[Congressional Record Volume 157, Number 105 (Thursday, July 14, 2011)]
[Senate]
[Pages S4575-S4577]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
U.S. CREDIT RATING
Mr. DURBIN. Madam President, this morning's Wall Street Journal has a
headline which I hope America will pay close attention to: ``Raters put
U.S. on notice.'' The United States of America has a credit rating,
much as we do as individuals, businesses, and families. The credit
rating of the United States is AAA, the very best.
What does it mean? It means two things. First, that those who do
business with America think it is the best place to do business--the
most reliable economy, the rule of law, transparency. It says good
things about America. It translates into the lowest interest rates
charged when America borrows money. That is a good thing because we
borrow a lot of money.
This AAA rating, of course, is something that is not guaranteed. You
have to work for it. Countries around the world now, particularly in
Europe, are struggling and failing economically, some in worse shape
than others. In the Irish Times yesterday they referred to what they
called the ``PIGS''. I had never seen that term before. It refers to
Portugal, Ireland, Greece, and Spain. They said this week Italy was
joining the PIGS, the seventh largest economy in the world, roiling in
euro debt, being called on to transform and change their economies and
their government to deal with their national debt.
It is a tough time in the European Union, and the jury is still out
about any one of those countries and how this will end. The United
States is not in that situation, thank goodness. Our economy has its
problems. We know that: 9.2 percent of our workforce is unemployed, a
situation where many small businesses are still struggling, where
families struggle, many of them paycheck to paycheck, to get by. But
still, the fact that we have to guard our borders to keep people from
coming here is an indication of what America's promise means to the
rest of the world.
This notice from the rating agencies that now we are on a watch, a
credit watch, as to whether our AAA credit rating in America should be
diminished
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is serious. Secretary of Treasury Tim Geithner meets with us when we go
down to the White House to talk about the current negotiation over the
debt ceiling. What he told us yesterday was that this rating is the
product of two things: First, there is no clear path available to
indicate that Congress is able to extend the debt ceiling of the United
States on August 2; and, secondly, there is no clear indication that
Congress and the President are working together to deal with our
national deficit. Because of that, Secretary Geithner said this rating
has come out, and that is the reality of what we face.
First, a word about the debt ceiling. What is it? Most people do not
know, and it is understandable because it does not get much attention,
although it has been around a long time. The debt ceiling was created
in 1939. It was created because Congress decided they did not want to
vote every time we issued a national bond or some other note. We would
rather give our Department of Treasury the authority to issue debt
obligations up to a certain dollar level. As the debt of the United
States increased and the need to borrow increased, that level increased
as well. Between 1993 and today, we have extended the debt ceiling in
America 89 times, 55 times under Republican Presidents, 34 times under
Democratic Presidents, and virtually without notice. Who is the No. 1
President in the history of the United States to extend the debt
ceiling and to increase America's debt? Ronald Reagan, far and away. He
did it 18 times, and during the course of his 8 years in office, raised
the national debt ceiling by 199 percent.
Then you go to the next President, who raised it 90 percent in debt,
President George W. Bush. So it is a bipartisan undertaking. What it
means is that when needed, the Congress of the United States authorizes
the President to borrow the money necessary to cover what we have spent
in appropriations from Congress, in our entitlement and mandatory
programs--Social Security, Medicare, and the like--we have to borrow
money.
In fact, we borrow 40 cents for every $1 we spend in Washington for
everything--40 cents for every $1. So we are looking to the people to
loan us money on a regular basis. The No. 1 one creditor of the United
States, among countries, is China--ironic--our No. 1 creditor, our No.
1 competitor. An interesting relationship.
The debt ceiling comes due August 2. As it has been routinely
extended time and time again, this time is different. The House
Republican leadership has said: We refuse to vote to extend the debt
ceiling of the United States unless we see deficit reduction. What
would happen if we did not extend the debt ceiling?
What would happen if you did not make your mortgage payment? I think
I would know what would happen to Loretta and me in Springfield, IL. We
might hear from our bank, and our bank might say: Mr. Durbin, you know,
the month of July has come and gone and you did not pay your mortgage
on your home in Springfield. What is up?
If you said: I am just not going to pay it this month, they would
say: That is not what you signed up for. You signed up to meet your
obligation. So if you do not pay it, you face foreclosure.
But in the meantime, what have you done, what my family would have
done under those circumstances, is to jeopardize our credit rating. The
next time my family would want to borrow money for a home, the bank
would say: I am not sure you are such a good risk. You have missed your
mortgage payment or, if they loaned us money, it would be at a higher
interest rate.
That is the reality of what happens if you do not extend the debt
ceiling. This situation when it comes to America is grave. It is not
just about America paying a higher interest rate to borrow money, it is
about the interest rate across our country being affected. Down at the
Federal Reserve, Ben Bernanke and the Federal Reserve Board of
Governors are doing everything in their power to keep interest rates
low because we want businesses to expand, to be profitable, and to hire
people.
