any amendment adopted in the
Committee of the Whole to the bill or to the committee
amendment in the nature of a substitute. The previous
question shall be considered as ordered on the bill and
amendments thereto to final passage without intervening
motion except one motion to recommit with or without
instructions.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentlewoman from North Carolina is
recognized for 1 hour.
Ms. FOXX. Madam Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the
customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr.
McGovern), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume.
During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the
purpose of debate only.
General Leave
Ms. FOXX. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members
have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentlewoman from North Carolina?
There was no objection.
Ms. FOXX. House Resolution 563 provides for a structured rule
providing for consideration of H.R. 2117, which repeals the Department
of Education's State authorization regulation and the Federal
definition of a credit hour.
I think most people on both sides of the aisle would agree that our
higher education system is the envy of the world. The bill we will
consider today, H.R. 2117, the Protecting Academic Freedom in Higher
Education Act, passed the House Education and Workforce Committee with
bipartisan support on June 15, 2011, and I'm very, very proud of that.
{time} 1230
A lot of Americans believe Members of Congress can't work together,
but H.R. 2117 shows the opposite. I appreciate the opportunity to work
with my colleagues across the aisle to pass this legislation and hope
we can find more ways to work together.
In 2010, the Department of Education issued a series of regulations
purportedly aimed at improving the integrity of Federal student aid
programs. Included in these regulations was a new ``State
authorization'' rule that imposes a one-size-fits-all Federal mandate
on institutions of higher education and infringes on the rights of
States to regulate their higher education systems. Institutions are
already required to be authorized by the State in which they're
located. However, the Federal Department of Education was not satisfied
leaving these decisions solely to States and added several Federal
criteria to existing State authorization processes which would
unnecessarily complicate the process for institutions and further
burden already strapped State governments by increasing their workload.
In addition, it is unclear whether the regulation would require
online education programs to be authorized in every State in which they
have students. One online university reports the State authorization
regulations could cost the institution $700,000 initially, plus an
additional $400,000 annually. H.R. 2117 also repeals the Federal
definition of a credit hour. This definition has historically been the
jurisdiction of accrediting agencies and institutions. And again, the
process has worked very well. There have been no complaints about it.
Last year, Excelsior College president John Ebersole testified in
front of the Subcommittee on Higher Education and Workforce Training
about this regulation, stating it inserts the Department of Education
into academic judgments that should be made at the institution level
and could destroy accelerated learning programs that allow students to
complete their education more quickly.
These regulations will restrict innovation, limit flexibility, and
pave the way for additional Federal overreach into higher education.
Madam Speaker, with that, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I want to thank the gentlewoman from
North Carolina, my good friend, Dr. Foxx, for yielding me the customary
30 minutes.
I yield myself such time as I may consume.
(Mr. McGOVERN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, here we go again. Another day in the
House of Representatives and another day without a jobs bill. It's
almost March, and my Republican colleagues who control this House still
have not put a meaningful jobs bill on the floor. In fact, their best
chance of passing a jobs bill could have been the highway
reauthorization bill, but they screwed that up so badly that they had
to yank it off the floor before an embarrassing bipartisan defeat.
So what are we doing today? Well, Madam Speaker, today, we're
considering a bill targeting Department of Education regulations
defining credit hours and setting minimum requirements that all higher
education institutions must meet to be considered authorized by a
State. We're targeting Department of Education regulations. We're not
considering a jobs bill. There's no new, bipartisan highway bill.
There's no bill that helps put cops, firefighters, and librarians back
to work. And there's no new bill that helps train workers for the
future.
The economy may be inching along, recovering slowly, but it still
needs some help. We need a real, comprehensive jobs package. Instead,
we just get a bill to dismantle a few regulations with no attempt to
make our education system better. This is no way to run the House of
Representatives.
Let's look at where we've been. They started off the new Congress
with their health care repeal and replace, but we're still waiting on
the replace part. To be clear, Republicans voted to take away health
protections for seniors, they voted to take away health care
protections for young people under 26, and they voted to take away
health care protections for those with preexisting conditions, but they
haven't proposed anything to replace those important provisions.
Since then, the Republican leadership has played legislative Russian
roulette with our economy by holding the debt limit discussions
hostage, by holding up the payroll tax cut and unemployment insurance
extensions multiple times, and, most recently, by proposing the most
partisan highway reauthorization bill I think in the history of this
Congress.
On top of that, the Republican leadership has wasted our time by
debating resolutions to defund National Public Radio and Planned
Parenthood. We have debated resolutions making it easier for unsafe
people to carry concealed weapons across State lines. We've spent a
good period of time on this House floor debating a bill to reaffirm our
national motto. And soon we'll probably vote on a bill to restrict
contraception, another attack on women's health by this Republican-
controlled House.
Madam Speaker, there are more important things we should be doing,
and, yes, education should be something we debate. I'm all for bills
improving our education system. In fact, I'd welcome the opportunity to
act in a bipartisan way to improve our school systems across the board.
What we should be talking about today is college affordability. What we
should be talking about today are ways to ensure that every single
American student has access to a quality education. And despite what
Republican Senator Rick Santorum might think, it's not snobby to try to
make sure our students have access to the best education possible.
What we should be considering on the floor of the House today is
legislation to extend the tax deduction for tuition and fees that
families across this country rely on to help bear the incredible burden
of rising tuition costs. This deduction, Madam Speaker, of up to $4,000
expired at the end of last year, and congressional action is required
to extend this tax benefit past the 2011 tax year. But that is not what
we are considering today on the House floor.
We should also be considering legislation to prevent the looming
increase in subsidized Stafford student loan rates--from 3.4 percent to
6.8 percent--that will occur if Congress does not act before July 1,
2012. These need-based loans are critical for students who might
otherwise be unable to attend
[[Page H978]]
college, and we should act now on legislation to stop the doubling of
their interest rates. But, Madam Speaker, that is not what we are doing
today.
Republican Governors, including the head of the Republican Governors
Association, Virginia Governor Bob McDonnell, overwhelmingly support
President Obama's college education agenda. But in the House of
Representatives, all we see is an effort to attack and dismantle the
President's initiatives and no attempt to actually make college more
accessible and more affordable.
Madam Speaker, this is just another squandered opportunity by this
Republican Congress. I can't say I'm surprised, but I am disappointed.
It is time for us to work in a bipartisan way to focus on how to get
this economy moving again and to focus on jobs. And when we focus on
education, let's focus on issues that will make a real difference in
the lives of our young people.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. FOXX. Madam Speaker, I know my colleague is a very hardworking
Member of Congress, and I know that he pays close attention to what's
going on in the Congress. I'm sure he simply forgot the fact that we
have passed over 30 bills in the House and sent them to the Senate, and
the Senate has not acted on them. These 30 bills--we've actually passed
hundreds of bills--but those 30 bills, in particular, were focused on
creating jobs. Now, my colleague seems to have forgotten that. He seems
also to have forgotten the fact that the Senate is controlled by his
colleagues in the Democratic Party, and that's where the problem is
with jobs bills.
Also, most of those 30 bills that we've passed, or a great number of
them, had energy components, Madam Speaker, which would help bring down
the cost of gasoline, which would help improve our energy resources in
this country. So we get a twofer for most of those bills. However,
again, those bills are languishing in the Senate.
We have focused on creating jobs in the House, and one of the ways
that we could truly create jobs is to reduce our deficit and reduce our
debt. Republicans have been very much focused on that here in the House
of Representatives, and in most cases, again, we get bipartisan support
for those efforts.
{time} 1240
In fact, the 30 jobs bills that have passed the House have had
bipartisan support. So there are ways for us to work together.
I think the focus of my colleague is to increase spending, increase
Federal Government involvement; and we know that that goes against the
grain. We know from history that that does not improve the economy,
does not create jobs.
We have an underemployment rate of over 15 percent, created beginning
with the Democrats' takeover of the Congress in January of 2007, going
through their 4 years. Then it really skyrocketed when President Obama
was elected and was there for 2 years with a Democrat-controlled
Congress.
So I'd just like to remind my colleague that he goes back a little
ways in history in talking about things that we have done here, but he
fails to mention some of the effects of what he and his colleagues had.
With that, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Madam Speaker, I would point out to my friend from North Carolina
that the problem with the transportation bill, which had the potential
to create millions of jobs in this country, was not the United States
Senate. The problem with the transportation bill was the extreme right
here in the House of Representatives that insisted that their
leadership bring to the floor one of the most partisan, one of the most
awful transportation bills we have ever, ever seen.
The sad thing is that transportation bills used to be bipartisan. In
fact, they've always been bipartisan, where Democrats and Republicans
would come together. This bill was so partisan that even a number of
Republicans couldn't support it. So they yanked it from the House floor
because they were fearful of an embarrassing defeat.
A good, robust surface transportation bill is a good jobs bill. We
need to invest in our infrastructure in this country. We need to invest
in our roads and our bridges and in mass transit. The transportation
bill that the Republicans brought to the floor gutted mass transit,
just gutted it. So that's not a problem with the United States Senate;
it's a problem with the leadership here in the House of
Representatives.
My colleague talks about jobs. The President of the United States
came to this Chamber and addressed the Nation on the need to create
more jobs, on the need to help create a climate where more private
sector jobs could happen. He submitted to us a plan. We cannot even get
an up-or-down vote on the President's jobs plan. We can't even get a
vote on it.
So when my friends talk about jobs, you know, we have this
opportunity to at least vote on a jobs bill. If you don't want to vote
for jobs, that's one thing; but at least give us the opportunity to
vote up or down on it.
Just one other thing about the deficit and the debt. I don't know of
a single economist who would disagree with the statement that this debt
crisis that we're currently in began with the passage of the Bush tax
cuts, which were not paid for. Then the prescription drug bill--that
was a lot more expensive than my Republican colleagues advertised--
wasn't paid for. Add on to that two wars, Afghanistan and Iraq, not
paid for. The last time this country didn't pay for a war was when we
borrowed money from the French to fight the British. I mean, we're
going to war and asking the brave young men and women who serve in our
military to put their lives on the line, and we're not even willing to
pay for it. So that's how we got in this mess.
Add to that the greed on Wall Street which brought this economy to a
halt, and here we are trying to struggle to get our economy back on its
feet. But I'm going to tell you that we're not going to get this
economy back on its feet unless we invest in the American people,
unless we invest in education, unless we invest in our infrastructure,
unless we invest in medical research, unless we invest in the
innovation economy so that we can compete in the global economy in the
years to come.
So I don't want to hear any lectures about deficits and debt. It is
not even credible for my friends on the other side to point the finger
on that, given the fact that when Bill Clinton left office we had
record surpluses. We know how we started in this decline, and now we
need to figure out a way to dig ourselves out.
So, again, I wish we were debating a transportation bill on the floor
of the House today. I wish we were debating a bill to be able to
address the fact that interest rates on student loans are going to
increase unless we do something. We ought to make education more
affordable for people. No one in this country who wants a college
education ought not to get one because they can't afford it.
Those are the things we should be talking about here today. Instead,
they pulled the transportation bill and we're doing this today. And
we'll be out of here on Thursday before noon, I'm told. The American
people want us to work on their behalf.
I regret the fact that this bill, however well-intentioned, to me is
not the legislation we should be debating right now. This is not the
urgent need. We ought to be talking about jobs; and my friends on the
other side of the aisle, when it comes to jobs, have an absolutely
lousy record.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. FOXX. Madam Speaker, there's so much to refute and so little
time.
I would like to point out to my colleague that he mentions the Bush
tax cuts. He conveniently forgets to mention that they actually should
be called the Obama-Pelosi tax cuts because those tax cuts were
extended in 2010 when President Obama was President and Nancy Pelosi
was Speaker of this House. So they should no longer be called the Bush
tax cuts. They should rightfully be called the Obama-Pelosi tax cuts
because even those two people understood that we should not raise taxes
in the middle of a horrible recession--brought on, I might say, by our
colleagues across the aisle.
I'd also like to point out to my colleague from Massachusetts that--
let's assume that those tax increases were
[[Page H979]]
allowed to go into effect. We would still have a $400 billion deficit
in this country. We know that if we took away every penny of wealth
that those millionaires and billionaires--that they so desperately want
to tax, if we took away every penny of their wealth--not just increased
their taxes, but took all their wealth away from them, it would amount
to a little over $1 trillion. And then it wouldn't be available. There
would be no tax increases available on those people in the future, and
we still wouldn't have solved our problem.
