[Congressional Record Volume 157, Number 92 (Friday, June 24, 2011)]
[House]
[Pages H4550-H4564]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
LIMITING USE OF FUNDS FOR ARMED FORCES IN LIBYA
Mr. ROONEY. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 328, I call up
the bill (H.R. 2278) to limit the use of funds appropriated to the
Department of Defense for United States Armed Forces in support of
North Atlantic Treaty Organization Operation Unified Protector with
respect to Libya, unless otherwise specifically authorized by law, and
ask for its immediate consideration.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 328, the bill
is considered read.
The text of the bill is as follows:
H.R. 2278
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. LIMITATION ON USE OF DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE FUNDS
FOR UNITED STATES ARMED FORCES IN SUPPORT OF
NATO OPERATION UNIFIED PROTECTOR WITH RESPECT
TO LIBYA.
(a) Limitation.--None of the funds appropriated or
otherwise available to the Department of Defense may be
obligated or expended for United States Armed Forces in
support of North Atlantic Treaty Organization Operation
Unified Protector with respect to Libya, unless otherwise
specifically authorized by law.
(b) Exceptions.--The limitation on funds under subsection
(a) does not apply with respect to--
(1) search and rescue;
(2) intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance;
(3) aerial refueling; and
(4) operational planning.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Florida (Mr. Rooney) and
the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Smith) each will control 30 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Florida.
General Leave
Mr. ROONEY. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members
have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks
and to include extraneous material on the bill under consideration.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Florida?
There was no objection.
{time} 1220
Mr. ROONEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, on March 19 of this year, the President sent us into
military activity, or war, in Libya. Within 48 hours, the President
notified the Congress in accordance with the War Powers Act of his
decision to do so. For 60 days, the President under the War Powers Act
had the opportunity, and chose not to, to come to this body and make
the case as to why being in Libya was important. On the 60th day, he
wrote a letter to this body saying that he would welcome authorization
but he's not asking for it.
Time and time again on the Armed Services Committee, we were
presented
[[Page H4551]]
with speakers from the administration who would give certain updates on
various matters to which I would ask: Are you here to ask authorization
for ongoing activity in Libya? And the speakers, the witnesses, would
say, ``No.''
After 90 days and the President has not ceased activity or
hostilities in Libya, the time has come and gone and we've sent our
indication over to the administration time and time again that we
disapprove. But because the War Powers resolution, by some either
Republican or Democrat or in the House or the Senate, is questionable
whether or not they consider it constitutional or not, the President
has operated in what we now know is called the zone of twilight as to
whether or not he even needs our approval.
So what are we left with? Mr. Speaker, we're left with, today, our
ability under the power of the purse to restrict funds from ongoing
operations in Libya. Without it and without the Supreme Court weighing
in on whether or not the War Powers is unconstitutional, in my opinion,
the President is breaking the law, but he is being restricted by nobody
and being able to continue unfettered.
Some have said that the War Powers resolution isn't worth the paper
that it is written on. To that I say: Based on what Supreme Court
decision? Based on what precedent? There is none, because the courts
haven't weighed in on it. I know some of our colleagues here have a
pending case before the Court, and I wish them well, but what if they
don't accept the case? What if they say these Members, as they have
said before, don't have standing? Then we're right back to square one.
Mr. Speaker, today we have the opportunity to send a message to the
executive branch, and this transcends party but it exerts our power
under the separation of powers, to say we, the House of
Representatives, are relevant; we, the House of Representatives, are
exercising our ability that the Founding Fathers gave us in the ability
to declare war because they wanted us to have this deliberation, this
debate that we're having here today, arguments that have been made on
both sides that have been very good, because the last thing that we
want as Americans is for some President, whether it's this President or
some future President, to be able to pick fights around the world
without any debate from another branch of government.
It's the most difficult thing we have to do as government officials,
and that's send our kids into harm's way. So it has to be a sober,
deliberative, long debate, and the President has 60 days and chose not
to engage in that debate. So here we are today saying, if you choose
not to come here and get authorization, we are going to stop it until
you do. The President always has the ability in the future to come and
try to get authorization for what he's doing in Libya or anywhere else.
So, Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of my bill to withdraw funding
from future engagement in Libya.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. SMITH of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 3 minutes.
The bottom line with this resolution--and I think the gentleman made
a lot of very fair points. I certainly think that the White House could
have handled it better in terms of communicating with Congress. But
what this resolution would do that he has presented would be to end our
mission in Libya. So all of the debates and arguments that you heard
from the previous discussion apply to this just as well.
It has some limited options in terms of what the President could
continue to do in support of NATO, but it very specifically disallows
any effort at air support, any effort at suppressing opposition fire.
It does allow for aerial refueling. It allows for rescue missions, but
what the military has made clear is they will not do that without all
of the other assets that are necessary to suppress enemy fire. We are
not going to send up our aerial refueling apparatus or aerial refueling
planes if we know we can't protect them from being shot down.
So the effect of this resolution is to, again, end the mission in
Libya, and people have different opinions about where they should come
down on that. I don't believe that we should end the mission in Libya.
I do believe that Congress' voice should be heard on this issue, and
that is why I supported the resolution that would have authorized that.
So I don't think that we should stop what we're doing in Libya, and
getting back to the previous debate, there have been some comments that
have been made that I want to be sure and correct.
I think we have a much better idea of who the forces in Libya
fighting against Muammar Qadhafi are than has been said, and we know
this because they control roughly half the country right now. What our
mission was able to do, it stopped Muammar Qadhafi from being able to
crush the folks who are rising up against him and retake the territory
that they have. So in Benghazi and in most of I think it's eastern
Libya, it is controlled by these opposition forces, and by all
accounts, they are running a very sensible government. It is not an
Islamic state. It does not have al Qaeda influence. It has a bunch of
people who are simply trying to exercise free expression that they have
been denied for nearly 40 years by Muammar Qadhafi. We have a very good
idea who these people are. They are precisely the type of people that
the United States of America should be supporting.
And as I mentioned before, in our great struggle against al Qaeda,
one of the centerpieces of it is ideological. The ideology that bin
Laden and many others advance is very anti-Western, and their biggest
argument is that the West has consistently supported governments that
have repressed the Muslim people, that we have not been good for them,
and there are at least one or two instances when that argument actually
has some facts to back it up. And now we are presented with the chance
to support a legitimate group of people who want basically what we
have--democracy. They want the ability to vote for their
representatives. They want a voice in their government, and we are
going to pull the rug out from under them.
And keep in mind, this is a very limited mission. It is NATO-led, but
we are offering critical support to make it possible, and if we vote
for the Rooney resolution, we will pull all of that away and right at
the moment--in fact, there was a newspaper story this morning about how
Qadhafi is talking about leaving Tripoli because the pressure is
getting too great on him. We have had continual members of the Libyan
Government abandoning Qadhafi. He is ready to fall, and those voices of
Libyan people who want the very freedoms that we all say we want for
them are ready to rise, and we are going to reverse that by pulling out
this minimal level of support that we are offering.
