[Congressional Record Volume 158, Number 10 (Tuesday, January 24, 2012)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E63-E64]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                REMARKS OF THE HONORABLE DAVID CROCKETT

                                 ______
                                 

                         HON. DANA ROHRABACHER

                             of california

                    in the house of representatives

                       Tuesday, January 24, 2012

  Mr. ROHRABACHER. Mr. Speaker, below is the text of a detailed report 
of a speech given on the floor of the House of Representatives that I 
believe will be of interest to my colleagues. The description was 
included in a book titled ``Speeches on the Passage of the Bill for the 
Removal of the Indians,'' published by Perkins and Marvin in 1830. The 
speech was given by Rep. David Crockett of Tennessee on May 19, 1830, 
in opposition to the Indian Removal Act. Unfortunately, the Congress 
disregarded Crockett's objections and passed the bill, which was then 
signed into law by President Jackson.

A Sketch of the Remarks of the Hon. David Crockett, Representative From 
  Tennessee, on the Bill for the Removal of the Indians, Made in the 
           House of Representatives, Wednesday, May 19, 1830

       Mr. Crockett said, that, considering his very humble 
     abilities, it might be expected that he should content 
     himself with a silent vote; but, situated as he was, in 
     relation to his colleagues, he felt it to be a duty to 
     himself to explain the motives which governed him in the vote 
     he should give on this bill. Gentlemen had already discussed 
     the treaty-making power; and had done it much more ably than 
     he could pretend to do. He should not therefore enter on that 
     subject, but would merely make an explanation as to the 
     reasons of his vote, He did not know whether a man (that is, 
     a member of Congress) within 500 miles of his residence would 
     give a similar vote; but he knew, at the same time, that he 
     should give that vote with a clear conscience. He had his 
     constituents to settle with, he was aware; and should like to 
     please them as well as other gentlemen; but he had also a 
     settlement to make at the bar of his God; and what his 
     conscience dictated to be just and right he would do, be the 
     consequences what they might. He believed that the people who 
     had been kind enough to give him their suffrages, supposed 
     him to be an honest man, or they would not have chosen him. 
     If so, they could not but expect that he should act in the 
     way he thought honest and right. He had always viewed the 
     native Indian tribes of this country as a sovereign people. 
     He believed they had been recognised as such from the very 
     foundation of this government, and the United States were 
     bound by treaty to protect them; it was their duty to do so. 
     And as to giving to giving the money of the American people 
     for the purpose of removing them in the manner proposed, he 
     would not do it. He would do that only for which he could 
     answer to his God. Whether he could answer it before the 
     people was comparatively nothing, though it was a great 
     satisfaction to him to have the approbation of his 
     constituents.
       Mr. C. said he had served for seven years in a legislative 
     body. But from the first hour he had entered a legislative 
     hall, he had never known what party was in legislation; and 
     God forbid he ever should. He went for the good of the 
     country, and for that only. What he did as a legislator, he 
     did conscientiously. He should love to go with his 
     colleagues, and with the West and the South generally, if he 
     could; but he never would let party govern him in a question 
     of this great consequence.
       He had many objections to the bill--some of them of a very 
     serious character. One was, that he did not like to put half 
     a million of money into the hands of the Executive, to be 
     used in a manner which nobody could foresee, and which 
     Congress was not to control. Another objection was, he did 
     not wish to depart from from the foundation of the 
     government. He considered the present application as the last 
     alternative for these poor remnants of a once powerful 
     people. Their only chance of aid was at the hands of 
     Congress. Should its members turn a deaf ear to their cries, 
     misery must be their fate. That was his candid opinion.
       Mr. C. said he was often forcibly reminded of the remark 
     made by the famous Red Jacket, in the rotundo of this 
     building, where he was shown the pannel which represented in 
     sculpture the first landing of the Pilgrims, with an Indian 
     chief presenting to them an ear of corn, in token of friendly 
     welcome. The aged Indian said ``that was good.'' The Indian 
     said, he knew that they came from the Great Spirit, and he 
     was willing to share the soil with his brothers from over the 
     great water. But when he turned round to another pannel 
     representing Penn's treaty, he said ``Ah! all's gone now.'' 
     There was a great deal of truth in this short saying; and the 
     present bill was a strong commentary upon it.
       Mr. C. said that four counties of his district bordered on 
     the Chickasaw country. He knew many of their tribe; and 
     nothing should ever induce him to vote to drive them west of 
     the Mississippi. He did not know what sort of a country it 
     was in which they were to be settled. He would willingly 
     appropriate money in order to send proper persons to examine 
     the country. And when this had been done, and a fair and free 
     treaty had been made with the tribes if they were desirous of 
     removing, he would vote an appropriation of any sum 
     necessary; but till this had been done, he would not vote one 
     cent. He could not clearly understand the extent of this 
     bill. It seemed to go to the removal of all the Indians, in 
     any State east of the Mississippi river, in which the United 
     States owned any land; Now, there was a considerable number 
     of them still neglected; there was a considerable number of 
     them in Tennessee, and the United States' government owned no 
     land in that State, north and east of the congressional 
     reservation line. No man could be more willing to see them 
     remove than he was if it could be done in a manner agreeable 
     to themselves; but not otherwise. He knew personally that a 
     part of the tribe of the Cherokees were unwilling to go. When 
     the proposal was made to them, they said, ``No; we will take 
     death here at our homes. Let them come and tomahawk us here 
     at home: we are willing to die, but never to remove.'' He had 
     heard them use this language. Many different constructions 
     might be put upon this bill. One of the first things which 
     had set him against the bill, was the letter from the 
     secretary of war to colonel Montgomery--from which it 
     appeared that the Indians had been intruded