Now, our colleagues across the aisle want to make it worse by
continuing to spend money. I know my colleague is not on the Education
Committee, and maybe he isn't aware of the fact that the Department of
Education has the third largest share of our discretionary spending of
all the Departments in the Federal Government. Only the Departments of
Defense and Health and Human Services have larger budgets than the
Department of Education, but it's still not enough money. And what have
we got to show for all of that money? Test scores, absolutely flat; no
improvement since 1965 for over $2 trillion spent on education. Madam
Speaker, I'm sorry, again, I can't allow my colleague to rewrite
history in his own terms.
I'd also like to point out that when President Obama had both the
House and the Senate in his control--60 votes in the Senate and 255
votes here--did he propose a jobs bill? No. He waited until he had been
in office 3 years before he proposed a jobs bill.
My colleagues across the aisle were in charge of this body and the
Senate for 4 years. Did they reauthorize the transportation bill? Did
they reauthorize ESEA? No.
{time} 1250
So I am sorry--I believe in that old saying, People who live in glass
houses should not throw stones.
With that, I reserve the balance of my time, and I would advise my
colleague from Massachusetts that I have no further speakers, and I am
prepared to close.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Let me respond, Madam Speaker, by reminding my colleagues that when
President Obama became President of the United States, he inherited the
worst economy since the Great Depression. My colleagues don't like to
hear that, but that's just the facts.
This has been a very difficult time not only for the U.S. economy but
for the global economy. The President has been trying with little or no
help from this House to get this economy back on the right track. The
good news is that in spite of all the obstructionism here in the House
of Representatives by my Republican colleagues, the economy is slowly
but surely getting better little by little.
We could help that if we actually talked about jobs and actually
voted on bills that were about investing in people and creating jobs,
putting people back to work. We could accelerate this recovery, but the
obstructionism continues. I should point out, Madam Speaker, that those
of us on the Democratic side have nothing against rich people,
millionaires or billionaires. It's fabulous that in this country people
can accrue enormous wealth. Where we have problems is when Warren
Buffett's secretary pays a higher tax rate than Warren Buffett. There's
something fundamentally wrong with our tax system that puts all the
burden on middle class families and basically provides a whole bunch of
loopholes so that a lot of the wealthiest people and a lot of the
wealthiest corporations in this country can escape paying taxes.
I think what people want is fairness. It's not about soaking the
rich; it's about fairness. I'm going to tell you this tax system that
we have right now isn't fair to middle class families at all. I would
also say to my colleague, we talk about our deficits and we talk about
our debt--don't exclude these wars that we're fighting. We borrow $10
billion a month for Afghanistan alone. We borrow; we don't ask anyone
to pay for it. It goes on our credit card. How is that being
responsible? How is that doing the right thing? I want these wars
ended. I think the war in Iraq was a mistake, and I want us to get out
of Afghanistan as soon as humanly possible. But whether you're for or
against these wars, you ought to pay for them. If you don't, it goes
onto our credit card. We pay $10 billion a month for Afghanistan alone.
Madam Speaker, I would also just say that one of the ways to get out
of this deficit and out of this debt we have right now is to grow the
economy, to put people back to work. The more people working, they pay
taxes, and we can put it toward lowering our debt. What I fear and what
has bothered me about my colleagues on the other side of the aisle is
they have used the deficit as an excuse to go after programs like
Medicare and Social Security and Medicaid, programs that provide a
circle of protection for people in our country, our senior citizens who
are the most vulnerable. Rather than going down that way, and rather
than debating the bill that we're debating today, I wish we were
debating the President's jobs bill. I wish we were debating something
that we could send over to the Senate that would help put people back
to work, that would help this economy grow faster. That's not what
we're doing. We're doing the same old same old, which is not much of
anything. This is a place, unfortunately, where trivial issues get
debated passionately and important ones not at all.
With that, I yield back the balance of my time.
Ms. FOXX. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I have to point out again to my colleague that the Democrats took
control of the House of Representatives and also the Senate in January
of 2007. When they did, the unemployment rate in this country was 4.5
percent. We were projected at that time to have a surplus in our budget
of about $450 billion. In just 2 short years, the unemployment rate
skyrocketed and the deficit skyrocketed. The Democrats were in control
of Congress when the President took office. That's why he inherited a
rotten economy. He didn't inherit a rotten economy from President Bush.
He inherited a rotten economy from his own party, and he's frankly done
nothing to make it any better.
I would also like to point out to my colleague across the aisle that
the stimulus that he voted for, which the President promised would do
so much for the economy, was $1 trillion, which is 9 years' worth of
spending on national defense for the war in Iraq given his figures
alone.
Madam Speaker, the American people have heard a lot recently about
exploding college costs, the burden of student debt. President Obama
highlighted these issues in his State of the Union address. Therefore,
it is ironic that the Department of Education, which reports to him, is
increasing the cost of higher education with unnecessary rules and
regulations.
At the Subcommittee on Higher Education's hearing on college costs in
November, we heard many suggestions on how colleges and universities
could cut costs. We heard from colleges who have cut their operating
budgets, offered expedited degree programs, and encouraged dual
enrollment for high school students.
Students and families are struggling to make ends meet, and higher
education institutions must find ways to cut costs. Imposing onerous
rules and regulations at the Federal level is a disincentive to the
schools to do that. It's also a major disincentive to one of the major
innovations in education: distance learning. As I mentioned earlier,
these unnecessary Federal regulations mean increased regulatory burdens
for institutions, and in turn, greater compliance costs trickle down to
increase expenses for students and their families.
The Federal Government's involvement in elementary and secondary
education illustrates what happens when Washington gets too big. The
most recent reauthorization of ESEA, the No Child Left Behind Act, is a
perfect example of good intentions at the Federal level adrift in a
feckless sea of red tape and overregulation. This law is a classic
example of Federal top-down attempts to improve education in America's
schools. It's a noble goal, but it has completely failed.
If we can agree on anything, it is that our children should be well
educated and prepared for a life of productive citizenship. However,
the Federal Government's ability to accomplish this is in serious
doubt. As history has shown time and again, Federal meddling has
resulted in a one-size-fits-all
[[Page H980]]
approach that neglects local concerns and produces a grotesque layer of
wasteful bureaucracy. Right now my colleagues in the House Education
and the Workforce Committee are working on the reauthorization of No
Child Left Behind. While my colleagues across the aisle won't support
all of our revisions, we did find consensus on charter school
legislation last year. H.R. 2218 received bipartisan support in
committee and passed the House by a bipartisan vote of 365 54 in
September.
Although we may not always agree, I hope we can continue to find ways
to work with our colleagues across the aisle to improve education in
this country. Thomas Jefferson once said:
Were we directed from Washington when to sow and when to
reap, we should soon want bread.
Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote for the rule and the
underlying bill, which would repeal a small part of the burdensome and
unnecessary Federal regulations that we're struggling with and take one
step toward reducing Federal intrusion in higher education.
I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question
on the resolution.
The previous question was ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the resolution.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 244,
nays 171, not voting 18, as follows:
[Roll No. 74]
YEAS--244
Adams
Aderholt
Alexander
Amash
Amodei
Austria
Bachmann
Bachus
Barletta
Bartlett
Barton (TX)
Bass (NH)
Benishek
Berg
Biggert
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (NY)
Bishop (UT)
Black
Blackburn
Bonner
Bono Mack
Boustany
Brady (TX)
Brooks
Broun (GA)
Buchanan
Bucshon
Buerkle
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Calvert
Camp
Campbell
Canseco
Cantor
Capito
Carter
Cassidy
Chabot
Chaffetz
Coble
Coffman (CO)
Cole
Conaway
Cravaack
Crawford
Crenshaw
Culberson
Davis (KY)
Denham
Dent
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Dold
Donnelly (IN)
Dreier
Duffy
Duncan (SC)
Duncan (TN)
Ellmers
Emerson
Farenthold
Fincher
Fitzpatrick
Flake
Fleischmann
Fleming
Flores
Forbes
Fortenberry
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Gardner
Garrett
Gerlach
Gibbs
Gibson
Gingrey (GA)
Gohmert
Goodlatte
Gosar
Gowdy
Granger
Graves (GA)
Graves (MO)
Griffin (AR)
Griffith (VA)
Grimm
Guinta
Guthrie
Hall
Hanna
Harper
Harris
Hartzler
Hastings (WA)
Hayworth
Heck
Hensarling
Herger
Herrera Beutler
Holt
Huelskamp
Huizenga (MI)
Hultgren
Hunter
Hurt
Issa
Jenkins
Johnson (IL)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson, Sam
Jones
Jordan
Kelly
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kinzinger (IL)
Kissell
Kline
Labrador
Lamborn
Lance
Latham
LaTourette
Latta
Lewis (CA)
LoBiondo
Long
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Lummis
Mack
Manzullo
Marchant
Marino
Matheson
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul
McClintock
McCotter
McHenry
McIntyre
McKeon
McKinley
Meehan
Mica
Michaud
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Mulvaney
Murphy (CT)
Murphy (PA)
Myrick
Neugebauer
Noem
Nugent
Nunes
Nunnelee
Olson
Palazzo
Paul
Paulsen
Pearce
Pence
Petri
Pitts
Platts
Poe (TX)
Pompeo
Posey
Price (GA)
Quayle
Reed
Rehberg
Reichert
Renacci
Ribble
Rigell
Rivera
Roby
Roe (TN)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Rokita
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Ross (AR)
Ross (FL)
Royce
Runyan
Ryan (WI)
Scalise
Schilling
Schmidt
Schock
Schweikert
Scott (SC)
Scott, Austin
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shimkus
Shuler
Shuster
Simpson
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Southerland
Stearns
Stivers
Stutzman
Sullivan
Terry
Thompson (PA)
Thornberry
Tiberi
Tipton
Turner (NY)
Turner (OH)
Upton
Walberg
Walden
Walsh (IL)
Webster
West
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Wolf
Womack
Woodall
Yoder
Young (FL)
Young (IN)
NAYS--171
Ackerman
Altmire
Andrews
Baca
Baldwin
Barrow
Bass (CA)
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Bishop (GA)
Blumenauer
Bonamici
Boren
Boswell
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Brown (FL)
Butterfield
Capps
Capuano
Carney
Carson (IN)
Castor (FL)
Chandler
Chu
Cicilline
Clarke (MI)
Clarke (NY)
Clyburn
Cohen
Connolly (VA)
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Costello
Courtney
Critz
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
DeFazio
DeGette
DeLauro
Deutch
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle
Edwards
Ellison
Engel
Eshoo
Farr
Fattah
Filner
Frank (MA)
Fudge
Garamendi
Gonzalez
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hahn
Hanabusa
Hastings (FL)
Heinrich
Higgins
Himes
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hochul
Holden
Honda
Hoyer
Inslee
Israel
Jackson Lee (TX)
Johnson (GA)
Johnson, E. B.
Kaptur
Keating
Kildee
Kind
Kucinich
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lujan
Maloney
Markey
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum
McDermott
McGovern
McNerney
Meeks
Miller (NC)
Miller, George
Moore
Moran
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Olver
Owens
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor (AZ)
Pelosi
Peters
Peterson
Pingree (ME)
Polis
Price (NC)
Quigley
Rahall
Reyes
Richardson
Richmond
Rothman (NJ)
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schrader
Schwartz
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Serrano
Sewell
Sherman
Sires
Slaughter
Smith (WA)
Speier
Stark
Sutton
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Tonko
Towns
Tsongas
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walz (MN)
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watt
Welch
Wilson (FL)
Woolsey
Yarmuth
NOT VOTING--18
Akin
Cardoza
Carnahan
Clay
Cleaver
Jackson (IL)
Landry
Lankford
Lee (CA)
Lungren, Daniel E.
Lynch
McMorris Rodgers
Payne
Perlmutter
Rangel
Rooney
Waxman
Young (AK)
{time} 1326
Mr. CAPUANO changed his vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
Mr. BISHOP of New York changed his vote from ``nay'' to ``yea.''
So the resolution was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
Stated for:
Mr. AKIN. Mr. Speaker, on rollcall No. 74, I was delayed and unable
to vote. Had I been present I would have voted ``yea.''
Mr. ROONEY. Mr. Speaker, on rollcall No. 74 I was unavoidably
detained. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea.''
General Leave
Ms. FOXX. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may
have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and
include extraneous material on H.R. 2117.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Nugent). Is there objection to the
request of the gentlewoman from North Carolina?
There was no objection.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 563 and rule
XVIII, the Chair declares the House in the Committee of the Whole House
on the state of the Union for the consideration of the bill, H.R. 2117.
