[Congressional Record Volume 157, Number 146 (Monday, October 3, 2011)]
[Senate]
[Pages S6039-S6040]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                            BURMA SANCTIONS

  Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I rise to note final passage last week 
of the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act, which extends sanctions on 
the Burmese regime for another year. As in years past, I am joined in 
this effort by my good friend, Senator Dianne Feinstein. Alongside the 
two of us are 64 other cosponsors, including Senators McCain, Durbin, 
and Lieberman. This overwhelming bipartisan support for sanctioning the 
junta reflects the clear view of the U.S. Senate that the purportedly 
``new'' Burmese regime that took office earlier this year so far 
appears little different from the ``old'' regime.
  The casual observer could be excused for thinking that things have 
changed

[[Page S6040]]

dramatically for the better in Burma over the past year. After all, 
elections were held last fall, a ``new'' regime took office earlier 
this year, and Aung San Suu Kyi was freed. However, as our experience 
with Burma has taught us, things there usually require a closer look.
  First, the November elections took place without the benefit of 
international election monitors, and no reputable observers viewed the 
elections as free or fair. This was in large part because the National 
League for Democracy--Suu Kyi's party and the winner overwhelmingly of 
the last free elections in the country in 1990--was effectively banned 
by the junta and couldn't participate in the election. There were 
restrictions placed on how other political parties could form and 
campaign. No criticism of the junta was permitted. And the results were 
unsurprising: the regime's handpicked candidates won big and the 
democratic opposition was largely sidelined.
  Second, the ``new'' regime appears to be essentially the junta with 
only the thinnest democratic veneer. The Constitution, which places 
great power in the hands of the military, cannot be amended without the 
blessing of the armed forces. Furthermore, those in parliament are 
limited in how they can criticize the regime.
  The only legitimately good news was Suu Kyi's release. Yet the extent 
of her freedom to travel remains an open question. Moreover, despite 
her release, nearly 2,000 other political prisoners remain behind bars 
in Burma; they are no better off than before. Neither are the hundreds 
of thousands of refugees and displaced persons who are without a home 
due to the repressive policies of the junta.
  That the political situation in Burma remains largely unchanged is 
also reflected in the defection this summer of two Burmese diplomats. 
One of them was the Burmese Deputy Chief of Mission here in Washington. 
He wrote a letter to the Secretary of State requesting political asylum 
and, according to press reports, in the letter, he stated as follows:

       My efforts to improve bilateral ties have been continually 
     rejected and resulted in my being deemed dangerous by the 
     government. Because of this, I am also convinced and live in 
     fear that I will be prosecuted for my actions, efforts, and 
     beliefs when I return to Naypyidaw after completing my tour 
     of duty here. The truth is that senior military officials are 
     consolidating their grip on power and seeking to stamp out 
     the voices of those seeking democracy, human rights, and 
     individual liberties.

  These words do not come from a Western government or an NGO; they 
come from a senior Burmese diplomat. His words make clear that the 
democratic trappings of the ``new'' regime are in many ways just a 
facade.
  Finally, it is worth noting that there remain important security 
considerations that must be addressed before ending sanctions. The 
junta's increasingly close bilateral military relationship with North 
Korea, in particular, is a source of much concern.
  I am hopeful that the time will soon come when sanctions against the 
Burmese government will no longer be needed; that like South Africa in 
the early 1990s, the people of Burma will be able to free themselves 
from their own government. However, as evidenced in the Deputy Chief of 
Mission's letter, the Burmese junta appears to maintain an iron grip on 
its people, and continues to carry out a foreign policy that is 
inimical to U.S. interests. The United States must continue to deny 
this regime the legitimacy it craves by continuing sanctions, and these 
sanctions must remain in place until true democratic reform comes to 
the people of Burma.

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