That is the effect of the Rooney resolution, and therefore I oppose
it.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ROONEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to my friend from Texas
(Mr. McCaul).
Mr. McCAUL. I thank the gentleman from Florida for yielding time and
I commend him for this legislation.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of this bill and in defense of
the Constitution. The Founding Fathers clearly intended for Congress to
have the power to commit this Nation into armed conflict.
Article I, section 8 of the Constitution states that Congress shall
have the power to declare war. Our first Commander in Chief, George
Washington, knew that when he said, ``The Constitution vests the power
of declaring war in Congress; therefore, no offensive expedition of
importance can be undertaken until after they shall have deliberated
upon the subject and authorized such a measure.''
That is exactly what this bill is about, and President Obama, when he
was a Senator, knew this when he said that, ``The President does not
have power under the Constitution to authorize a military attack in a
situation that does not involve stopping an actual or imminent threat
to the Nation.''
He went on further to say that, ``No law can give Congress a backbone
if it refuses to stand up as the co-equal branch the Constitution made
it.''
I couldn't agree more with him, but, unfortunately, as President, Mr.
Obama appears to no longer agree with his prior interpretation of the
Constitution, and in reviewing the War Powers Act, we can argue that it
is unconstitutional, but that is for the Supreme Court to decide.
[[Page H4552]]
In applying the War Powers Act to the facts here in this case, it is
clear that the President failed to comply with the requirements to get
congressional approval; and when we examine the merits of the case for
involvement in Libya, this administration has wholly failed to define a
clear national interest, mission, or goal.
{time} 1230
Why are we there? Are we there to kill Qadhafi or to provide
humanitarian aid? And since when does humanitarian aid come from a
missile launched from a Predator drone? And who are these rebels that
we are supporting? The administration has failed to provide Congress
with a clear answer to this question, but we do know that some of them
are tied to terrorist organizations.
The bill introduced by my good friend from Florida (Mr. Rooney)
reasserts Congress' role as a coequal branch of government, and it
sends a clear message to the President that he must get congressional
approval before he commits this Nation to war, as he stated when he was
in the United States Senate.
With that, Mr. Speaker, I urge a ``yes'' vote on this bill.
Mr. SMITH of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the
gentlelady from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).
Ms. JACKSON LEE of Texas. Let me thank the gentleman from Washington
(Mr. Smith) for his leadership and for characterizing where we are
today as a conflicted and, if you will, highly uncertain posture.
I'm looking at the vote count, and it looks as if 225 Republicans
voted against a time certain to get out of Libya. If you read the bill
H.R. 2278--and I am looking at it over and over again--there really is
no print as to a time certain. There is a nebulous statement about
limiting funds for such things as search and rescue, intelligence,
surveillance and reconnaissance, aerial funding, and operational
planning. That can go on ad infinitum. We can take the American
people's money forever and ever and continue in this effort.
I don't like where we are today. Constitutionally, it is true, it is
Congress' right to declare war. And the War Powers resolution--which my
good friends on the other side of the aisle are now debating on its
constitutionality, and of course they've used it in the past--does
indicate that it was done in order to track the Constitution and allow
congressional consultation. There was a letter sent by the President.
There has been a report sent. But there's no doubt that this was not
handled right.
But in the Iraq war, an unnecessary war, no Arab League States asked
us to join with them. There was no defined threat to the United States
in the Iraq war, as we've said. We left the Afghanistan war to
dillydally in Iraq and lose 4,000 soldiers. So where is the hypocrisy
here?
Right now, the Arab League has asked us to join them. Right now, our
NATO allies are engaged in trying to get rid of an oppressive abuser
and a person who has killed his own people. Where is the dignity on
this place? It's nothing but politics. And I respect my colleagues who
want to make choices about which direction they want to go. But I will
tell you, I would much rather vote for something that is time certain,
ending in 1 year or before. And if there is not a definitive end, then
I will offer a privileged resolution to get out of Libya.
But I don't want to abandon my friends in the Arab States who are now
struggling for democracy. Why is Syria different? Why is Yemen
different? Why is Bahrain different? You are absolutely right. Because
other forces are engaged in Syria, Yemen, and Bahrain. And the Arab
States are attempting to negotiate.
So I am not interested in willy-nilly going into all kinds of wars.
I'm not interested in going to Syria or Yemen or Bahrain. But I am
interested in being consistent.
We now have an operation, and we can tell that there is movement by
those who are rebels. And I would like my friends to document for me,
if they have got a documented presence of al Qaeda, then they can tell
us that. But right now, we have an obligation, and we can't play
politics. And this bill is nothing but politics because it does not end
when we're supposed to get out. It does it ad infinitum.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.
Mr. SMITH of Washington. I yield the gentlewoman an additional 15
seconds.
Ms. JACKSON LEE of Texas. It is a continuous, unending obligation to
be in Libya. I would much rather have a definitive act which is to say
that we have no more than a year. And I would offer to the White House
that we would like reports sooner than that, and some of us may wish to
go forward with another resolution to move us out.
But I will not be supporting politics today. I have to support those
who are fighting for justice in Libya.
Mr. Speaker, I rise to today to express my disappointment with the
Administration's decision not to consult with the Congress over the
important and critical actions taken in Libya. Our government operates
based upon a constitutionally protected system of checks and balances.
It does not matter whether or not the Administration is Democrat or
Republican. What is important is ensuring the role of Congress when
determinations are made to engage in military actions in foreign
countries. The War Powers Resolution was intended to ensure that any
action taken by an Administration which utilizes military forces would
require the involvement of this body.
As the Ranking Member of the House Homeland Security Subcommittee on
Transportation Security and Senior Member of the House Judiciary
Committee, I believe in supporting the Constitution of the United
States. The issue before us raises the debate on how to apply the War
Powers Resolution. As this resolution has not been declared
unconstitutional it is important to follow our laws as written. This is
a reminder to the American people that we must firmly hold true to our
constitutional duties. We have the power to ensure the Executive does
not overstep its bounds. As Members of Congress, we can exercise our
power through appropriation, the appointment process, exercising
oversight over the Executive, enactment legislation, or even
establishing a select Committee to probe any abuse of power by the
Administration.
The War Power resolution is an integral part of our process. The
actions that have taken place in Libya raise the debate on how the War
Power Resolution should be applied.
Presidents, Members of Congress, scholars and lawyers have long
argued about which branch of government has the power to decide whether
the nation goes to war, and meaningful discussions between the branches
has not always taken place. In 1973, The War Powers resolution was
passed over the veto of President Nixon, in order to provide procedures
for Congress and the President to participate in decisions to send U.S.
Armed Forces into hostilities.
Such force is constitutional under the Necessary and Proper Clause
which specifically provided that ``Congress shall have the power to
make all laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution, not
only its own powers but also all other powers vested by the
Constitution in the Government of the United States. . . .'' The policy
behind this power, entrusted to the President as Commander in Chief, to
deploy U.S. armed forces to defend itself is ``exercised only pursuant
to: (1) a declaration of war; (2) specific statutory authorization; or
(3) a national emergency created by attack upon the United States, its
territories or possessions, or its armed forces.'' Pursuant to this
authority, the President ``in every possible instance'' shall consult
with Congress before deploying U.S. Armed Forces, and to continue
consultations as long as the armed forces remain in hostile situations.