When interest rate costs go up, businesses find it more expensive to
borrow and borrow less. Individual families find it more difficult to
buy the car, the home, the appliances they might need. So with interest
rates going up as a result of our failure to extend the debt ceiling,
we are doing exactly the opposite of what the American economy needs
today. That is why it is so serious. In fact, it could be catastrophic.
In a few minutes, we are going to hear from Treasury Secretary Tim
Geithner, who is going to come before us and talk about the impact of
failure to extend the debt ceiling.
What we are doing in the White House today is negotiating with
leaders of Congress, Democrats and Republicans, and the President to
extend the debt ceiling because many of us believe it would be
disastrous. If we would default on our debt, we call into question the
full faith and credit of the United States of America. At the end of
the day, we would find ourselves with a self-inflicted wound to the
American economy: raising interest rates and making it more difficult
to come out of this recession.
We are trying to reach an agreement, and it has been hard going. We
have had five face-to-face meetings in the White House so far.
Yesterday's was reported in the news as contentious, and it was. The
President has said he believes our first obligation is to get the
American economy back on track and Americans back to work. We should
not do anything in the course of our business that would make that more
difficult. I could not agree with him more.
The highest priority in America is putting Americans back to work in
good-paying jobs right here at home. The highest priority in America is
allowing small businesses to expand, to do more business, and hire more
people. That is what we ought to be about. If we fail to extend the
debt ceiling, it makes it more difficult to reach those goals.
I listened as Presidential candidates of the other party in Iowa say:
It does not matter. Default on the debt. Let's see what happens. That
is the most--let me think of a good word here--naive comment on our
economy I can imagine. The people who are making it have no business
aspiring to the highest office in the land. We need to accept this
responsibility and deal with this debt ceiling honestly. We need to
extend it so there is no question about the credit rating--the full
faith and credit of the United States of America.
Secondly, we need to get serious about this deficit. I know the
occupant of the chair has strong personal feelings about this. She has
introduced legislation dealing with this deficit and how we can cope
with it in the Senate and in the House. I have been part of the
President's deficit commission. I have been engaged with colleagues of
both political parties on how to take it further. Our goal is, very
simply stated, I believe and those who are engaged in these
conversations believe we can reduce the debt of the United States by up
to $4 trillion over the next 10 years. We can do it in a sensible,
thoughtful way, with shared sacrifice across America.
We need to put everything--and I underline the word ``everything''--
on the table. Spending programs are the start. We should go to them and
root out what we consider to be wasteful, unnecessary, fraudulent, and
abusive practices in our spending, whether it is in the Department of
Defense or any other agency of government.
When the Department of Defense came before the Bowles-Simpson
commission, we asked them how many private contractors work for the
Department of Defense.
Their answer: We have no idea.
We said: Give us a range.
They said: The range is somewhere between 1 million and 9 million
people working for the Department of Defense--maybe.
That is unacceptable. We can do better. Our brave men and women in
uniform deserve better, and so do the American taxpayers.
We must put all spending on the table, reducing spending where we
can, where we must, to move toward $4 trillion in deficit reduction.
Then we need to put entitlement programs on the table. This is where
many Democrats get nervous because you are talking about things that
mean a lot to us--Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid, for example.
I am as committed to those programs as any Member of the Senate. I
believe we can protect the
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basic benefits under those programs and still find ways to make them
stronger and longer.
Social Security, untouched, will make every promised payment, with
cost-of-living adjustments, for the next 25 years. You can't say that
about much in Washington. You can't say that about any program other
than Social Security. We can do better by making minor, small changes
in Social Security today and putting the savings back into Social
Security, and then we can say it will last 75 years, which means
everybody going into the workplace, starting their work career in
America, will know they can count on Social Security to be there when
they need it. That is an attainable goal, and if we face it honestly,
we can do it.
When I was elected in 1982 and came to office in 1983, we were facing
bankruptcy in Social Security. We came together with a bipartisan
approach and passed it. We bought literally 52 years of solvency for
Social Security, and not a single Member lost the next election because
we did it in a bipartisan fashion, determined to make Social Security
stronger. We can do it again.
Medicare--same story. Medicare, of course, provides health care for
the elderly and disabled in America. It is extremely expensive because
health care costs keep going up. Are there ways to reduce the costs of
Medicare so that the people who are deserving of care--seniors and the
disabled--will have it available to them?
On January 1 of this year, 9,000 Americans turned the age of 65; on
January 2, another 9,000; and then every day since--every day for the
next 19 years. The boomers have arrived. They have paid into Medicare
and Social Security their entire lives, and they expect America to keep
its promise. And we will. But we can look at Medicare and find ways to
make that program more cost-efficient. There are certainly ways that
are obvious.
Under the Medicare prescription drug program, we currently don't have
a Medicare option. All we have is private health insurance company
options. Let Medicare bargain with pharmaceutical companies to buy in
bulk and bring down the cost of drugs for seniors, thus reducing their
out-of-pocket costs and our costs as taxpayers. The pharmaceutical
industry hates that the way the Devil hates holy water. The fact is
that when you put Medicare in there, like the Veterans' Administration
is in there, it can make a difference.
We need to include spending, entitlements, and revenue. I hope we can
do it on a bipartisan basis.
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