{time} 1325
In the Committee of the Whole
Accordingly, the House resolved itself into the Committee of the
Whole House on the state of the Union for the consideration of the bill
(H.R. 2117) to prohibit the Department of Education from overreaching
into academic affairs and program eligibility under title IV of the
Higher Education Act of 1965, with Mrs. Miller of Michigan in the
chair.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The CHAIR. Pursuant to the rule, the bill is considered read the
first time.
The gentlewoman from North Carolina (Ms. Foxx) and the gentleman from
California (Mr. George Miller) each will control 30 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from North Carolina.
Ms. FOXX. Madam Chair, I yield such time as he may consume to the
distinguished gentleman from Minnesota (Mr. Kline), chairman of the
House Education & the Workforce Committee.
Mr. KLINE. I thank the gentlelady, Ms. Foxx, for yielding.
Madam Chair, I rise in support of H.R. 2117, the Protecting Academic
Freedom in Higher Education Act.
[[Page H981]]
The legislation before us today is driven by a simple goal: to ensure
Washington isn't adding to the burden of rising college costs by
imposing burdensome regulations.
Last year, tuition and fees at public 4-year colleges and
universities increased over 8 percent. The average 4-year public
college student now graduates with roughly $22,000 in debt.
Helping more students realize the dream of an affordable higher
education is a shared goal. However, solving a problem like rising
college costs starts with recognizing that, as is so often the case,
Washington is part of the problem.
Each year, the average higher education institution spends a
significant amount of time and money complying with Federal regulations
and reporting requirements, costs that can trickle down to students'
tuitions and fees.
H.R. 2117 will eliminate two unnecessarily burdensome regulations
advanced by the Department of Education in late 2010. The credit-hour
and State authorization regulations were part of a so-called ``program
integrity'' package that significantly increased Federal intrusion in
academic affairs.
{time} 1330
The credit-hour regulation attempts to measure student learning at
the Federal level, and restricts colleges from offering outside
coursework and creative learning opportunities that could help students
save money and graduate early.
The State authorization regulation is even more troubling as it will
lead to thousands of dollars in additional costs for colleges and
universities across the Nation. In my home State of Minnesota, schools
must spend between $2,000 and $3,500 per program, depending on the
level of degree offered, to comply with this extreme regulation.
In order to best prepare today's students to join tomorrow's
workforce, we must not overwhelm schools with poorly conceived
regulations that lead to wasted time and money. H.R. 2117 will repeal
two particularly problematic regulations, protecting academic
institutions and prospective students from significant financial and
bureaucratic burdens.
Madam Chair, I urge my colleagues to support the Protecting Academic
Freedom in Higher Education Act.
Mr. GEORGE MILLER of California. Madam Chair, I yield myself 5
minutes.
Madam Chair and Members of the House, we are now considering
legislation that would significantly compromise the Department of
Education's ability to oversee and safeguard our Federal investment in
higher education and safeguard and protect the taxpayers who are paying
for that investment in higher education.
This legislation couldn't be more ill-timed. In this tough budget
environment, we should be concerned with how the Federal Government
spends the limited resources we dedicate to Federal student aid. During
the 2009 2010 school year, students relied on nearly $200 billion in
Federal student aid to prepare for jobs for today and jobs for
tomorrow. That's the money that they borrowed, and that's the money
that was given to them in grants. If that money is not spent in a
responsible way, and if it's not protected, it goes down the drain.
It's lost forever, and the students are left with the debt.
Two years ago, the Department of Education's inspector general
exposed a loophole that allowed a higher education institution to award
more credits to get more student financial aid than was appropriate.
They were charging for nine units a day that they said was graduate
work. It turned out when the accreditors went through and looked at it,
they deemed it was really the equivalent of 3 hours of credit work, and
the level of work was at the undergraduate level. But they were able to
charge the students, students had to borrow money, and at the end of
the day they ended up with units that were worth nothing. Students
attending this institution, many of whom were relying on Federal aid
programs, were paying double the price because the school inflated the
number of credits charged.
In response to the inspector general's findings and recommendations,
the Department of Education promulgated rules defining a credit hour
and providing other protections for students, including ensuring
students have access to a complaint process if there's fraud involved.
What the Department of Education did was necessary and narrowly
targeted to address a very costly problem.
However, the bill before us today seeks to prevent the Department
from protecting taxpayers and students. It would blow open the loophole
that the inspector general concluded led to the inappropriate Federal
spending. In other words, Mr. Chairman, the bill before us today
explicitly increases the risk of fraud, waste, and abuse in our Federal
student aid programs.
At a time when the higher education market is in so much flux, with
new kinds of programs popping up around the country and online, this is
the wrong time to open this loophole against the taxpayers' best
interest.
The Department of Education should have tools to ensure that students
who are eligible to receive Federal student aid are receiving it, and
that the institutions that serve these students are upholding the
integrity of the programs. This seems like a simple proposition: making
sure taxpayers and students aren't getting ripped off.
This legislation eliminates those important consumer protections, and
it does so under the banner of academic freedom. But the Department's
protections do not interfere with academic freedom. Colleges and
universities will continue to be free under the Department's rule to
set whatever higher standards they see fit for their students as long
as the accreditors agree. In this economy, millions of students rely on
Federal student aid programs to make the college dream a reality. This
is exactly why the Department of Education has moved to ensure greater
accountability and taxpayer protection. And it's exactly why the
legislation is misguided.
Now more than ever, we need accountability in higher education that
works in the best interests of students who use Federal aid programs.
In the last Congress, Democrats worked to make sure that our student
aid programs worked in the best interest of students, families, and
taxpayers. We also worked hard to make higher education more accessible
for families for whom degrees may have been out of reach.
One way we helped to make higher education more accessible and
affordable and financially manageable for students and families was to
lower the interest rates on loans. Specifically, we lowered the
interest rate on need-based student loans to 3.4 percent, almost
cutting the cost to those borrowers in half. The interest rate
reduction is scheduled to end this summer. It will bounce back to where
it was before the Democrats acted to reduce it. For the sake of our
students, low rates should be extended. If Congress fails to act,
interest rates on need-based student loans for more than 7 million
students will double this July. This increase will cost an average
borrower almost $2,800 in additional interest payments.
At a time when our economy is on fragile footing, we shouldn't be
building more hurdles for young people to get the education and the
skills they need to succeed. When interest rates are at historic lows,
we should not be asking students to pay more on their student loan debt
just because Congress failed to act.
Earlier this month, Mr. Hinojosa and I asked the committee's majority
to take immediate action on this important issue. The President has
called for action as well. But just like with other economic issues
that are vitally important to the American people, those requests have
been met with silence.
So today, instead of saving students from interest rate hikes, we are
here debating a bill that will take away the tools the Department of
Education needs to oversee and protect our investment in higher
education, to protect those students who are borrowing money to go to
college.
I urge my colleagues to vote against this legislation. I urge the
majority to take up a bill to make sure that interest rates don't
double come July.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. FOXX. Madam Chair, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished
gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Roe).
Mr. ROE of Tennessee. Madam Chair, I rise today in support of the
Protecting Academic Freedom in Higher Education Act, H.R. 2117. This
bipartisan legislation will prevent the Department of Education from
defining a
[[Page H982]]
college credit hour, something that is best left to our institutions of
higher learning and their accrediting agencies. It will also block a
cumbersome new rule that will require States to use Federally set, one-
size-fits-all criteria to regulate higher education. If these two rules
were allowed to go into effect, it would create tremendous new burdens
and additional cost for students.
The exploding cost of higher education is already putting the
opportunity of a college education and diploma out of reach for too
many Americans. Last year, tuition and fees at public, 4-year schools
increased by 8.3 percent. More regulations will lead to more
administrative staff, and ultimately larger tuition bills. And I might
add, the fact that one institution or several institutions break the
law--we have laws against robbing banks, and people do that. There are
unscrupulous people out there. But this is putting a burdensome
regulation on the folks that are following the rules.
The average debt of a college graduate today is approximately
$22,000. When I went to medical school, I started in 1967 and graduated
in 3 years in 1970. My father was a factory worker. I was able to work
in medical school and graduate with no debt from college and medical
school. That's unheard of today. Today, students are so far in debt
that they'll spend much of their working life paying off these
exorbitant loans that they have.
There is much that we can do to improve access to higher education
and lower costs. Issuing new regulations, however, takes us in the
opposite direction. I've taken hundreds of hours of college credit, and
not one of them has been approved by the Federal Government, and yet I
am a board certified physician. I think this goes way too far. Again, I
urge my colleagues to support this legislation.
Mr. GEORGE MILLER of California. Madam Chair, I yield 3 minutes to
the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Hinojosa), the senior Democrat on the
Higher Education Subcommittee.
Mr. HINOJOSA. Madam Chair, I rise today to express my opposition to
H.R. 2117, the Protecting Academic Freedom in Higher Education Act,
misguided legislation that repeals efforts to protect students' and
taxpayers' investment in higher education.
Every year, the Federal Government spends billions of dollars on
student financial aid, and we must account for these Federal
investments. As ranking member of the Subcommittee on Higher Education
and Workforce Training, I am deeply concerned that H.R. 2117 would
undermine the Secretary of Education's ability to oversee and safeguard
our Federal investment in higher ed.
In my view, strong regulations strengthen the accountability and
review of institutions of higher education that participate in Federal
student aid programs, and help to maintain program integrity.
In a globally competitive world, our students deserve to get what
they pay for--high quality educational programs that prepare them for
the demands of the 21st century workforce--and nothing less.
{time} 1340
H.R. 2117 repeals the U.S. Department of Education's credit-hour
regulation, which sets a minimum standard for the work needed to equal
a credit hour for the purposes of the Federal Student Aid program. To
avoid having institutions overstate credit hours or inflate the Federal
student aid paid for students attending those programs, we must have
consistent measures for credit hours. The credit-hour definition
provided by the Department is consistent with standard industry
practice and provides needed flexibility for innovative programs.
H.R. 2117 also repeals the requirement that higher education
institutions be legally authorized in the States they operate in and
that they have a process in place for handling student complaints when
an institution fails to live up to its promises. Repealing this
regulation is clearly unacceptable. Students need to be protected from
unscrupulous actors.
Most importantly, I am very disappointed that we are not using our
time today to focus on making college more affordable. We must ensure
that interest rates for need-based undergraduate student loans do not
double from 3.4 percent to 6.8 percent in July of this year. If
Congress fails to act, more than 7 million students will face
approximately $2,800 in higher loan repayment costs. Now, more than
ever, American students need Congress' help to afford the cost of a
college education.
In closing, I urge my colleagues to vote against H.R. 2117 because
Congress and the Department of Education must provide strong oversight
for Federal student aid dollars and do everything possible to put
students and taxpayers first and protect them from the risk of fraud,
waste, and abuse in our Federal student aid programs.
Ms. FOXX. Madam Chairman, I'd like to yield 2 minutes to the
distinguished gentleman from Texas (Mr. Carter).
Mr. CARTER. I thank my friend, Ms. Foxx, for yielding to me on this
important issue.
Madam Chairman, I rise today to voice my strong support for this
important legislation, H.R. 2117. Recently, bureaucrats at the
Department of Education promulgated a rule which would require
institutions that offer distance education programs to meet State
requirements in every State in which they have a distance education
student. This legislation that we have here would repeal that rule, a
rule that negatively affects hundreds of colleges and thousands of
students around this country.
Specifically, in my district, I'm very proud that I have Central
Texas College. Central Texas College may be the largest community
college in the United States, possibly the world; and it consistently
has students of 75,000-plus every year. They provide both on-campus and
distance education for thousands of American warfighters, soldiers,
sailors, airmen, and marines around the world. These folks who are in
any place you could imagine are taking courses from Central Texas
College, and they would be specifically impacted if the rule the
bureaucrats have put upon us is not repealed. This is very important to
the future of the educated warfighters.
Under this rule, only colleges that maintain significant resource
reserves would be able to comply with these State authorization
requirements.
Just let me point out that Central Texas College is a small public
school doing great work for educating our soldiers around the world. We
shouldn't let the bureaucrats in Washington take away the opportunity
for an education for thousands of soldiers and other students that rely
on distance education. This little school that sits on the edge of Fort
Hood in Killeen, Texas, is educating soldiers around the world on
shipboard and in military posts, and we need to make sure that this
H.R. 2117 is passed to protect their education.
Mr. GEORGE MILLER of California. I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman
from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews).
(Mr. ANDREWS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. ANDREWS. I thank my friend for yielding.
First, let me say I agree with my friend from California that the
highest priority in higher education ought to be avoiding that doubling
of student loan rates this summer. We should get to work on that.
Second, I rise in support of this bill, and let me tell you why.