As we consider this Joint Resolution, we must also consider facts
surrounding the state of violence and unrest in Libya, and the
consequences of both action and inaction on behalf of the Libyan
people. I value the importance of a fair, just, and balanced approach.
We must always act in compliance with our nation's constitution.
Prior to this conflict, since assuming power, Colonel Qaddafi has
ignored the needs of the Libyan people; choosing instead to train other
oppressive leaders in intelligence and weaponry. Qaddafi had given
money to dictators such as Robert Mugabe and Charles Taylor, and
intervened in foreign wars instead of investing in education and
infrastructure for the betterment of his own people.
Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have consistently
reported the lack of free press and free speech in Libya. The State
controls the media and speaking out against Qaddafi or his government
is not only illegal, it is also deadly. Qaddafi and his army executed
activists who opposed the government and broadcasted their deaths on
television.
Qaddafi was particularly intolerant of women and other minorities. He
established ``social rehabilitation'' centers, where women who were
designated financially or morally vulnerable were detained
indefinitely. Homosexuality
[[Page H4553]]
was deemed criminal, and punished with up to five years in jail.
Now, the people of Libya have given their lives in their fight for
democracy. This current conflict in Libya began four months ago, when
Colonel Qadahfi failed to do what was right for his country and its
people. Violence erupted as many Libyan citizens felt the painful
consequences of a government resistant to change. Civil liberties were
infringed upon, human rights were violated, and worst of all, many
Libyan lives were lost. These atrocities were not committed under the
command of some far away leader or as a consequence of a conflict with
a foreign nation. No, these unforgivable acts were authorized by the
hand of the Libyan leader himself.
I applaud efforts to come to the aid of the Libyan people. I condemn
Colonel Qadahfi's despicable and inhuman actions, and support the
President in our national policy--and the World's policy--of removing
this tyrant from power. The widespread suffering in Libya was initiated
and continues to be encouraged by the very man charged with protecting
the Libyan people. The Libyan people are in desperate need of outside
assistance; the question is no longer whether or not Libya is in a
critical condition. I call on my fellow Members of Congress to continue
to condemn the violence taking place in Libya.
We should not forget that the people of Libya are continuing to fight
for democracy and there has been a significant loss of life. Colonel
Muammar Qadahfi has continued to refuse to acknowledge the will of the
Libyan people and the reality of the dilemmas that Libya faced. When
faced with the shadow of oppression, the suppression of liberties, and
the constant threat of brutality, history has shown that humanity will
always rise up in protest, and if necessary, in armed resistance.
Rather than act as a true leader and acknowledge the interests of
Libyan citizens, Qadahfi chose to remain steadfast to the status quo--
to disregard the context of an intolerable situation in favor of
blindly following what has always been done just for tradition's sake
and lust for power. The reality of the situation is this: it was
Qadahfi's refusal to contemplate the circumstances in Libya that has
led to the unnecessary loss of innocent lives. Let us not make the same
error as we continue to deliberate the role of the U.S. and the
decision of our President to act on behalf of innocent people. Colonel
Qadahfi has proved himself to be, by the standards of any free nation,
an illegitimate leader of the Libyan people. He has utilized snipers,
helicopters gunships, mercenaries and gangs of hired thugs to harm his
own people throughout the course of the protests. Rebels taking to the
streets demanding free elections were injured and killed.
No leader should remain in power after committing the indiscriminate
slaughter of thousands of their own citizens; no leader should remain
in power after ordering soldiers to fire upon crowds of defenseless,
peaceful protesters; no leader should remain in power after executing
hundreds of soldiers who bravely refused to carry out orders to shoot
their fellow citizens in cold blood.
My message to Qadahfi is clear: stop the slaughter, stop the killing,
and stop murdering your own people. I demand you step down from power!
I implore you to consider and value the lives of your people. Stop the
violence. I call for a unified voice from NATO, the United Nations, the
African Union, and other world groups to stop the slaughter and
violence against the people of Libya.
As a Member of this body, I am calling on my colleagues to join me in
calling attention to the plight of the people of Libya and their fight
for freedom, justice, and deliverance from Colonel Qaddafi.
For over four months, NATO-led air strikes in Libya have inflicted
serious damage upon the Qaddafi regime's war machine, yet loyalist
forces continue to demonstrate cohesiveness and operational superiority
over besieged rebel forces. Still, some analysts suggest the stalemate
is now yielding to a war of attrition favoring the rebels. Rebel combat
skills have improved, as has their arsenal, which now reportedly
includes vehicle-mounted antiaircraft guns, recoilless rifles, and
mortars.
As rebels consolidate recent gains, NATO has proven to be the
equalizing force. The African Union continues to press for a peace deal
that was accepted by Qaddafi but rejected by the opposition because it
would leave Qaddafi in power. With the support of the United States,
United Nations, and NATO we must continue to push for the support of
the African Union resolution. Turkey also has proposed a roadmap to
establish an immediate and verifiable ceasefire, secure humanitarian
aid corridors, and advance a political process for a transition.
However, Turkey has not yet provided an implementation strategy other
than making it clear that Qaddafi must go.
After the President of South Africa, Jacob Zuma, engaged in peace
talks with Qadahfi most of the world believed the bloodshed would end.
Today, it is clear that Qadahfi is going to continue to fight to stay
in power.
We cannot stand by and watch as the people of Libya suffer. We need
and must provide humanitarian aid. Americans have always come to aid of
their neighbors in times of crisis.
We must continue to remember the context upon which we are currently
operating in the world today. The Middle East is finally awaking to
democracy and freedom. Advancing these objectives also advances our
nation's security. The evidence is clear of an Arab Spring. The
evidence is compelling all we need to do is look at Egypt, Byrahn,
Yemen, Syria, and Libya to watch the effects of voices that are calling
for democracy.
The Founders distributed the decision to go to war between the two
political branches to assure that the decision would be made carefully.
The founding generation experienced the hardship of several wars and
they knew war's human and financial costs. They understood that a
strong executive who is already given the title ``Commander in Chief,''
might flex the country's military strength injudiciously. Giving
Congress the essential power to declare war allows heads to cool,
alternatives to be considered, and makes certain there is consensus if
the country is called to fight.
I continue to support the premise that Congress has the right to
declare war, and our current debate must reflect this imperative.
Congress has a right to assert its authority; however, the situation in
Libya gives me great pause.
H.J. RES 68, ``Authorizing the limited use of the United States Armed
Forces in support of the NATO mission in Libya,''
Authorizes the President to continue the limited use of U.S. Armed
Forces in Libya in support of U.S. security policy interests as part of
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) mission to enforce U.N.
Security Council Resolution 1973, as requested by the Transitional
National Council, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), and the Arab
League.