[[Page E64]]

     upon. Orders had been issued to turn them all off except the 
     heads of the Indian families, or such as possessed 
     improvements Government had taken measures to purchase land 
     from the Indians who had gone to Arkansas. If this bill 
     should pass, the same plan would be carried further; they 
     would send and buy them out, and put white men upon their 
     land. It had never been known that white men and Indians 
     could live together; and in this case, the Indians were to 
     have no privileges allowed them, while the white men were to 
     have all. Now, if this was not oppression with a vengeance, 
     he did not know what was. It was the language of the bill, 
     and of its friends, that the Indians were not to be driven 
     off against their will. He knew the Indians were unwilling to 
     go: and therefore he could not consent to place them in a 
     situation where they would be obliged to go. He could not 
     stand that. He knew that he stood alone, having, perhaps, 
     none of his colleagues from his state agreeing in sentiment. 
     He could not help that. He knew that he should return to his 
     home glad and light in heart, if he voted against the bill. 
     He felt that it was his wish and purpose to serve his 
     constituents honestly, according to the light of his 
     conscience. The moment he should exchange his conscience for 
     mere party views, he hoped his Maker would no longer suffer 
     him to exist. He spoke the truth in saying so. If he should 
     be the only member of that House who voted against the bill, 
     and the only man in the United States who disapproved it, he 
     would still vote against it; and it would be matter of 
     rejoicing to him till the day he died, that he had given the 
     vote. He had been told that he should be prostrated; but if 
     so, he would have the consolation of conscience. He would 
     obey that power, and gloried in the deed. He cared not for 
     popularity, unless it could be obtained by upright means. He 
     had seen much to disgust him here; and he did not wish to 
     represent his fellow citizens, unless he could be permitted 
     to act conscientiously. He had been told that he did not 
     understand English grammar. That was very true. He had never 
     been six months at school in his life; he had raised himself 
     by the labor of his hands. But he did not, on that account, 
     yield upon his privilege as the representative of freemen on 
     this floor. Humble as he was, he meant to exercise his 
     privilege. He had been charged with not representing his 
     constituents. If the fact was so, the error (said Mr. C.) is 
     here, (touching his head) not here (laying his hand upon his 
     heart). He never had possessed wealth or education, but he 
     had ever been animated by an independent spirit; and he 
     trusted to prove it on the present occasion.

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