There is no question that avoiding fraudulent or wrongful credit hours
is something we need to do. If someone pays for a credit hour, it ought
to really be worth what they're paying for. And certainly, if the
Federal taxpayers are paying for this through a Pell Grant or a student
loan, it certainly ought to be worth what we're paying for.
The question is, Who is best positioned to make that determination?
For years in American higher education, we've had a system where a
combination of institutions, their regional accrediting bodies--which
are peer accreditors--and to some extent State governments have decided
the answer to that question. Without question, there have been some
abuses. Without question, there have been some wrong answers. I don't
think that those abuses or wrong answers justify adding another layer
of decision-making to the system, which would be the Department of
Education.
I certainly do think it is worth the attention of the committee, the
Congress, and the administration to think
[[Page H983]]
about ways to root out the bad practices that we have seen; but I think
yet another level of rulemaking is the wrong way to go.
The other objection that I would make to the rule is that I think
that we've fallen into a pattern here, particularly in higher
education, where too few decisions are being made in a statutory way by
this body and too many decisions are being made by the Department of
Education through the regulatory process. As a result of these
objections, a broad coalition of educators across the country is in
support of this bill, and I am pleased to join that coalition and urge
a ``yes'' vote on the bill here today.
Ms. FOXX. Madam Chairman, I would like to thank Mr. Andrews for his
pointing out that this is a very bipartisan bill, supported by a
coalition of many groups.
I now would like to yield 2 minutes to my distinguished colleague
from Pennsylvania (Mr. Fitzpatrick).
Mr. FITZPATRICK. Madam Chairman, I rise today in strong support of
H.R. 2117, the Protecting Academic Freedom in Higher Education Act.
This important legislation aims to repeal two of the Department of
Education's packages of regulations that will hinder colleges and
universities from making decisions that best serve their students.
These Federal regulations handed down from the Department of
Education are not only proving to be costly, but they're intruding into
areas best handled by academic institutions individually and also
States.
Today, I urge my colleagues to join me in support of H.R. 2117 to
repeal two regulations specifically that affect State authorization of
academic institutions and the definition of credit hours. These
provisions allow the Federal Government to reach further into the
educational authority of the States. The State authorization provision
requires institutions offering distance-education programs to meet
requirements in every State in which they have a distance-education
student. This regulation threatens programs like those offered by Penn
State's World Campus and limits access to quality education.
Many programs have already started to identify States where they will
no longer be able to offer distance education. The credit-hour
provision establishes a Federal definition of a credit hour, hindering
institutions of higher education from making innovative and sensible
core academic decisions related to their curriculum and imposing a one-
size-fits-all approach.
While I was home in Bucks County last week, Madam Chairman, I had the
opportunity to meet with the president of a local college. He was
worried specifically about the impact these burdensome regulations
would have on his students; and more than 60 higher-education
associations and accrediting organizations have joined him in
expressing their support for the repeal of these costly regulations.
Over the course of the last decade, we've seen the cost of higher
education skyrocket, with the rise in tuitions and fees at public 4-
year colleges and universities outpacing inflation by 5 percent. The
rising cost of higher education will not be solved through more Federal
mandates and programs. We must return flexibility to academic
institutions and prevent Federal overreach into higher education by
passing this bill.
Mr. GEORGE MILLER of California. I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman
from New Jersey (Mr. Holt).
Mr. HOLT. Madam Chair, I thank my friend from California. And here I
join the New Jersey Presidents Council, which represents all the
institutions of higher education in New Jersey, in support of this
legislation, as well as the Association of Independent Colleges and
Universities in New Jersey who support this bill, as well as the
American Council on Education, which represents 1,600 college
presidents around the country in support of this bill.
{time} 1350
Clearly, there have been abuses in some businesses and some
institutions and those abuses have to be addressed, but this
legislation I think makes sure that we go about it in the right way.
I'd like to quote from one of my constituents, President Shirley
Tilghman of Princeton University. She writes:
Unlike many nations elsewhere in the world, the United
States has nurtured a vibrant and vigorous respect for
academic freedom. Under such a system, American higher
education has flourished.
She goes on:
But if recent trends continue, in which the staff at
accrediting agencies seek to substitute their own judgments
about what mission an institution should pursue and about how
the institutions can best achieve that mission and measure
success, we risk damaging the country's leading institutions.
In other words, the Department's rules strike at the heart of our
excellent higher education. But whether these rules are in effect or
not doesn't matter if students can't afford to go to college.
My amendment to this legislation to require Pell Grants be maintained
at at least the current level of $5,500 was not made in order. Now, in
New Jersey, 213,000 students use Pell Grants to make college
affordable.
There's bipartisan agreement on Ms. Foxx's bill, but unfortunately
this is a partisan matter.
The CHAIR. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. GEORGE MILLER of California. I yield the gentleman an additional
30 seconds.
Mr. HOLT. The Republicans in the House have three times approved a
budget that would slash the maximum Pell Grant award to $3,040, the
lowest since 1998. Slashing Pell Grants would put college out of reach
for thousands of students.
I call on the Republicans, because this is a partisan matter, to
protect Pell Grants and not roll them back to their 1998 levels in
their budget this year.
Ms. FOXX. Madam Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I rise in support of H.R. 2117. Today's debate on the Protecting
Academic Freedom in Higher Education Act affords us a valuable
opportunity to discuss challenges facing our higher education system.
I think that we all agree that we have a higher education system
that's the envy of the world, and we all want to see it continue to
enjoy the recognition that it enjoys now. But this also provides us an
opportunity to show bipartisan support for the issue before us.
I want to thank my colleagues on both sides of the aisle for
understanding the danger to the higher education community that the
regulations are presenting to us and that they will stall the efforts
in our country to make higher education more accessible and more
affordable to everyone in the country.
There's no denying the cost of college is skyrocketing. Last year,
tuition and fees at public 4-year colleges and universities increased
8.3 percent, even as inflation rose only by approximately 3 percent.
In recent months, students and families have urged Congress to take
action on the issue of rising college costs. The administration has
proposed several programs and initiatives that they claim will reduce
student loan debt and rein in tuition. However, these initiatives only
further entrench the Federal Government in the affairs of States and
institutions. Rather than getting the Federal Government more involved
in higher education, we can start by working together to remove harmful
regulations that pile unnecessary financial burdens on colleges and
universities.
The legislation before us today will eliminate two onerous
regulations advanced by the Department of Education in October of 2010.
The credit-hour and State authorization regulations will restrict
innovation, limit flexibility, and pave the way for additional Federal
overreach into higher education.
The State authorization regulation sets Federal requirements States
must follow to grant colleges and universities permission to operate
within the State, infringing on a State's ability to regulate in the
way it chooses. For institutions that offer distance learning courses,
this could mean meeting authorization requirements and paying
authorization fees in all 50 States.
One online university reports the State authorization regulation
could cost the institution $700,000 initially, plus an additional
$400,000 required annually. Faced with this astronomical sum, the
university could be forced to pass these costs along to students in
[[Page H984]]
the form of higher tuition or new fees, or discontinue academic
programs in some States. Either way, students will be the victims of
this harmful regulation.
Higher education officials are also crying foul over a regulation
that establishes a Federal definition of a credit hour. Last spring,
Excelsior College President John Ebersole testified to the Subcommittee
on Higher Education and Workforce Training about this regulation,
stating it inserts the Department of Education into academic judgments
that should be made at the institution level and could destroy
accelerated learning programs that allow students to complete their
education more quickly. As a result, students will have fewer
opportunities to graduate early with a smaller loan burden, and schools
will have less incentive to offer creative courses that promote
learning outside the classroom.
I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to continue to
support this positive legislation, and I reserve the balance of my
time.
Mr. GEORGE MILLER of California. I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman
from New York (Mr. Bishop).
Mr. BISHOP of New York. I thank Mr. Miller for yielding.
I rise in opposition to this legislation, and I'm going to focus my
remarks on the credit-hour piece of the legislation.
The Department of Education has established a minimum standard for
the credit hour. This is being derided as taking away institutional
flexibility. It's being described as a Federal overreach. It's being
described as onerous. It's being described as dangerous.
Let's read the regulation. The regulation says that a credit hour is
an amount of work represented in intended learning outcomes and
verified by evidence of student achievement that is--here's the part I
want us to pay attention to--an institutionally established equivalency
that reasonably approximates not less than 1 hour of classroom
instruction for 15 weeks per credit hour.
An institutionally established equivalency; that places the
responsibility for determining what a credit hour is where it belongs--
with the faculty and with the accreditor of that particular
institution, so long as it complies with a minimum Federal baseline or
minimum Federal standard.
Now, with respect to overreach, with respect to how dangerous this
is, with respect to how onerous this is, let's be clear: this very
definition of a credit hour has been the law in the State of New York
since 1976. We have some pretty good institutions in New York that have
managed to survive even in the face of this so-called ``onerous''
regulation. Columbia University is one of the best universities in the
world; so, also, is NYU; so, also, is Fordham; so, also, is Syracuse.
This has been the law.
I administered a school in the State of New York. Our cost of
compliance for complying with the credit-hour regulation was exactly
zero, and we were able to create all kinds of innovative programs--a
semester at sea, cooperative education, internships, truncated courses
that met in accelerated time formats for 4 and 5 weeks--all because we
established an institutional equivalency that was agreed to by our
faculty and agreed to by our accreditors. That's all this regulation
does.
So for us to describe it as if it's going to end higher education as
we know it and it's going to stifle innovation and be onerous to
students and add to the length of time for their degree program simply
is not true. We have a 35-year experience in New York that says that
this regulation works just fine.
Lastly, let me say we define an academic year as consisting of 24 to
36 credit hours. That's what the Federal Government says. We say that
you need to take at least 6 credit hours in order to be minimally
eligible for financial aid, and yet we don't define the credit hour. So
we base a great many of our judgments on what a credit hour is, yet we
don't define it.
Let's vote against this piece of legislation.
{time} 1400
Ms. FOXX. Madam Chairman, I would just like to point out very briefly
to my colleague, Mr. Bishop, that institutions have always had the
authority to do institutionally approved equivalency. It isn't
something that we needed the Federal Government to give us. As a former
assistant dean, I did that all the time, approved institutional
equivalence to courses. We have always had that approval. We didn't
need the Federal Government to write it into rules and regulations.
Madam Chairman, I now yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentleman
from Indiana (Mr. Rokita).
Mr. ROKITA. I thank the gentlewoman from North Carolina for yielding
me the time, and not just for the time but for her continued leadership
on the floor of this House and in the Halls of Congress. It is steady,
it is dignified, it is common sense, and it is certainly a great
reflection of the people she represents.
I rise this afternoon to give my strong support to this measure.
During this time of economic uncertainty and high unemployment, it is
more important than ever to make sure the Federal Government does not
stand in the way of Americans who wish to continue their education and
gain the skills necessary for a more prosperous future. It's pretty
simple. I believe a strong higher education system is critical to
preparing American graduates for an increasingly competitive workforce.
In Indiana, my students are not just competing with other students in
Fort Wayne and Evansville. They are competing with students from places
all over the world whose names we can barely pronounce. That requires a
different strategy. However, the regulatory initiatives put forth by
the Department of Education will only add strain and undue burden on
our colleges and universities.
One of these regulations pertains to the authorization that a college
or university must obtain from a State when operating within that
State. For institutions providing online education programs, which is
becoming the new norm, this regulation could require them to obtain
authorization in every State where enrolled students reside in order to
participate in the Federal student aid programs. This regulation will
only serve to negatively impact States and institutions of higher
education across the country and inject the Federal Government once
again into an issue that is best left to the States and the
postsecondary institutions themselves.
I heard from many outstanding institutions in Indiana on this
regulatory change. They are facing hundreds and potentially thousands
of additional administrative hours just because they offer online
programming. That is not fair. That is not American. Not only that, but
if this rule goes into effect, they will likely deny entrance to
students in States where they are not approved and deny financial aid
to any current students living in those States, as well.
For all these reasons, I urge my colleagues to adopt this measure.
Mr. GEORGE MILLER of California. I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman
from California (Ms. Woolsey).
Ms. WOOLSEY. Madam Chair, we've just spent the last few hours in an
Education and Workforce Committee markup debating the disastrous
Republican rewrite of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act. Not
content to undermine K 12 education, the majority adjourned the markup
so they could come down here and inflict damage on higher education, as
well.
Through the repeal of two important Department of Education
regulations, H.R. 2117 undercuts college students' ability to be
assured a quality education for their investment. Congresswoman Foxx's
bill repeals two Department of Education regulations intended to
protect consumers, students, taxpayers, and the money that we invest in
higher education because it doesn't hold the spending accountable to
ensure that there's real progress for the dollars that we invest.
