[Congressional Record Volume 158, Number 10 (Tuesday, January 24, 2012)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E63-E64]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
REMARKS OF THE HONORABLE DAVID CROCKETT
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HON. DANA ROHRABACHER
of california
in the house of representatives
Tuesday, January 24, 2012
Mr. ROHRABACHER. Mr. Speaker, below is the text of a detailed report
of a speech given on the floor of the House of Representatives that I
believe will be of interest to my colleagues. The description was
included in a book titled ``Speeches on the Passage of the Bill for the
Removal of the Indians,'' published by Perkins and Marvin in 1830. The
speech was given by Rep. David Crockett of Tennessee on May 19, 1830,
in opposition to the Indian Removal Act. Unfortunately, the Congress
disregarded Crockett's objections and passed the bill, which was then
signed into law by President Jackson.
A Sketch of the Remarks of the Hon. David Crockett, Representative From
Tennessee, on the Bill for the Removal of the Indians, Made in the
House of Representatives, Wednesday, May 19, 1830
Mr. Crockett said, that, considering his very humble
abilities, it might be expected that he should content
himself with a silent vote; but, situated as he was, in
relation to his colleagues, he felt it to be a duty to
himself to explain the motives which governed him in the vote
he should give on this bill. Gentlemen had already discussed
the treaty-making power; and had done it much more ably than
he could pretend to do. He should not therefore enter on that
subject, but would merely make an explanation as to the
reasons of his vote, He did not know whether a man (that is,
a member of Congress) within 500 miles of his residence would
give a similar vote; but he knew, at the same time, that he
should give that vote with a clear conscience. He had his
constituents to settle with, he was aware; and should like to
please them as well as other gentlemen; but he had also a
settlement to make at the bar of his God; and what his
conscience dictated to be just and right he would do, be the
consequences what they might. He believed that the people who
had been kind enough to give him their suffrages, supposed
him to be an honest man, or they would not have chosen him.
If so, they could not but expect that he should act in the
way he thought honest and right. He had always viewed the
native Indian tribes of this country as a sovereign people.
He believed they had been recognised as such from the very
foundation of this government, and the United States were
bound by treaty to protect them; it was their duty to do so.
And as to giving to giving the money of the American people
for the purpose of removing them in the manner proposed, he
would not do it. He would do that only for which he could
answer to his God. Whether he could answer it before the
people was comparatively nothing, though it was a great
satisfaction to him to have the approbation of his
constituents.
Mr. C. said he had served for seven years in a legislative
body. But from the first hour he had entered a legislative
hall, he had never known what party was in legislation; and
God forbid he ever should. He went for the good of the
country, and for that only. What he did as a legislator, he
did conscientiously. He should love to go with his
colleagues, and with the West and the South generally, if he
could; but he never would let party govern him in a question
of this great consequence.
He had many objections to the bill--some of them of a very
serious character. One was, that he did not like to put half
a million of money into the hands of the Executive, to be
used in a manner which nobody could foresee, and which
Congress was not to control. Another objection was, he did
not wish to depart from from the foundation of the
government. He considered the present application as the last
alternative for these poor remnants of a once powerful
people. Their only chance of aid was at the hands of
Congress. Should its members turn a deaf ear to their cries,
misery must be their fate. That was his candid opinion.
Mr. C. said he was often forcibly reminded of the remark
made by the famous Red Jacket, in the rotundo of this
building, where he was shown the pannel which represented in
sculpture the first landing of the Pilgrims, with an Indian
chief presenting to them an ear of corn, in token of friendly
welcome. The aged Indian said ``that was good.'' The Indian
said, he knew that they came from the Great Spirit, and he
was willing to share the soil with his brothers from over the
great water. But when he turned round to another pannel
representing Penn's treaty, he said ``Ah! all's gone now.''
There was a great deal of truth in this short saying; and the
present bill was a strong commentary upon it.
Mr. C. said that four counties of his district bordered on
the Chickasaw country. He knew many of their tribe; and
nothing should ever induce him to vote to drive them west of
the Mississippi. He did not know what sort of a country it
was in which they were to be settled. He would willingly
appropriate money in order to send proper persons to examine
the country. And when this had been done, and a fair and free
treaty had been made with the tribes if they were desirous of
removing, he would vote an appropriation of any sum
necessary; but till this had been done, he would not vote one
cent. He could not clearly understand the extent of this
bill. It seemed to go to the removal of all the Indians, in
any State east of the Mississippi river, in which the United
States owned any land; Now, there was a considerable number
of them still neglected; there was a considerable number of
them in Tennessee, and the United States' government owned no
land in that State, north and east of the congressional
reservation line. No man could be more willing to see them
remove than he was if it could be done in a manner agreeable
to themselves; but not otherwise. He knew personally that a
part of the tribe of the Cherokees were unwilling to go. When
the proposal was made to them, they said, ``No; we will take
death here at our homes. Let them come and tomahawk us here
at home: we are willing to die, but never to remove.'' He had
heard them use this language. Many different constructions
might be put upon this bill. One of the first things which
had set him against the bill, was the letter from the
secretary of war to colonel Montgomery--from which it
appeared that the Indians had been intruded
[[Page E64]]
upon. Orders had been issued to turn them all off except the
heads of the Indian families, or such as possessed
improvements Government had taken measures to purchase land
from the Indians who had gone to Arkansas. If this bill
should pass, the same plan would be carried further; they
would send and buy them out, and put white men upon their
land. It had never been known that white men and Indians
could live together; and in this case, the Indians were to
have no privileges allowed them, while the white men were to
have all. Now, if this was not oppression with a vengeance,
he did not know what was. It was the language of the bill,
and of its friends, that the Indians were not to be driven
off against their will. He knew the Indians were unwilling to
go: and therefore he could not consent to place them in a
situation where they would be obliged to go. He could not
stand that. He knew that he stood alone, having, perhaps,
none of his colleagues from his state agreeing in sentiment.
He could not help that. He knew that he should return to his
home glad and light in heart, if he voted against the bill.
He felt that it was his wish and purpose to serve his
constituents honestly, according to the light of his
conscience. The moment he should exchange his conscience for
mere party views, he hoped his Maker would no longer suffer
him to exist. He spoke the truth in saying so. If he should
be the only member of that House who voted against the bill,
and the only man in the United States who disapproved it, he
would still vote against it; and it would be matter of
rejoicing to him till the day he died, that he had given the
vote. He had been told that he should be prostrated; but if
so, he would have the consolation of conscience. He would
obey that power, and gloried in the deed. He cared not for
popularity, unless it could be obtained by upright means. He
had seen much to disgust him here; and he did not wish to
represent his fellow citizens, unless he could be permitted
to act conscientiously. He had been told that he did not
understand English grammar. That was very true. He had never
been six months at school in his life; he had raised himself
by the labor of his hands. But he did not, on that account,
yield upon his privilege as the representative of freemen on
this floor. Humble as he was, he meant to exercise his
privilege. He had been charged with not representing his
constituents. If the fact was so, the error (said Mr. C.) is
here, (touching his head) not here (laying his hand upon his
heart). He never had possessed wealth or education, but he
had ever been animated by an independent spirit; and he
trusted to prove it on the present occasion.
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