This bill will terminate such authorization one year after the date
of enactment of this joint resolution. Further, H.J. Res. 68 states
that consistent with the policy and statements of the President,
Congress does not support deploying, establishing, or maintaining the
presence of units and members of U.S. Armed Forces on the ground in
Libya unless the purpose of the presence is limited to the immediate
personal defense of U.S. government officials (including diplomatic
representatives) or to rescuing members of NATO forces from imminent
danger. It requires the President to consult frequently with Congress
regarding U.S. efforts in Libya, including by providing regular
briefings and reports. Includes as elements in such briefings and
reports:
(1) an updated description of U.S. national security interests and
policy objectives in Libya;
(2) an updated list of U.S. Armed Forces activities in Libya;
(3) an updated assessment of the opposition groups in Libya,
including potential successor governments; and
(4) an updated explanation of the President's legal and
constitutional rationale for conducting military operations in Libya
consistent with the War Powers Resolution.
H.R. 2278, ``To limit the use of funds appropriated to the Department
of Defense for United States Armed Forces in support of North Atlantic
Treaty Organization Operation Unified Protector with respect to Libya
unless otherwise specifically authorized by law,'' this bill prevents
the use of funds to pay for United States participation in any aspect
of North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) effort except
intelligence, surveillance, search-and-rescue and other ``non-hostile''
support activities. I am for peace and not war, however I am not for
politics of the Republicans that vote against Democratic Presidents but
for Republican Presidents. This war is an effort for humanitarian
assistance in Libya. The Libyan people were being attacked and were
dying by their own leader.
Although, I am again disappointed by the continuing actions of the
Administration that are taking place without the consultation of
Congress. This should not cause us to ignore the plight of the Libyan
people. We must continue to insist on providing the technical
assistance and weapons necessary to defeat this regime. I will vote
against H.R. 2278 because it is a political game and does not have a
time certain to leave Libya.
The resolution cuts off funds just to embarrass President Obama. I
want peace to come to Libya in the right way. Efforts to support action
by the African Union, European Union, NATO and other U.S. allies only
advance our call for democracy that is now being heard and is spreading
throughout the Middle East. This can be done while complying with the
War Powers Resolution, that is why I will support H.J. Res. 68 for now
which sets a time of before one (1) year this war should end. I want
the conflict to end sooner, I therefore reserve the right to offer a
resolution on the floor to end this war.
[[Page H4554]]
Mr. ROONEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Ohio
(Mr. Kucinich).
Mr. KUCINICH. I would beg to depart from the remarks of the
distinguished gentlelady from Texas because there are those of us who
oppose this bill in principle, and we believe we are fighting for
justice as well.
I want to state that if you believe the war should end, then at least
believe we should limit it today. That's what Mr. Rooney does. I oppose
this war. It's unconstitutional. It's in violation of statute. And
there's a two-step way to end the war: Vote for Rooney, step one, and
then the Kucinich-Amash amendment, which defunds the DOD bill. You can
do that when we come back.
But to claim that the Arab League is somehow asking for us to
continue this attack on Libya is plain false. The fact of the matter is
we have al Jazeera reporting that Italy's foreign minister and the
outgoing head of the Arab League have each called for a halt to
hostilities in Libya. It was reported that 2 days ago, Amr Moussa, the
outgoing head of the Arab League, said now is the time to do whatever
we can to reach a political solution, and that has to start with a
genuine cease-fire under international supervision. So you don't have
the Arab League's head here saying, Oh, America, come on. Go for it.
Prosecute the war. Bomb Libya. No, they're not saying that at all. We
have to be very clear about that.
Even China, who's eating our lunch financially, they're not involved
in this war. They're saying there ought to be a political solution,
that from the Chinese minister 2 days ago. We've got to be careful
about our intentions here. And our intention should be to end this war,
and we can do it with Mr. Rooney's bill.
The bill isn't perfect. It doesn't end the war in its entirety
immediately, but it does make clear that the United States will not
take over the war as European support continues to diminish.
The Kucinich-Amash amendment is complementary to the bill. We want to
end U.S. involvement in the war in Libya. We can do it in two steps.
Vote ``yes'' for Mr. Rooney's bill, which ends direct hostilities
immediately, and support Kucinich-Amash when it comes up in 2 weeks.
Mr. SMITH of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the
gentlelady from Ohio (Ms. Kaptur).
(Ms. KAPTUR asked and was given permission to revise and extend her
remarks.)
Ms. KAPTUR. I thank Ranking Member Smith for yielding me the time.
I rise in support of this bill as well as the prior resolution, as
it's better late than never. Here again, with Libya, Congress follows
in the wake of a major executive branch military action absent
congressional authorization.
I sent a letter to President Obama on March 22 regarding what was
then called Operation Odyssey Dawn and have never gotten an answer.
When one looks at the duration of U.S. military engagements in the
Middle East, north Africa, and central Asia and what the future might
bring, these are the longest wars and military actions in U.S. history.
Our Nation has fallen into deep debt directly connected to our
expenditures of over $1 trillion in the past decade on wars that have
not been paid for. Moreover, creeping defense commitments in that
region and globally now consume over half of the U.S. discretionary
budget annually. It is an astounding predicament 20 years after the end
of the Cold War, as jobless Americans question whether our Federal
Government even sees their plight.
We all know freedom is not free, but it is largely the American
people that are bearing this military burden more and more each year.
What is most striking is that other nations in the region in which we
are fighting are simply not carrying anywhere near their fair share of
the load of boots on the ground, nor have they measured up either in
terms of putting their treasuries at risk. Unless an alliance of
nations in that region fight for freedom themselves, they won't own it,
and we can't transfuse it.
Sadly, compared to the moral justification for World War II, which
historians termed ``America's most just foreign war,'' our Nation in
the current period has drawn into resource wars in farflung places that
history is likely to judge as morally indefensible.
The world is full of bad dictators, but it always seems the dictators
America is most interested in are those that sit atop huge oil
reserves. Libya has the world's ninth largest oil reserves and exports
1.5 million barrels a day.
I will be placing several articles in the Record that document
Western Europe's dependence, as well as Canada's reliance, on Libya's
oil investments and the Libyan President's threats to nationalize those
investments, which even has affected China.
The West's utter and growing reliance on imported petroleum has
twisted our foreign policy and crippled our domestic economy time and
again.
{time} 1240
As we import half of what we consume, until Americans clearly see our
predicament, our Nation will keep repeating these same mistakes.
Let us be clear on the nature of the Libyan economy: 95 percent of
its exports are oil; 80 percent of its government revenue derives from
oil sales. Oil represents 25 percent of Libya's GDP and its most
important industry. And Libya is Africa's third largest oil producer.
The major powers involved in this military operation have vast
pecuniary interests at stake through the multinational oil corporations
that operate in Libya, whether it is Italy, from which operations are
being staged, and which gets 22 percent of its oil from Libyan
operations through firms like Eni and Repsol, or Canada, whose NATO
General is leading operations, while Canada's second largest
corporation, Suncor Energy, has major oil operations in Libya.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.