This bill doesn't do anything to solve the problem of how to make
college more affordable for more people. Why are we doing this? Why
aren't we addressing the absolutely looming student loan interest rate
hike that will drastically increase the cost of college? If Congress
doesn't act by July, more than 7 million students will face an increase
of approximately $2,800 in higher costs.
At a time when a sluggish economy is making it hard for young people
to
[[Page H985]]
find work, why aren't we standing here talking about cutting the
barriers to higher education? Why aren't we opening a pathway to the
American Dream? Why are we restricting access to a college education?
Why aren't we working for these kids instead of against them? I don't
understand this. We should be working together to increase
accountability. We should be protecting taxpayer investments. We should
be opening the door to higher education. Instead we're debating this
wasteful partisan piece of legislation.
I urge all Members to vote ``no.''
Ms. FOXX. Madam Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished
gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Austria).
Mr. AUSTRIA. I thank the chairwoman for her hard work on this bill.
A year ago I spoke on the House floor urging this committee to
introduce legislation repealing the program integrity regulations.
Today I speak in support of H.R. 2117, which repeals two of these
regulations.
While we must ensure that our small number of schools who have acted
in bad faith are dealt with accordingly, the credit-hour and State
licensing regulations are an overreaction with vast unintended
consequences. First, these regulations will significantly alter the
Federal role in the accrediting and licensing of institutions of higher
education. Second, they will also drastically limit student access to
educational programs and negatively impact all schools.
Let me give you an example of a school located in the Midwest in my
district--Ohio Christian University--as an example of a school that
will be adversely affected by these regulations. OCU is located in
Pickaway County, which is a typical county in southeastern Ohio and
mirrors that of many across the Midwest. It is struggling with this
difficult economy. It has lost over 2,500 jobs, and only 11 percent of
the residents in this county have a bachelor's degree.
In contrast, Ohio Christian University has created 150 jobs in just 5
years while graduating thousands of students since its founding in
1948. In addition to offering traditional undergraduate degrees, OCU
offers an online degree program. Currently, more than 1,000 students
from over 15 States are enrolled in that program. Because of the high
costs and administrative burdens required to get licensing in every
State where an online student resides, OCU will be forced to un-enroll
at least half of its online students and lay off a large number of
staff. Further, as part of the adult degree program, OCU offers a
limited number of credit hours for prior learning and work experiences.
This program allows nontraditional students the ability to return to
school and earn their degree. To comply with the credit-hour
regulation, the university will be forced to eliminate that program,
which would be a significant disincentive for older students. The
regulation will also negatively impact traditional students by setting
a strict definition of credit hour, and this will eliminate the
school's ability to credit innovative courses which provide students
with the cutting-edge skills and knowledge required for future
employees.
Today I urge my colleagues to protect our schools, States, and
students from these burdensome, overreaching regulations by supporting
H.R. 2117.
Mr. GEORGE MILLER of California. Madam Chair, I yield 2 minutes to
the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Kucinich).
Mr. KUCINICH. Thank you very much, Mr. Miller.
I rise in opposition to H.R. 2117, the Protecting Academic Freedom in
Higher Education Act.
This legislation would remove critical safeguards ensuring that
American taxpayer dollars are used responsibly in our higher education
system. For example, unregulated for-profit colleges are targeting our
veterans, targeting low-income students, and targeting minorities.
These institutions receive a high percentage of their revenue from
Federal student loan dollars, yet they're failing to properly educate
their students. As a result, the students who need the most support are
failing to get it. They are more likely to drop out, graduate without a
degree and without the proper training they need to obtain gainful
employment. And in turn, they're unable to pay back their student loan
debt. H.R. 2117 would let the for-profit colleges off the hook.
We must start focusing our efforts on making college more affordable
for all students. We must stop the interest rates from doubling on
student loans and provide for innovative ways to help students pay back
their loans rather than condemning them to early lives of debt.
{time} 1410
We need to increase the maximum Pell Grant and broaden the
eligibility for them. We need to invest in programs at community
colleges that train students to enter into our workforce. We need to
refocus our attention on assisting young Americans to obtain the
education they need and deserve instead of repealing regulations that
protect our investment in their future.
I urge my colleagues to join me in opposing this bill.
Ms. FOXX. Madam Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. GEORGE MILLER of California. Madam Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to
the gentlewoman from Connecticut (Ms. DeLauro).
Ms. DeLAURO. Madam Chairman, I rise in opposition to this legislation
which will enable even more fraud and abuse in the for-profit college
industry.
Right now, many for-profit colleges are engaged in the same sorts of
predatory lending schemes that we saw in the housing market. According
to Holly Petraeus at the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau,
recruiters from for-profit colleges have been signing up marines with
serious brain injuries, marines who cannot even remember what they
signed up for, in order to inflate their profits.
According to a 2009 Pew study, even though only 1 in 14 students, or
7 percent, attend these proprietary schools, they make up nearly half,
44 percent, of the default rate on student loans.
So, if anything, we need more comprehensive oversight over for-profit
colleges. Instead, this bill repeals regulations that are already on
the books and makes it easier for the institutions to commit fraud at
the expense of students and taxpayers.
What the bill does is it overturns regulations for awarding the
Federal student aid that are aimed at ensuring accountability and
reducing fraud. It removes the ability of the Secretary of Education to
define a credit hour without providing an alternative. It removes the
Federal Government's ability to protect students from being overcharged
and ultimately overcome by costly student loans. By getting rid of the
State authorization requirement, it opens the door to billions of
taxpayer dollars going to institutions that are openly flouting the
law. It's about manipulating credit hours in order to receive more
Federal aid.
Instead of deregulating for-profit colleges, we should be working to
ensure that these institutions are fulfilling their obligations to
their students. We should work to fix the real problems that students
face right now: growing student debt and the upcoming interest rate
increase on student loans. This bill will only cause more fraud and
abuse in a sector that is already rife with it, and I urge my
colleagues to oppose it.
Ms. FOXX. Madam Chairman, I would like to point out that this bill,
again, has bipartisan support.
We have a letter from the National Governors Association, which talks
about the need to strengthen higher education, not give more Federal
control; and a letter from the American Council on Education, signed by
Molly Corbett Broad and 98 institutions from across the country, mostly
public and private institutions.
This is not a for-profit or a public issue. This is all institutions
of higher education who are concerned with this issue.
National
Governors Association,
Washington, DC, July 1, 2011.
Hon. Harry Reid,
Majority Leader, U.S. Senate,
Washington, DC.
Hon. John Boehner,
Speaker of the House, House of Representatives,
Washington, DC.
Hon. Mitch McConnell,
Minority Leader, U.S. Senate,
Washington, DC.
Hon. Nancy Pelosi,
Minority Leader, House of Representatives,
Washington, DC.
Dear Majority Leader Reid, Senator McConnell, Speaker
Boehner, and Representative Pelosi: On behalf of the nation's
governors, we write in support of H.R.
[[Page H986]]
2117, the ``Protecting Academic Freedom in Higher Education
Act.'' In June, the U.S. House Education and the Workforce
Committee passed H.R. 2117 on a bipartisan basis. We urge
Senate and House leadership to take action to approve this
important legislation to preserve the autonomy and strength
of America's higher education system.
H.R. 2117 would repeal two federal regulations issued by
the U.S. Department of Education that are highly problematic
for states, institutions of higher education, and our
students. Specifically, the bill would repeal the new federal
definition of a credit hour and a new requirement that erects
federal hurdles for states to authorize higher education
programs. Additionally, the bill prohibits future action by
the U.S. Department of Education to promulgate new federal
mandates, rules, or regulations with respect to a federal
definition of a credit hour.
Perhaps at no other time in history has the quality of our
higher education system been so vital to students and our
national economic interests. At the same time, across the
country, governors are pursuing innovative higher education
reforms to expand opportunities for students, create and
retain jobs, enhance state competitiveness, and expand
economic development. The new federal regulations could have
a chilling effect on innovation and productivity in higher
education.
Governors urge your support of H.R. 2117. We look forward
to working with you to continually strengthen our nation's
higher education system.
Sincerely,
Governor Jeremiah W. (Jay) Nixon,
Chair, Education, Early Childhood and Workforce Committee.
Governor Robert F. McDonnell,
Vice Chair, Education, Earl Childhood and Workforce
Committee.
____
American Council on Education,
Washington, DC, February 27, 2012.
Dear Representative: On behalf of the higher education
associations and accrediting organizations listed below, I
urge you to vote for H.R. 2117, which would repeal two highly
problematic and prescriptive regulations initiated by the
Department of Education (ED).
The credit hour definition and state authorization
regulations took effect on July 1, 2011. They are the product
of a larger attempt by ED to curb abuse and bring greater
integrity to the federal student aid programs. These efforts
are laudable, and many portions of the regulatory package ED
produced will be effective in achieving their intended goals.
However, given the almost total lack of evidence of a problem
in the context of credit hour or state authorization, these
two portions of the package miss their mark. We see no
justification for two regulations that so fundamentally alter
the relationships among the federal government, states,
accreditors and institutions. We believe the outcome of this
unprecedented regulatory overreach will be inappropriate
federal interference in campus-based decisions in which the
faculty play a central role. The end result will be a
curtailment of student access to high-quality education
opportunities.
A federal credit hour definition opens the door to federal
interference in the core academic decisions surrounding
curriculum, which is the exact type of interference expressly
prohibited in the act that created ED. It sets in motion the
basis for perpetual regulatory intervention in multiple
institutional and accreditation decisions associated with the
credit hour. Moreover, the federal definition at issue poses
serious challenges for institutions as they review tens of
thousands of courses in an effort to ensure consistency with
it. Accreditors face similar burdens as they attempt to
develop or revise their own policies and practices to review
institutions' credit policies for consistency with the
definition. Finally, the definition places accreditors in the
untenable position of being required to put aside the
academic judgments of the traditional peer review process and
instead substitute the federal government's judgment about a
critical component of the academic enterprise.
The state authorization regulation intrudes upon
prerogatives properly reserved to the states, potentially
upsetting recognition and complaint resolution procedures
that have functioned effectively for decades. It has also
generated enormous confusion in the distance education arena
and has created a market for definitive legal compilations of
the extensive number of statutory requirements within each of
the states with which institutions must comply. Having no way
to accurately predict or control student mobility, most
institutions will need to pursue authorization in all 50
states even before knowing from which states their students
may ultimately enroll. State policies vary widely. They can
be complex, are often ambiguous and may be accompanied by
fees that may be cost-prohibitive for many public and
nonprofit institutions. At the end of the day, the most
pernicious consequence of the state authorization
regulation might be that institutions that have been
exploring the expansion of their online courses in order
to lower the costs of tuition will not find it
economically feasible to continue down this path.
It is important to note that neither of these regulations
was developed in response to underlying legislation
indicating a desire by Congress to regulate colleges and
universities in these areas. To the contrary, as we have
noted, the credit hour definition conflicts with ED's
enabling legislation which prohibits interference in core
academic matters.
We believe these regulations are misguided and will have
far-reaching negative consequences for higher education. We
strongly support H.R. 2117, and we ask you to vote in favor
of its adoption.
Sincerely,
Molly Corbett Broad,
President.
On behalf of:
Higher Education Associations
ACPA-College Student Educators International; American
Association of Colleges for Teacher Education; American
Association of Colleges of Nursing; American Association of
Colleges of Osteopathic Medicine; American Association of
Community Colleges; American Council on Education; American
Dental Education Association; American Indian Higher
Education Consortium; American Psychological Association;
Appalachian College Association.
Association of American Medical Colleges; Association of
American Universities; Association of Benedictine Colleges
and Universities; Association of Catholic Colleges and
Universities; Association of Chiropractic Colleges;
Association of Community College Trustees; Association of
Governing Boards of Universities and Colleges; Association of
Independent Colleges and Universities in New Jersey;
Association of Independent Colleges and Universities of Ohio;
Association of Independent Colleges of Art & Design.
Association of Independent Kentucky Colleges and
Universities; Association of Jesuit Colleges and
Universities; Association of Presbyterian Colleges and
Universities; Commission on Independent Colleges and
Universities in New York; Conference for Mercy Higher
Education; Council for Christian Colleges & Universities;
Council for Higher Education Accreditation; Council for
Opportunity in Education; Council of Graduate Schools;
Council of Independent Colleges.
EDUCAUSE; Federation of Independent Illinois Colleges &
Universities; Georgia Independent College Association;
Hispanic Association of Colleges and Universities;
Independent Colleges and Universities of Texas; Independent
Colleges of Washington; Independent Colleges of Indiana;
Kansas Independent College Association; Louisiana Association
of Independent Colleges and Universities; NASPA-Student
Affairs Administrators in Higher Education.
National Association of College and University Business
Officers; National Association of Independent Colleges and
Universities; National Association of Student Financial Aid
Administrators; New American Colleges and Universities; South
Carolina Independent Colleges and Universities; Tennessee
Independent Colleges and Universities Association; University
Professional & Continuing Education Association; Wisconsin
Association of Independent Colleges and Universities; Women's
College Coalition; Work Colleges Consortium.
Regional Accreditation Organizations
Accrediting Commission for Community and Junior Colleges,
Western Association of Schools and Colleges, Accrediting
Commission for Senior Colleges and Universities, Western
Association of Schools and Colleges; Commission on
Institutions of Higher Education, New England Association of
Schools and Colleges; Middle States Commission on Higher
Education; Northwest Commission on Colleges and Universities;
Southern Association of Colleges and Schools Commission on
Colleges; The Higher Learning Commission of the North Central
Association of Colleges and Schools.
Other Accreditation Organizations
ABET; Accreditation Council for Pharmacy Education;
Accreditation Review Commission on Education for the
Physician Assistant; Accrediting Commission of Career Schools
and Colleges; Accrediting Council for Independent Colleges
and Schools; Accrediting Council on Education in Journalism
and Mass Communications; American Board for Accreditation in
Psychoanalysis, Inc.; American Board of Funeral Services
Education; American Dental Association Commission on Dental
Accreditation; American Occupational Therapy Association--
Accreditation Council for Occupational Therapy Education.
American Speech-Language-Hearing Association; Association
for Biblical Higher Education; Commission on Accreditation;
Association of Advanced Rabbinical and Talmudic Schools;
Association of Specialized and Professional Accreditors;
Commission on Accreditation for Marriage and Family Therapy
Education; Commission on Accreditation in Physical Therapy
Education/American Physical Therapy Association; Commission
on Accreditation of Allied Health Education Programs;
Commission on Accreditation of Healthcare Management
Education; Commission on Accrediting of the Association of
Theological Schools; Commission on Collegiate Nursing
Education.
Council for Accreditation of Counseling and Related
Educational Programs; Council of Arts Accrediting
Associations, including: National Association of Schools of
Art and Design; National Association of Schools of Dance;
National Association of Schools of Music; National
Association of Schools of
[[Page H987]]
Theatre; Council on Academic Accreditation in Audiology and
Speech-Language Pathology; Council on Accreditation of Nurse
Anesthesia Educational Programs; Council on Chiropractic
Education; Council on Education for Public Health.
Council on Naturopathic Medical Education; Council on
Podiatric Medical Education; Council on Rehabilitation
Education; Council on Social Work Education; Distance
Education and Training Council; Joint Review Committee on
Education in Radiologic Technology; Joint Review Committee on
Educational Programs in Nuclear Medicine Technology; National
Accrediting Agency for Clinical Laboratory Sciences; National
League for Nursing Accrediting Commission; Teacher Education
Accreditation Council; Transnational Association of Christian
Colleges and Schools.
With that, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. GEORGE MILLER of California. Madam Chair, I yield 2 minutes to
the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters).
Ms. WATERS. Madam Chairman, I rise today in opposition to H.R. 2117,
the Protecting Academic Freedom in Higher Education Act.
This legislation will simply wipe out all of the credit-hour and
State authorization program integrity rules. These rules are so
important and crucial because this is what prevents the widespread rip-
off, fraud, and abuse in this industry.
H.R. 2117 would repeal the Department of Education's State
authorization regulation, which gives States the ability to enforce
their right to require that all colleges operating within their
jurisdictions be authorized to do so. Without this State authorization
rule, States have no way of knowing which colleges operate within their
State unless they operate on physical campuses.
The State authorization rule simply requires that, as a condition for
a receipt of Federal aid, colleges verify that they have authorization
from the States in which they operate and are in adherence to their
State education laws.
This legislation also aims to overturn the rule creating a sweeping
Federal definition of credit hour. Currently, there is no common
understanding of what colleges mean when they use the word ``credit.''
The most egregious result of this provision's repeal is the abuses of
for-profit colleges, like the American Intercontinental University, who
has been charged with inflating their credit hours to a point when they
offered nine college credits for courses that were only 5 weeks long.
The Federal definition of a credit hour is imperative to directly
address colleges that have been inflating their credits to acquire more
Federal student financial aid dollars.
This rule will also help mitigate the widespread problems students
face in transferring credits from one institution to another by
articulating a more precise measure of educational concept attainment
represented by credits a student earned.
The Acting CHAIR (Mrs. Emerson). The time of the gentlewoman has
expired.
Mr. GEORGE MILLER of California. I yield the gentlewoman an
additional 30 seconds.
Ms. WATERS. This program's integrity rules have been put in place to
ensure that all students receive a fair shake in their quest to obtain
a higher education. Instead of working against the Department of
Education and Secretary Duncan, policymakers should be working with
them to implement these rules in a sensible way, not trying to repeal
them altogether.
Ladies and gentlemen, what is happening with private postsecondary
schools is the next biggest scandal. You think the subprime meltdown
was big, when American taxpayers find out how much of their tax dollars
are being ripped off by these private postsecondary schools who have a
Joe Blow school for computer learning with no computers, teachers who
are not accredited, credit hours that are distorted, and students who
don't get trained, don't get education, can't transfer anything, and
end up with a lot of debt, I ask you to please reject this legislation.
I have the greatest respect for the legislator who's introduced this,
but this is wrong. This is a rip-off, and we should be against it.
Ms. FOXX. Madam Chairman, I appreciate the comment of my colleague
from California, and I continue to reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. GEORGE MILLER of California. We have no further speakers, Madam
Chair, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Madam Chairman, I would just conclude that I think, when you consider
the $200 billion that the taxpayers of this country provide through the
Federal Government student aid programs to the institutions of higher
education all across the country, all of different dynamics, that
before we throw out what modest accounting system we have for trying to
make sure that we buy value for each and every student who spends their
money, the money that they borrow, the money that their parents borrow
to try to provide them the educational opportunities so that they can
participate in the greater American opportunity all across this
country, we ought not to be throwing this system out.
As Mr. Bishop pointed out, this is a minimum requirement. It's a
requirement that many people will recognize. When you sign up for a
three-unit course, very often you find you spend 3 hours a week in that
class. If you sign up for a five-unit course, you're spending more
time.
The question really becomes--now as we see a lot of different
institutions mixing into this space and receiving and living off almost
85 to 90 percent of their revenues that come from the Federal
taxpayers--do these courses really have value? Are they giving the
student the value for which they're signing up?
The record is replete that in many instances that's not the case,
that in many instances the students have been defrauded. In many
instances, it was represented that this was all transferable to the
State colleges and to the university systems when, in fact, it turned
out not to be true.
I think that we ought to make sure that we don't throw out that
current accounting system to make sure that taxpayers and students are
getting value for the money that they spend and the money that they
work hard to pay back at a time when we have nothing to take its place.
The idea now that in the future you need no accreditation in a State
to start up an institution and then you have access to all of the
revenues you can grab from the Federal Government makes no sense to me
at all. We ought to have accountability in this system, and that
accountability runs to the students and it runs to the taxpayers in
this country. I would hope that we would reject this legislation.
I yield back the balance of my time.
{time} 1420
The Acting CHAIR. The gentlewoman from North Carolina has 12 minutes
remaining.
Ms. FOXX. Madam Chairman, I yield myself the remainder of my time.
No one in this body believes more in accountability than I do.
However, increasing Federal control over our lives and over
institutions of higher education is not the way to go. As Jefferson
said--and I paraphrase--if we allow Washington to tell us when to sow
and when to reap, we should soon want bread.
In order to make postsecondary education more affordable and
accessible for students, we need to encourage innovation on our college
campuses and allow institution leaders to develop and implement their
own solutions to drive down the costs for students. However, this
cannot happen if the Federal Government continues to attempt to
micromanage our higher-education system by imposing more regulations.
The Protecting Academic Freedom in Higher Education Act repeals two
onerous regulations that give the Federal Government unnecessary
control over the academic affairs of colleges and universities. H.R.
2117 will ensure institutions can continue to develop innovative
programs and course options to meet students' needs. We have letters of
support from colleges, higher-education associations, and the National
Governors Association on this legislation.
When the Education and the Workforce Committee held a markup of H.R.
2117 last summer, I was also pleased to have the support of many of my
colleagues on the other side of the aisle. I hope we can continue to
work together by approving this legislation to help students and
colleges. I strongly urge
[[Page H988]]
my colleagues to support the Protecting Academic Freedom in Higher
Education Act.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. HERGER. Madam Chair, the federal government's overreach into
education is doing more harm than good for our schools and
universities. The bill before us today, the Protecting Academic Freedom
in Higher Education Act, would repeal some of the more heavy-handed
regulations created by the Department of Education. I am concerned that
states becoming actively involved in the accreditation process could
adversely affect private universities in Northern California and
throughout the U.S. by adding another layer of costly mandates and
bureaucratic interference. I also do not believe the federal government
should micromanage universities through actions such as defining the
credit hour, which interferes with the academic authority of university
leaders. I strongly support this legislation ending both of those
harmful and unnecessary rules, and I hope the Senate will join us in
eliminating these excessive regulations.
Mr. McKEON. Madam Chair, I rise in strong support of H.R. 2117, the
Protecting Academic Freedom in Higher Education Act. I want to first
thank the gentlelady from North Carolina for sponsoring this important
piece of legislation and Chairman Kline for giving H.R. 2117 the
attention it deserves.
In October of 2010, the Department of Education introduced a
regulatory package that aimed to improve the integrity of student
financial aid programs, such as Pell Grants and federal student loans.
However, the outcome was an introduction of two new burdensome rules,
the credit hour and state authorization regulations. Two more prime
examples of the current Administration's overreaching regulatory
agenda. I have deep concerns about the impact these regulations will
have on college affordability.
Under the new credit hour regulation, federal student aid would be
awarded to students based on the number of credits they take each term
with the federal government defining a credit hour. This would
discredit and negatively impact the traditional role of colleges and
universities. Not only would this undermine colleges and universities
but it would also overrule a state's determination of whether an
educational program is a credit hour. In turn, this could lead to
students receiving less federal aid or taking a slower path to
graduation which results in fewer choices for students looking for
postsecondary options to further their education. Overall students
should be measured by how much they learn in the classroom instead of
how much time they spend in the classroom.
The State Authorization regulation would impose a one-size fits all
approach to America's higher education community and weaken what is
currently a strong and diverse community of institutions, each with
their own unique missions. This new management style would result in
unnecessary and excessive costs not only on states and universities but
as well as the students. Furthermore, it would give states
unprecedented authority over private and religious institutions.
H.R. 2117 puts the right foot forward by repealing these burdensome
regulations and instead focuses on the student and fosters an
environment that enables them to learn and grow in a cost-effective
manner. This legislation not only protects the student but also the
academic institutions enabling them to focus on the individual by
helping them excel in the academic community rather than having to
worry about big government and its regulations.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Madam Chair, I rise to oppose H.R. 2117, which would
repeal important consumer and taxpayer protections without providing an
alternate solution to safeguard students.
Under the Higher Education Act, the federal government, states, and
accrediting agencies share responsibility to ensure that students
receive a high quality education. As the federal government invests
billions in federal student assistance, this ``triad'' must also work
together to protect taxpayers from fraud and abuse. The Department of
Education issued regulations intended to clarify the state's
responsibility to authorize institutions and ensure that they have a
system in place to address student complaints.
The regulations also create a uniform definition of a credit hour,
which is used on the federal level to allocate student aid dollars. The
Department's Inspector General has advised that the failure to define
the credit hour has hampered the Department's ability to address waste
and fraud in the student aid program.
Finally, the regulations clarify existing requirements that
institutions offering distance learning programs be authorized
according to the laws of every state in which they operate. I
appreciate the concerns of many schools that authorizing in multiple
states could be costly and duplicative. For this reason, I strongly
support efforts on the State level to establish reciprocity agreements
to ease this burden while still ensuring that students receive a
quality education.
However, in repealing the regulations entirely, this bill ignores the
advice of the Inspector General and leaves billions of dollars of
student aid vulnerable to waste, fraud, and abuse. It also eliminates
basic consumer protections for students.