Mr. SMITH of Washington. I yield the gentlelady an additional 15
seconds.
Ms. KAPTUR. An article I am submitting for the Record reports that
``Seif al-Island Qadhafi, the son of Colonel Qadhafi, warned that in
the event of a civil war, Libya's oil wealth would be burned.''
One can see why the global powers took note. In fact, China lifted
55,000 of its oil workers out of Libya.
History will judge whether these resource wars and selective dictator
deposals are justifiable. But the answer for America is to invest here
at home and to restore America's energy independence and to extricate
ourselves from all these foreign oil involvements.
March 22, 2011.
President Barack Obama,
The White House, Pennsylvania Ave, NW, Washington, DC.
Dear President Obama: According to information available
from public sources, the United States participated, and
perhaps has led, military operations against the government
of Libya. Press reports indicate U.S. military engagement
began at 16:53 GMT March 19, 2011 bombing commenced on
targets including surface to air systems and other air
defense infrastructure.
It appears four days of U.S. air and naval strikes inside
Libya have destroyed strategic communications facilities, the
military intelligence headquarters, and air defense systems.
It is unclear how many lives, civilian and military, have
been lost, or saved, in these Libyan operations.
Please provide a detailed description of the coalition of
forces involved in these operations in which the U. S. has
participated, its command and decision-making structure, and
from the planning stage to execution.
Further, under which accounts of the U.S. Departments of
Defense and State are these operations being funded? What
level of funding does the United States expect to use in the
operations in Libya?
Thank you for your reply.
Sincerely,
Marcy Kaptur,
Member of Congress.
____
CIA World Fact Book--Libya
www.cia.gov (Accessed June 24, 2011)
Economy--overview:
The Libyan economy depends primarily upon revenues from the
oil sector, which contribute about 95% of export earnings,
25% of GDP, and 80% of government revenue. The weakness in
world hydrocarbon prices in 2009 reduced Libyan government
tax income and constrained economic growth. Substantial
revenues from the energy sector coupled with a small
population give Libya one of the highest per capita GDPs in
Africa, but little of this income flows down to the lower
orders of society. Libyan officials in the past five years
have made progress on economic reforms as part of a broader
campaign to reintegrate the country into the international
fold. This effort picked up steam after UN sanctions were
lifted in September 2003 and as Libya announced in December
2003 that it would abandon programs to build weapons of
[[Page H4555]]
mass destruction. The process of lifting US unilateral
sanctions began in the spring of 2004; all sanctions were
removed by June 2006, helping Libya attract greater foreign
direct investment, especially in the energy sector. Libyan
oil and gas licensing rounds continue to draw high
international interest; the National Oil Corporation (NOC)
set a goal of nearly doubling oil production to 3 million
bbl/day by 2012. In November 2009, the NOC announced that
that target may slip to as late as 2017. Libya faces a long
road ahead in liberalizing the socialist-oriented economy,
but initial steps--including applying for WTO membership,
reducing some subsidies, and announcing plans for
privatization--are laying the groundwork for a transition to
a more market-based economy. The non-oil manufacturing and
construction sectors, which account for more than 20% of GDP,
have expanded from processing mostly agricultural products to
include the production of petrochemicals, iron, steel, and
aluminum. Climatic conditions and poor soils severely limit
agricultural output, and Libya imports about 75% of its food.
Libya's primary agricultural water source remains the Great
Manmade River Project, but significant resources are being
invested in desalinization research to meet growing water
demands.
____
PROVEN RESERVES OF THE MAJOR OIL-PRODUCING COUNTRIES, AS OF END 2002
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Proven reserves (billion Percentage of world
Major producer (in rank order) barrels) total
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
1. Saudi Arabia............................................. 261.8 25.0
2. Iraq..................................................... 112.5 10.7
3. United Arab Emirates..................................... 97.8 9.3
4. Kuwait................................................... 96.5 9.1
5. Iran..................................................... 89.7 8.6
6. Venezuela................................................ 77.8 7.4
7. Russian Federation and Caspian Sea states................ 77.1 7.4
8. United States............................................ 30.4 2.9
9. Libya.................................................... 29.5 2.8
10. Nigeria................................................. 24.0 2.3
11. China................................................... 18.3 1.7
12. North Sea (Norway, U.K. Denmark)........................ 16.3 1.6
13. Qatar................................................... 15.2 1.5
14. Mexico.................................................. 12.6 1.2
All others.................................................. 90.2 8.6
World total............................................. 1047.7 100.0
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Source: BP, BP Statistical Review of World Energy (London: BP, June 2003), p. 4.
Suncor Response, March 3, 2011
Suncor's Operations in Libya--Brief Backgrounder
Update: French translation added at 3:08 p.m. EST on March
3, 2011
Suncor's Libyan assets were acquired in the company's 2009
merger with Petro-Canada which, in turn, assumed interests in
Libya through the acquisition of the German energy company,
Veba Oil, in 2002. In 2007 and 2008, these interests were
converted to ``Exploration and Production Sharing
Agreements'' (or EPSAs).
Operations under the EPSAs include exploration in the Sirte
basin operated by Suncor and the redevelopment of other
existing Libyan oilfields, operated by a joint venture
company in which Suncor is a partner. To date, Suncor has
invested approximately $1.4 billion in its Libyan operations,
including an initial US$500 million, representing 50% of the
agreed price to buy into assets and development plans under
the EPSAs.
Suncor's working interest share of production from Libyan
operations was 34,700 barrels per day in 2010, representing
less than 6% of Suncor's total production and approximately
2% of Libya's national oil production.
Breve description des activites de Suncor en Libye
Suncor a acquis ses actifs en Libye lors de la fusion avec
Petro-Canada en 2009, qui a son tour, avait obtenu des
participations en Libye en faisant l'acquisition de la
societe energetique allemande Veba Oil en 2002. En 2007 et
2008, ces participations ont ete converties en <> (ou CEPP).
Les activites convenues en vertu des CEPP comprennent
l'exploration du bassin Syrte exploite par Suncor et la
remise en valeur d'autres champs petroliferes existants en
Libye, exploites par une coentreprise dans laquelle Suncor
est partenaire. A ce jour, Suncor a investi environ 1,4
milliard $ dans ses activites en Libye, incluant une somme
initiale de 500 millions $ US qui represente 50% du prix
convenu d'investissement dans les actifs et les plans de
developpement en vertu des CEPP.
La quote-part de la participation directe de Suncor dans
les activites en Libye etait de 34 700 barils par jour en
2010, ce qui represente moins de 6% de la production totale
de Suncor et environ 2% de la production petroliere nationale
en Libye.
____
[From IBNLive, Mar. 21, 2011]
Libya Says May Give Oil Deals to China, India
Tripoli.--Libya is considering offering oil block contracts
directly to China, India and other nations it sees as friends
in its month-long conflict with rebels, Libya's top oil
official said on Saturday.
Oil companies have pulled out staff and shut operations in
the country, formerly Africa's third-largest producer, due to
the uprising against Muammar Gaddafi's rule, leading to a
sharp reduction in output.