We have a responsibility to ensure that students receive a high
quality education and taxpayer dollars are spent wisely. By repealing
the Department's efforts but offering no alternate plan, this bill
abdicates that responsibility. I urge my colleagues to vote against it.
The Acting CHAIR. All time for general debate has expired.
Pursuant to the rule, the amendment in the nature of a substitute
printed in the bill shall be considered as an original bill for the
purpose of amendment under the 5-minute rule and shall be considered
read.
The text of the committee amendment in the nature of a substitute is
as follows:
H.R. 2117
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``Protecting Academic Freedom
in Higher Education Act''.
SEC. 2. REPEAL OF REGULATIONS RELATING TO STATE AUTHORIZATION
AND DEFINING CREDIT HOUR.
(a) Regulations Repealed.--
(1) Repeal.--The following regulations (including any
supplement or revision to such regulations) are repealed and
shall have no legal effect:
(A) State authorization.--Sections 600.4(a)(3),
600.5(a)(4), 600.6(a)(3), 600.9, and 668.43(b) of title 34,
Code of Federal Regulations (relating to State
authorization), as added or amended by the final regulations
published by the Department of Education in the Federal
Register on October 29, 2010 (75 Fed. Reg. 66832 et seq.).
(B) Definition of credit hour.--The definition of the term
``credit hour'' in section 600.2 of title 34, Code of Federal
Regulations, as added by the final regulations published by
the Department of Education in the Federal Register on
October 29, 2010 (75 Fed. Reg. 66946), and subsection
(k)(2)(ii) of section 668.8 of such title, as amended by such
final regulations (75 Fed. Reg. 66949 et seq.).
(2) Effect of repeal.--To the extent that regulations
repealed by paragraph (1) amended regulations that were in
effect on June 30, 2011, the provisions of the regulations
that were in effect on June 30, 2011, and were so amended are
restored and revived as if the regulations repealed by
paragraph (1) had not taken effect.
(b) Regulations Defining Credit Hour Prohibited.--The
Secretary shall not promulgate or enforce any regulation or
rule that defines the term ``credit hour'' for any purpose
under the Higher Education Act of 1965 on or after the date
of enactment of this section.
The Acting CHAIR. No amendment to the committee amendment is in order
except those printed in House Report 112 404. Each such amendment may
be offered only in the order printed in the report, by a Member
designated in the report, shall be considered read, shall be debatable
for the time specified in the report equally divided and controlled by
the proponent and an opponent, shall not be subject to amendment, and
shall not be subject to a demand for division of the question.
Amendment No. 1 Offered by Mr. Grijalva
The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 1
printed in House Report 112 404.
Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
In subparagraph (A) of section 2(a)(1) of the bill as
reported--
(1) strike ``Sections 600.4(a)(3), 600.5(a)(4),
600.6(a)(3),'' and insert ``Except as provided in paragraph
(3), section''; and
(2) strike ``, and 668.43(b)''.
At the end of subsection (a) of section 2 of the bill as
reported, add the following:
(3) Preservation of student protection process.--The repeal
of section 600.9 of title 34, Code of Federal Regulations, in
paragraph (1)(A) shall not apply with respect to the
following provisions of such section:
(A) The first sentence of paragraph (a)(1) through the term
``State laws''.
(B) Paragraph (a)(2).
(C) Paragraph (b).
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 563, the gentleman
from Arizona (Mr. Grijalva) and a Member opposed each will control 5
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Arizona.
Mr. GRIJALVA. The bill we are debating today, H.R. 2117, eliminates
the entire State authorization rule, including the establishment of a
process for States to review and appropriately act
[[Page H989]]
on student complaints concerning an institution. This amendment would
make sure that those student-complaint provisions are retained.
Up until now in many States, a student who discovered that the
program she is enrolled in is not providing the preparation she paid
for or is not preparing her in the way that they suggested or has
treated her unfairly would have little recourse in the way of
complaint. Not all States have a complaint process in place, but these
recently implemented rules established a State-based process for
students to lodge a complaint.
This provision is a good idea. This process will help to shine light
on programs and will give students and families an opportunity for
recourse when they feel they have been misled or mistreated by an
institution or a program. The vast majority of institutions work in a
student's best interest and will seek to guide students and address
concerns when they arise. This amendment ensures that students have a
place to air their concerns when that is not the case.
I think we should maintain the student-protecting provision in the
regulations by removing the provision that eliminates it in this bill.
My amendment protects students and taxpayers by ensuring that each
State has a process in place to receive and review student complaints
and by promoting good practices and addressing abuses.
Last Congress, we worked hard to protect consumers from bad practices
at credit card companies and banks. We should do the same for students.
I urge my colleagues to support this amendment.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. FOXX. Madam Chairman, I rise in opposition.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentlewoman from North Carolina is recognized
for 5 minutes.
Ms. FOXX. Under the Higher Education Act, accrediting agencies are
already required to have a system for individuals to give complaints
about a college or a university. Under current practice, many States
have well-established complaint processes that are serving students.
I am also concerned about the burden this regulation will place on
States. While the economic situation in our country has shown modest
improvements recently, States are struggling with huge budgetary
challenges. They have limited staff and may not be able to handle new
and unnecessary changes required under this proposal.
During a time when States, institutions, parents, and students are
worried about ways to increase college affordability, I think it would
be better for States to put their limited resources towards helping
colleges and universities keep their tuitions down rather than adding
another layer of State bureaucracy.
For these reasons and others, I urge my colleagues to oppose this
amendment.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Chair, I yield such time as he may consume to the
ranking member of the Education and the Workforce Committee, the
gentleman from California (Mr. Miller).
Mr. GEORGE MILLER of California. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Just quickly, you can't have it both ways. You can't say, well, a lot
of States are already doing this, but now we don't want to add a
burden. This simply says the State has to have a process. If the State
has a process, it's over, it's done. So why would we take away that
voice in those States that don't have a process?
Let's make sure that students have a place to go. As we know, many of
these financial scandals have been brought to us by students because
they can't get redress anywhere else. I urge an ``aye'' vote on this
amendment.
Ms. FOXX. I continue to reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. GRIJALVA. In closing, the underlying legislation, H.R. 2117,
stacks the deck against due process and the ability for families and
students to seek redress when institutions or programs deny them or
mistreat them regarding the services that they've purchased and the
education that they're seeking.
By reinserting that provision, we allow families and students to have
redress, to have due process and to have a fair and balanced look at
complaints they might have. It is simple, it is direct, and it merits
remaining in the legislation.
With that, I yield back the balance of my time.
Ms. FOXX. Madam Chairman, I will say once again that I believe this
is unnecessary, and I urge my colleagues to oppose the amendment.
I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Grijalva).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the noes
appeared to have it.
Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Chair, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Arizona will
be postponed.
Amendment No. 2 Offered by Ms. Foxx
The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 2
printed in House Report 112 404.
Ms. FOXX. Madam Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Page 5, line 13, strike ``subsection (k)(2)(ii)'' and
insert ``clauses (i)(A), (ii), and (iii) of subsection
(k)(2)''.
Page 5, line 24, insert ``of Education'' after
``Secretary''.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 563, the gentlewoman
from North Carolina (Ms. Foxx) and a Member opposed each will control 5
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from North Carolina.
Ms. FOXX. I rise in support of my amendment to H.R. 2117, the
Protecting Academic Freedom in Higher Education Act.
In the months since the Education and the Workforce Committee
approved H.R. 2117, States and institutions have expressed concerns
about interpretations of the clock-hour provisions in the credit-hour
regulation. The regulation would prevent some programs from converting
to a credit-hour program even though the conversion is permitted under
State law. This change could alter the manner in which colleges and
universities disburse Federal student aid, and it could harm students'
abilities to progress sufficiently in their coursework.
My amendment would prevent the Federal Government from reinterpreting
a State's laws or regulations to require credit-hour programs to
convert back to clock-hour programs. The State should be the final
judge of its own laws and regulations. This is a necessary step to
correct the Department of Education's interpretation of a clock-hour
program, and it will reaffirm our intent that the discretion for
determining clock-hour programs should remain with States' accrediting
agencies and institutions.
Madam Chairman, the amendment improves the underlying legislation and
ensures colleges and students are protected from the harmful Federal
intrusion into academic affairs. I urge my colleagues to lend their
support, and I reserve the balance of my time.
{time} 1430
Mr. GEORGE MILLER of California. I rise in opposition to the
amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. GEORGE MILLER of California. I thank the Chair.
This amendment is absolutely consistent with this legislation. What
it does is just simply make it easier for any institution to maximize
the amount of Federal aid they get.
Under this amendment, they would be able to choose whether or not
they want to be a clock-hour or a credit-hour institution, and that
would depend really on how they could game the reimbursement that's
available to them again without checking whether or not this provision
allows for the student to receive value for that money which they
borrow to pay for their education. I oppose this amendment.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Ms. FOXX. I yield back the balance of my time, urging my colleagues
to support the amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentlewoman from North Carolina (Ms. Foxx).
The amendment was agreed to.
[[Page H990]]
Amendment No. 3 Offered by Mr. Polis
The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 3
printed in House Report 112 404.
For what purpose does the gentleman from Colorado rise?
Mr. POLIS. Thank you.
I have an amendment at the desk. This will be amendment No. 5.
The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 3.
Does the gentleman wish to offer it?
Mr. POLIS. I have an amendment at the desk. The amendment is numbered
No. 3.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
At the end of subsection (a) of section 2, add the
following:
(3) State authorization regulations for certain
institutions.--
(A) Regulations required.--Notwithstanding section 482(c)
or section 492 of the Higher Education Act of 1965 or the
repeals under paragraph (1)(A) of this section, not later
than 6 months after the date of enactment of this Act, the
Secretary of Education shall issue regulations that apply the
regulations repealed under paragraph (1)(A) to any
institution of higher education that has--
(i) a graduation rate that is below the national average
for its sector, as defined in the common education data
developed by the National Center for Education Statistics;
(ii) a cohort default rate that is higher than the national
average for its sector; or
(iii) a completion rate that is below the national average
for its sector, as determined pursuant to section 668.8 of
title 34, Code of Federal Regulations.
(B) Rule of construction.--Notwithstanding any other
provision of law, nothing in subparagraph (A) shall be
construed as limiting or otherwise affecting the
applicability of section 101(a)(2) of the Higher Education
Act of 1965.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 563, the gentleman
from Colorado (Mr. Polis) and a Member opposed each will control 5
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Colorado.
Mr. POLIS. Madam Chair, Congress should be the taxpayers' advocate to
root out waste, fraud, and abuse wherever it occurs; and this is
particularly true when it comes to student financial aid.
Both of my amendments pertain to this category of making sure we have
the right structure in place to in one case incentivize and in another
case have a strategy to combat waste, fraud, and abuse. Every dollar we
lose to fraud and waste is a dollar that's not invested in our young
people, a dollar of deficit spending, of government spending that is
not producing the desired outcome of education or youth preparation of
our workforce for jobs in the 21st century and improving our economic
strength.
If we are eliminating some of the basic protections that are
categorically applied under the bill, it's very important that we
require institutions that are failing students to prove their value.
And if schools have a chronically low graduation rate, a low completion
rate or a high loan default rate they, in fact, should be required to
be recognized by the State in which they are operating as a backstop
against fraud, waste, and abuse to ensure that the students' complaints
and questions are at least heard by their own State if they believe
that they have been treated unfairly or unjustly by a college or
university.
That's what my amendment would do. It would provide an incentive for
colleges and universities to produce better outcome for students.
In both of my remarks, I am going to be talking a little bit about
Carnegie units and how we determine time. Frankly, this bill is a very
limited piece. What we need to do more broadly when we reauthorize the
Higher Education Act is really look at outcome-based measurements for
learning in higher education.
I think the Secretary, with his rules regarding gainful employment,
provided some useful indicators around outcome-based measurements.
There are many others that we should look at. That part of what we need
to accomplish is freeing good-performing institutions up from the input
restraints, the input barriers.
If they can effectively teach something that normally takes 2 hours
in 5 minutes, that institution should be rewarded for that and
encouraged to do that.
What a great way to invest our taxpayer money in some innovative
institution of higher education that has figured out how to get 2 hours
of legacy Carnegie credit into 5 minutes of rapid instruction. What a
wonderful accomplishment, and I am hopeful that that and more can be
accomplished.
My amendment would provide an incentive for colleges and universities
to produce better outcomes. Where they are not performing, they would
be subject to their State. Where they are performing, they would have
the additional flexibility under this act, and I think that that's
something we should encourage in higher education.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. FOXX. Madam Chair, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentlewoman from North Carolina is recognized
for 5 minutes.
Ms. FOXX. Thank you, Madam Chairman.
This amendment is simply unnecessary, and I oppose it. Since the day
the President took office, members of his administration have been
issuing one heavy-handed regulation after another, primarily in the
name of program integrity. However, the regulations simply bring
increased Federal intrusion into all aspects of our lives and do not
provide the kind of accountability that we need to have throughout our
Federal Government. Therefore, I oppose the amendment.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. POLIS. Madam Chairman, in what other government program would we
somehow say it's all right to keep fuddling taxpayer money without
accountability. Specifically, my amendment would retain State
authorization requirements for institutions that have below-average
graduation rates, below-average annual completion rates and above-
average loan-default rates, free up the good-performing institutions to
experiment and not holding them accountable to the Carnegie units that
continue to reach out and prevent innovation in the education sector.
I believe the regulations are reasonable and a relatively low burden
on colleges. I think by providing this incentive we could make sure
that universities and institutions of higher education that are good
custodians of our public dollars are freed up to engage in the kind of
innovation that can produce a 21st-century workforce and drive
education innovation into the new century. Those that continue that
have below-average graduation rates, completion rates, and high default
rates will make sure that there is a recourse, a recourse with their
States, for those institutions.
I strongly urge a ``yes'' vote on this amendment, and I yield back
the balance of my time.
Ms. FOXX. Madam Chairman, again, I want to state my opposition to
this amendment, and I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Polis).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the noes
appeared to have it.
The Acting CHAIR. For what purpose does the gentleman from Colorado
seek recognition?
Mr. POLIS. I have an amendment at the desk, amendment No. 5.
The Acting CHAIR. Does the gentleman request a recorded vote on
amendment No. 3?
Mr. POLIS. No.
The Acting CHAIR. The amendment is not agreed to.
Amendment No. 4 Offered by Mr. Bishop of New York
The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 4
printed in House Report 112 404.
Mr. POLIS. I have an amendment at the desk. It's amendment No. 5.
The Acting CHAIR. Is the gentleman attempting to offer amendment No.
4, which is the next amendment in order?
For what purpose does the gentleman from New York rise?
Mr. BISHOP of New York. Madam Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Strike subsection (b) of section 2 of the bill.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 563, the gentleman
from New York (Mr. Bishop) and a Member opposed each will control 5
minutes.
[[Page H991]]
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New York.
Mr. BISHOP of New York. Madam Chair, this amendment simply strips the
language from the underlying bill that permanently constrains the
Secretary from promulgating a regulation or a rule that defines a
credit hour, permanently constrains the Secretary from promulgating a
regulation or a rule.
And I would suggest that this would represent very, very poor public
policy. We provide over $200 billion in Federal student aid, either in
the form of grants or in the form of guarantees; and the basis, at
least in part, on which we provide that is students' adherence to the
minimum number of credit hours that they must take and institutions'
adherence to that which they define as a credit hour.
{time} 1440
We have no idea what's going to happen 10 years from now, 15 years
from now, 20 years from now with respect to whether institutions will
be in compliance. We have no idea whether or not shortcuts will be
taken. We have no idea with the ongoing proliferation of online
instruction and other nontraditional means of instruction whether or
not we will be dealing with a higher education universe that is
maintaining the appropriate quality controls and maintaining the
appropriate protections against the kind of abuse that would ensue if
students are able to take courses where the credit hour is not as
demanding as reasonable people would suggest it would be, where the
semester might be shorter as a result of lack of adherence to what a
reasonable definition of a credit hour is. To put the Secretary of
Education in a position where he or she would be unable to act in that
circumstance is simply unwise, and to impose on the Congress the
responsibility to fix a situation that could be much more easily fixed
by regulatory or administrative action is also unwise.
So this is very straightforward. It is very simple. I would urge my
colleagues to support this amendment, and I reserve the balance of my
time.
Ms. FOXX. Madam Chair, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentlewoman from North Carolina is recognized
for 5 minutes.
Ms. FOXX. Madam Chair, the creation of a Federal definition of credit
hour is a prime example of Federal overreach into an area that should
be left to colleges and universities. This has worked from the
beginning of our country. Our accrediting bodies, our colleges and
universities, have done their jobs. There have been no complaints about
this. There was one minor episode that occurred, one isolated event,
and it was addressed through the accrediting body. This is a typical
example of the overreach of this administration, and particularly the
Department of Education.
If a need arose in the future to create a Federal definition or put
some additional parameters around this section of the law, then it
should be done through the legislative process where the implications
of such a definition can be thoroughly examined.
Madam Chair, the Founders were very, very wise when they created the
Constitution. They delineated exactly what the Federal Government
should and should not be doing. The word ``education'' is no place in
the Constitution, but article I, section 1 does talk about the House of
Representatives and the Congress. That's where the Founders wanted the
power to lie, where the authority is to lie. We are accountable to the
people whom we represent. We are the people's House. We should not be
abrogating our responsibility to unelected bureaucrats. I'm almost
embarrassed that any Member would want to do that. We need this
responsibility. We have the time to take care of it if there is such a
need.
With that, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BISHOP of New York. I would simply point out that my friend from
North Carolina continues to use words like ``intrusion'' and
``overreach''; and yet a few moments ago, in response to comments I had
made during general debate, she said that as an academic dean, the
gentlelady was able to exercise discretion and define a credit hour and
define a course and define a semester. There is absolutely nothing in
the regulation that the Department of Education has promulgated that
would prevent the gentlelady or someone in her position from continuing
to exercise that discretion because in the regulation it says that
institutionally determined equivalents are perfectly permissible and
perfectly acceptable. So the discretion that the gentlelady quite
correctly utilized while she was a dean remains in the toolbox of every
college administrator in this country.
And so I would urge defeat of the underlying bill, I would urge
passage of this amendment, and I yield back the balance of my time.
Ms. FOXX. Madam Chair, the gentleman is correct; deans and assistant
deans and others at colleges and universities have that authority right
now. They've had it since the beginning of the creation of institutions
of higher education, and we don't need the Federal Government meddling
in places it has no business meddling.
I oppose the amendment, and I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from New York (Mr. Bishop).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the noes
appeared to have it.
Mr. BISHOP of New York. Madam Chair, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from New York
will be postponed.
Amendment No. 5 Offered by Mr. Polis
The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 5
printed in House Report 112 404.
Mr. POLIS. Madam Chair, I have amendment No. 5 at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
At the end of the bill, add the following:
SEC. 3. EFFECTIVE AND EFFICIENT USE OF TAXPAYER DOLLARS AND
PROTECTION FROM POTENTIAL WASTE, FRAUD, AND
ABUSE.
Not later than 60 days after the date of the enactment of
this Act, the Secretary of Education shall provide a proposal
to Congress on how the Secretary will, through the authority
of the Secretary to promulgate regulations related to
institutional eligibility for participation under title IV of
the Higher Education Act of 1965, prevent waste, fraud, and
abuse of Federal financial aid dollars by institutions of
higher education under such Act to ensure the effective and
efficient use of taxpayer dollars.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 563, the gentleman
from Colorado (Mr. Polis) and a Member opposed each will control 5
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Colorado.
Mr. POLIS. Madam Chair, I think that the gentlelady from North
Carolina has put together a good bill. It has some good parts and some
bad parts. I am very hopeful that she will accept this amendment.
I believe that the intent of the bill, specifically around making
sure that we don't have an overarching implementation of Carnegie
units--and again, where does this stem from? It stems from a U.S.
Department of Education Office of Inspector General report that found
that there is not an established definition of credit hour or minimum
requirement. The Secretary, working within those constraints, tried to
provide a definition. I don't think that is a productive road to go
down, so I strongly support the general thrust of this bill.
But where we need to move is toward outcome-based measurements. We
have this same discussion in K 12 education as well. And the conclusion
that I've come to, and I've come to the same conclusion in higher
education, is we need to free institutions up with regard to the inputs
to promote innovation and make sure that we hold institutions
accountable for the outputs where taxpayer money is at stake.
One component of the bill that I hope the gentlelady from North
Carolina can work with me on in accepting this amendment, and I think
it is a very pragmatic amendment that would improve the bill, since we
are removing many of the specifics that currently combat waste, fraud,
and abuse--and I don't think we want to combat waste, fraud, and abuse
by applying an overly rigid hour-is-an-hour standard with no
[[Page H992]]
wriggle room because what we care about is whether kids are learning,
not whether they spend 5 minutes or 2 hours doing it. I've talked to
folks who use apprenticeships, who use online education, and we should
hold them accountable for results where there is taxpayer money at
hand, but at the same time we want to make sure that there's a backstop
for what I think folks on both side agree exist, which is waste, fraud,
and abuse in the system. What my amendment would do is replace the
specifics of these regulations with a directive to the Department of
Education to come up with an alternative plan that protects taxpayer
dollars and students' rights.
This would make sure that we can deal with many of the issues raised
by the inspector general, not by providing an overly arching and rigid
definition of time that's a necessary part of education but, rather, by
requesting and requiring that the Secretary come up with ideas that are
consistent with the future of education towards combating waste, fraud,
and abuse.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. FOXX. Madam Chair, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentlewoman from North Carolina is recognized
for 5 minutes.
Ms. FOXX. Madam Chair, I appreciate the very positive comments that
my colleague from Colorado has made about the underlying bill. I hope
very much that he will support it. I appreciate, actually, serving with
him on the Rules Committee and the often commonsense approaches that he
brings to legislation that we're reviewing. However, I have to say
reluctantly that I am opposing his amendment.
I don't think, again, that we need to ask the Department of Education
to present more plans or more rules and regulations. It is certainly
doing a lot to present rules and regulations that are totally
unnecessary.
Next year we will have the reauthorization of the higher education
bill. As I think most people know, the Speaker has asked all the
committees, all the subcommittees to exercise their oversight
responsibilities, and we are certainly doing that and will continue to
do that. Therefore, I think that the gentleman from Colorado's
amendment is unnecessary, and I oppose it.
I reserve the balance of my time.
{time} 1450
Mr. POLIS. Madam Chair, I think that, again, my amendment would
provide sufficient flexibility to accommodate alternative higher-
education settings. The reason we're talking about rules and preventing
fraud, waste, and abuse is not somehow the government is going
someplace that's unwarranted; but these are Federal student loans,
these are Federal programs we're talking about. We do not want
taxpayers to be ripped off, and we do not want students to be ripped
off. I believe that directing the Secretary to come up with an
alternative plan to the one we're stripping out would go a long way
toward accomplishing that.
And I agree with the gentlewoman from North Carolina. Fundamentally,
many of these issues need to be discussed during the reauthorization of
the Higher Education Act; and I hope that she will join me at that
point, yes, on freeing up the inputs-based measurements, but equally,
if not more important, making sure we hold the recipients of taxpayer-
funded programs accountable for the outcomes.
And there is no perfect outcome-based measurement--we know this from
K 12 education as well--but even a mediocre one is better than none.
And I think it will fall upon this Congress to do that. I think that
this bill facilitates that discussion; but should it become law, I
would certainly hope that my colleagues on both sides of the aisle can
join me in supporting this commonsense directive to ensure that waste,
fraud, and abuse do not enter the system along with freeing up
innovation and thoughtful new ways to educate kids.
I urge my colleagues to join me on voting ``yes'' on this amendment,
and I yield back the balance of my time.
Ms. FOXX. Madam Chairman, again, I appreciate the sentiments of my
colleague from Colorado; but I would say to him that there is
absolutely nothing to prevent the Secretary of Education from coming to
the Education and Workforce Committee and presenting his ideas on where
there is waste, fraud, and abuse. We would be more than happy to do
that. Most of what we hear from the administration is spend, spend,
spend, not how can we save money, but spend, spend, spend.
All of us want to make sure that every dime of taxpayers' money is
well spent, and I can assure you that members of my committee want to
see that the money is well spent, and we'll be working on that issue as
we have been working on it, as will all the Republican majorities in
the House do that.
Madam Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time and urge my
colleagues to vote ``no'' on the amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Polis).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the ayes
appeared to have it.
Ms. FOXX. Madam Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Colorado
will be postponed.
Ms. FOXX. Madam Chairman, I move that the Committee do now rise.
The motion was agreed to.
Accordingly, the Committee rose; and the Speaker pro tempore (Ms.
Foxx) having assumed the chair, Mrs. Emerson, Acting Chair of the
Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union, reported that
that Committee, having had under consideration the bill (H.R. 2117) to
prohibit the Department of Education from overreaching into academic
affairs and program eligibility under title IV of the Higher Education
Act of 1965, had come to no resolution thereon.
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