National Oil Corporation Chairman Shukri Ghanem, speaking
about future projects, said Libya was considering awarding
contracts directly to new partners instead of using its more
traditional open bidding process.
``We will be looking at giving direct block contracts to
countries ready to come and work in the country, because we
want to increase production,'' he said.
He said Libya would look into the possibility of working
closer with partners such as India, China, Brazil and others
in the future but gave no details.
Ghanem said, however, that the government would honour all
existing contracts with Western firms and called on foreign
workers to return to help restore output.
``It's not our intention to violate any of these
agreements,'' he told reporters in Tripoli.
``Of course, as you know, production has declined
drastically because of the dramatic events,'' he added.
He said crude production had fallen to less than 400,000
barrels per day from 1.6 million before the crisis. He warned
that oil exports might halt altogether if output is not
restored.
``We will be able to restore most fields but we need the
foreign workforce to come back . . . We call on them to send
back their workers,'' he said.
Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi has taken a tougher stance on
Western oil companies. He said earlier this month that
Germany was the only Western power that had a chance of doing
business with Libyan oil in the future.
____
[Feb. 24, 2011]
China's Oil Projects, Workers, Under Attack in Libya
China rushed to evacuate thousands of workers from Libya on
Thursday, after CNPC and other Chinese firms were attacked in
the wave of unrest sweeping the country.
Officials say 30,000 Chinese are in the country and the
scramble to evacuate them--in what may be the country's
largest overseas evacuation ever--is posing a new foreign
policy dilemma for China, which has for decades supported the
Gaddafi regime.
CNPC, China's largest oil and gas producer, said on
Thursday that its facilities had been attacked and that CNPC
employees were being evacuated back to Beijing. The statement
is the first confirmation of attacks on oil companies, after
oil majors such as Eni of Italy and Repsol YPF shut down
their Libyan operations earlier this week.
The violence in Libya poses a new test for China's foreign
policy in the region, which has centred around the concept of
non-interference. That policy has become increasingly
difficult to maintain as China's commercial engagement with
Africa deepens and Chinese workers decamp by the thousands to
build infrastructure projects on the continent.
Ma Zhaoxu, Foreign Ministry spokesman, acknowledged that
some Chinese companies in Libya ``had their local camp sites
raided by gangsters and some people got hurt.''
One Chinese railway worker painted a vivid picture of those
attacks in his microblog posts on Chinese website Sina.
Raiders set fire to equipment and cars and injured Chinese
workers in an attack on his work camp on Monday, said the
blogger known as ``Happy Xufeng,'' posting pictures of the
inferno as well as desperate calls for help.
``We are in great danger,'' he wrote on Monday night,
describing a group of more than 500 Chinese workers who
lacked basic supplies. ``Chinese companies in Libya are in a
state of emergency, our projects are being raided and
communications are down.'' By Wednesday the blogger, whose
internet records indicated he was an employee of China
Railway 11th Bureau, reported that he and his colleagues were
being evacuated to safety.
In an unusual statement on Tuesday, China's President Hu
Jintao ordered government workers to ``spare no efforts to
ensure the safety of life and properties of Chinese citizens
in Libya.'' China has dispatched charter flights, COSCO
transport ships and Chinese fishing boats to travel toward
Libya. Hired buses will also stand ready to enter Libya to
help with the evacuation if necessary, the foreign ministry
said.
There have already been signs of resentment in Libya at
China's growing economic clout in the region. At the end of
2009, Libyan Foreign Minister Musa Kusa said in an interview:
``When we look at the reality on the ground we find that
there is something akin to a Chinese invasion of the African
continent. This is something that brings to mind the effects
that colonialism had on the African continent.''
The forced evacuation of such a large group of overseas
Chinese has exposed one of the new vulnerabilities of China's
foreign policy as its interests expand rapidly around the
globe.
There are now tens of thousands of Chinese migrants working
in potentially volatile places such as Sudan, Congo, Burma
and Pakistan. Chinese diplomats worry that high-profile cases
of kidnapping or violence towards Chinese workers overseas
could provoke nationalist reactions at home and push the
government, which prides itself on a policy of non-
intervention, to become much more involved in the domestic
political affairs of crisis-ridden countries.
To the intense discomfort of Beijing, a defiant Colonel
Muammer Gadaffi has used the example of China's violent
crackdown on protesters in Tiananmen Square in 1989 to
[[Page H4556]]
justify his own use of military force against domestic
opponents. ``The unity of China was more important than those
people on Tiananmen Square,'' he said earlier this week.
The evacuations of oil companies have caused Libya's oil
output to fall by half, sending oil prices higher amid global
fears that unrest in the Middle East will lead to shortages.
News of the attack on CNPC will heighten concerns among oil
industry executives that the turmoil in Libya may lead to
widespread sabotage of oil facilities and that it would take
many months or even years to return the country to full
production capacity, even if a semblance of peace returns.
In a speech earlier this week, Seif al-Islam Gaddafi, the
son of Col Gaddafi, warned that in the event of a civil war,
Libya's oil wealth would be ``burned''.
Oil experts in Beijing have said that unrest across the
Middle East is likely to prompt Chinese authorities to
accelerate oil purchases in an effort to fill reserves, a
move that would put further pressure on global supplies of
crude.
``Recent events made them very nervous and they believe the
oil price may be on an upward trend, so better to buy sooner
rather than later,'' said K F Yan, director of IHS Cera in
Bejing. ``With or without events in the Middle East, China
needs to refill the tanks after depleting supplies at the end
of 2010.''
China's trade with Libya centres mainly on oil, but the
$6.6bn in bilateral trade also includes companies in a wide
range of other businesses, thanks in part to China never
having imposed sanctions on the Gaddafi regime. Chinese rail
companies have signed lucrative railway contracts with Libya,
agreeing in 2008 to build a rail line between Tripoli and
Sirte for $1.7bn, according to reports.
China's Other Problem with Protests Abroad
Talk of a ``Jasmine Revolution'' online and a subsequent
stepping up of censorship by Beijing authorities this week
has helped thrust the Internet--microblogging in particular--
to the center of the conversation around how China's
government manages problems at home. But as the upheaval in
Libya grows increasingly violent, microblogs are also serving
to highlight a challenge China faces abroad: The presence of
tens of thousands of Chinese nationals, many of them workers
for state-owned enterprises, living in potential conflict
zones in Africa and elsewhere.
On Tuesday morning Beijing time, a person claiming to be
one of those expatriates, an employee of a Chinese company in
Libya, took to Sina Weibo, China's most active microblogging
service, to send out a plea for help.
``Urgent situation Libya has lost control, the army has
moved suppress demonstrators, countless numbers of dead and
wounded,'' read the hastily punctuated Chinese-language
message, posted on an account with the name Happy Xu Feng.
``Communication is completely cut off. Right now it's middle
of the night I used a satellite to leave a message, calling
on the government to send a plane to rescue us. Urgent''
It's not clear how the user was posting to Sina Weibo
despite communications being down, but several hours later,
the user posted another message saying a number of the
company's compounds had been trashed. That was followed by
photos of a construction vehicle and a building in flames
along with another urgent call for help:
``The UK, France and South Korea are preparing to send over
planes. How come there's still no movement from our
government? A lot of Chinese brothers are embroiled in fights
with gangsters.''
It's not clear which company Happy Xu Feng is working for
and is almost impossible to confirm details of the attack
described in the posts. State media reported that ``armed
gangsters'' looted a Chinese-operated construction site in
the eastern city of Agedabia, forcing nearly a thousand
Chinese workers to abandon their living quarters. However,
that attack reportedly took place on Sunday, a day before the
attacks described by Happy Xu Feng.
The messages were forwarded thousands of times and
attracted hundreds of comments urging the government to move
quickly.
Xinhua reported Tuesday night that China's State Council
had set up a ``special headquarters'' to coordinate efforts
to evacuate Chinese nationals from Libya. The headquarters
had decided to dispatch chartered airplanes, as well as
fishing boats and cargo ships, the report said, adding that
Chinese president Hu Jintao and premier Wen Jiabao had
jointly ordered ``all-out efforts to ensure life and property
safety of Chinese nationals in Libya.'' News of Messrs. Hu
and Wen's orders, including the ``all-out'' modifier, was
repeated multiple times on CCTV's main news broadcast Tuesday
night, a sign of the sensitivity surrounding the effort.
Indeed, for Chinese leaders confronting the protests in
Libya, Egypt and elsewhere, public criticism over their
ability to protect Chinese citizens abroad is arguably as big
a concern as the possibility the unrest will somehow spread
to China. While regular Chinese people seem to have little
interest in emulating protestors in North Africa (whether
because censorship has kept them in the dark or because
they're just not that keen on revolution), they are
interested in having a government strong and competent enough
to look after them when they're overseas.
Beijing came under considerable public pressure over its
handling of the killing of Hong Kong tourists who had been
taken hostage in Manila last August. More recently, leaders
faced criticism for sending too few planes to evacuate
Chinese citizens from Cairo after protests erupted there in
late January. With Libya, too, the pressure is on.
``I just called the number 86-10-6596114 listed on the
website of Ministry of Foreign affairs and a woman answered,
sounding as if she's just woken up,'' one user wrote in a
comment on Happy Xu Feng's Sina Weibo feed. ``As soon as the
word `Libya' left my mouth, she said `the leaders have all
gone home, we'll deal with it tomorrow.' ''
Wrote another: ``Government, the time has come to test
whether you rule for the people.''
That test is not likely to be easy. According to state
media, there are more than 30,000 Chinese living in Libya.
____
China in Africa: The Real Story
[Feb. 22, 2011]
(By The Associated Press)
New York.--Europe gets over 85 percent of Libya's crude
exports. The rest goes to Asia, Australia and the U.S. Here's
a breakdown of how much oil various countries import from
Libya (in barrels per day) and the percentage of a country's
total crude imports supplied by Libya.
--Italy: 376,000 (22 percent)
--France: 205,000 (16 percent)
--China: 150,000 (3 percent)
--Germany: 144,000 (8 percent)
--Spain: 136,000 (12 percent)
--United Kingdom: 95,000 (9 percent)
--Greece: 63,000 (15 percent)
--United States: 51,000 (0.5 percent)
--Austria: 31,000 (21 percent)
--Netherlands: 31,000 (2 percent)
--Portugal: 27,000 (11 percent)
--Switzerland: 17,000 (19 percent)
--Ireland: 14,000 (23 percent)
--Australia: 11,000 (2 percent)
(Source: International Energy Agency 2010 statistics)
____
[From YvesEngler.com, Mar. 29, 2011]
Why Canada Attacked Libya
(By Yves Engler)
Would Stephen Harper attack Libya simply to justify
spending tens of billions of dollars on F-35 fighter jets?
Perhaps. But, add on doing it for major Canadian investors,
reinforcing his ``principled'' foreign policy rhetoric and
reasserting western control over a region in flux, and you
pretty much have the range of reasons why a half dozen CF-
18s, four other military aircraft and naval frigate are
currently engaged in combat 10,000 km away from Canadian
soil.
Over the past few months the Conservative's plan to buy 65
F-35 Joint Strike Fighter jets has become a serious political
headache. A recent poll showed 68 per cent of Canadians--
including a majority of Conservative supporters--agreed that
``now is not a good time'' to spend between $16 and $29
billion on these controversial single-engine jets. So,
sending Canadian military aircraft to enforce a UN ``no-fly
zone'' in Libya provides an opportunity to soften opposition
to the F-35 purchase, an issue bound to be a hot topic in the
election campaign that formally began Saturday. Most critics
of the F-35 purchase--from the NDP's Michael Byers to Project
Ploughshares Ernie Regehr to Liberal foreign affairs critic
Bob Rae--support the ``humanitarian'' mission in Libya. With
these and other liberal interventionists supporting a bombing
campaign in North Africa, Harper can more easily justify
spending nearly $1,000 per Canadian on the best fighter jets
money can buy. (Quebec housing group, FRAPRU, claims the cost
of a single F-35 equals 6,400 social housing units.)
Conveniently, the right-wing press has already begun to
connect the dots in support of the Harper government. An
Ottawa Citizen headline read, ``Libya shows why Canada needs
jets,'' while a Sun Media chain commentary explained,
``enforcing a `no-fly' zone to shut down a dictator is an
expeditionary air operation. Is that something Canadians want
to be able to do in the future? If yes, you need an F-35,
expensive or not.''
Over the past five years, the Conservatives have further
militarized Canadian foreign policy. Military spending is at
its highest level since World War II--the Harper government
expanded Canada's role in the occupation of Afghanistan,
claimed that Russia is planning to attack and sent 2,000
troops to police Haitians after a devastating earthquake.
The Conservatives draw significant support from the
military as well as its associated companies and culture. To
get us in the fighting spirit, for instance, the Canadian
Forces released onboard video footage of a CF-18 destroying a
ground target in Libya.
But there is more to it than pleasing the Great White
North's version of the military-industrial complex. On March
21, The Financial Times reported that western oil companies
were worried that if Gaddafi defeated the rebels in the east
of Libya he would nationalize their operations out of anger
at the west's duplicity. Presumably, this includes Suncor,
Canada's second largest corporation, which signed a multi-
billion dollar 30-year oil concession with Libya in 2008.
Home to the second largest amount of Canadian investment in
Africa, instability in Libya has put a couple billion dollars
worth of this country's corporate investment in
[[Page H4557]]
jeopardy. Dru Oja Jay, editor of the Dominion and a candidate
for the Mountain Equipment Co-op Board of Directors, notes
``Canadian investors are legitimately worried about what's
going to happen to the $1 billion signing bonus Suncor paid
out to the Libyan government, or whether SNC-Lavalin is going
to recoup its investments in the country, which is home to 10
per cent of its workforce.'' And these are some of this
country's most powerful corporations. Embassymagazine
includes both Suncor and SNC-Lavalin's CEOs among the nine
most influential business executives in determining Canadian
foreign policy.
Would a victorious Gaddafi have moved against Canadian
companies? Even if he didn't, with all the bad press SNC and
Suncor have received could they continue in Libya without
regime change? Finally, will the rebels dependence on the
west lead to better contract terms?
Unlike Egypt or Tunisia, the Conservatives denounced
Gaddafi's repression at the beginning of the Libyan uprising.
This is partly because Gaddafi has never been on great terms
with much of the West, even if there have been warmer
relations in recent years. Also, the Conservatives were
widely derided for supporting Egypt's Hosni Mubarak and (to a
lesser extent) Ben-Ali in Tunisia to the bitter end. So Libya
gave Harper an opportunity to re-affirm his ``principled''
foreign policy rhetoric.
Beyond wanting to appear on the side of human rights and
democracy, another element motivating the military
intervention in Libya is the desire to influence the
revolutions in bordering states Tunisia and Egypt, which are
still in flux. Controlling Libya gives the West another point
of leverage over developments in those countries. Bombing
Libya tells democratic forces in the region that the west is
prepared to use force to assert itself (as does tacit support
for the Saudi military intervention in Bahrain).
Recent developments in Libya are a reminder that if you
give the western decision-makers an interventionist inch they
take an imperial mile. In principle trying to stop Gaddafi
from massacring people in eastern Libya is a good thing. But,
the ``no-fly zone'' immediately became a license to bomb
Libyan tanks, Gaddafi's compound and other targets in
coordination with rebel attacks. On March 22, Foreign Affairs
Minister Lawrence Cannon claimed the UN resolution allowed
for ``boots on the ground.''
Beyond the inevitable death and destruction in Libya, the
security council resolution further undermines state
sovereignty, which provides the weakest states with some
protection from the most powerful. This is the main reason
why many Latin American and African countries have opposed
the intervention.
Finally, let's put the current moral outrage in
perspective. A little over two years ago Israel launched a
22-day onslaught against Gaza that left some 1,400 people,
mostly civilians, dead. There, the power imbalance between
the two sides was much greater and the aggrieved population
had been under the boot of the attacking force for as long as
Gaddafi has ruled. Yet there was no talk of imposing a no-fly
zone over Gaza. In fact, the Harper government cheered Israel
on.
Mr. ROONEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to my friend and
colleague, the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Turner), the chairman of the
Subcommittee on Strategic Forces.
Mr. TURNER. Thank you, Mr. Rooney. I appreciate the time, and also
your advancing this resolution.
The President has not made the case for committing our military to
the conflict in Libya. The President claims that these military actions
do not constitute hostilities. However, the American people know
otherwise.
The President is engaged in military action against Libya and the
Qadhafi regime without congressional approval. In addition to ignoring
Congress, many believe that the President has exceeded the scope of the
U.N. Security Council resolution imposing an embargo, a no-fly zone,
and authorizing civil protection of the Libyan people.
The President has told us who we're against: Qadhafi. But he cannot
tell us who we are for. Secretary Gates has indicated that we know
little about the opposition or rebels. We do not know their
geopolitical view towards their neighbors or us. We do not know their
commitment to domestic diversity. Are we going to have atrocities?
We do not know their ideology, or their preferred form of government,
or if they have a commitment to nonproliferation of weapons of mass
destruction, an issue that is incredibly important in the area of
Libya.
The President has used the United Nations' approval of civil
protection to wage an all-out war on Qadhafi, without congressional
approval or American support.
U.S. Admiral Locklear, in charge of the NATO operations against
Libya, recently stated that ground troops would be needed to provide
stability in Libya once the Qadhafi regime falls. And yet the President
has not provided us any information about what a post-Qadhafi Libya
will look like or what will be our involvement. He is committing us to
an extended military action; and for Congress to be relevant, the
voices of this body need to be heard.
I support the passage of Mr. Rooney's resolution limiting the use of
funds appropriated in the DOD in support of U.S. activities in Libya
unless otherwise authorized by law. This passage of this resolution is
an important step to limit the role of the U.S. military.
I urge passage of H.R. 2278.
Mr. SMITH of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the
gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Moran), a member of the Appropriations
Committee.
Mr. MORAN. Mr. Speaker, if this resolution passes, and we weaken
NATO's mission, Qadhafi may very well prevail. His forces will then
kill, rape, and torture all those Libyans who opposed him, as he has
already tried to do. Qadhafi has reportedly kidnapped thousands of
people, including young students to serve as human shields and march at
the vanguard of his forces. If any of his own soldiers refuse to gun
down unarmed innocent civilians, they're shot immediately.
Once he's done with his own people, he'll turn his attention to those
NATO and Middle Eastern nations that attacked him and seek revenge.
Remember, this is a man who is already responsible for the deaths of
189 innocent passengers on Pan Am 103.
Let's face it. This is not about whether the Obama administration has
been thorough enough in explaining the Libya rationale to Congress.
Members understand why the President intervened. We can read. We can
think; we can decide.
The real question is, will we politicize this effort in the same way
that the Republican Congress politicized President Clinton's successful
intervention in a NATO-led mission in Bosnia 15 years ago? The limited
action we're taking to support the NATO mission in Libya does not rise
to a level of conflict meant to be governed by the War Powers
resolution. Presidents of both parties have initiated similar actions
in Grenada, Panama, Somali, Bosnia, Haiti, Kosova.
What this really is about, the transcendent purpose of this mission
is to seize an opportunity to show the world, particularly the young
majority of the Arab and Muslim world who are thirsting for economic
and political freedoms, that we are on their side. We have the
opportunity to show the Arab world and every nation on Earth who we are
as a people. It shouldn't matter who's in the White House. We should be
united in the cause of democracy. We should debate; but when the debate
is over, politics should take a back seat to policy.
The legacy of America is that we will fight tyranny and defend
innocent people as best and as forcefully as we can, in good economic
times and bad.
This debate should come to an end. We know exactly what's at stake.
If Qadhafi is allowed to violently suppress the uprising in Libya, it
will mean many more years of despotic rule. Isolated by his repulsive
acts of repression and buoyed by oil wealth, he'd have nothing to lose
by aiding violent subversive groups in neighboring countries, including
those with vulnerable fledgling democracies like Tunisia and Egypt.
That would not only be a defeat for democracy in the region; it would
be a death blow for NATO, the most important military alliance the
world has yet achieved.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. SMITH of Washington. I yield the gentleman an additional 30
seconds.
Mr. MORAN. Imagine if, just 2 weeks after Secretary Gates excoriated
some of our NATO allies for skimping on their commitments to the global
security infrastructure that is a key to our economic system and the
open societies that safeguard our prosperity and our way of life,
imagine if now we turned our backs on NATO. What a global
embarrassment.
Now is the time to stand together against a murderous dictator to
give democracy an opportunity in a part of the world that has not
experienced it, a part of the world which is vital to America's
security.
[[Page H4558]]
That's why I urge my colleagues to reject this legislation.
Mr. ROONEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to my friend and
colleague, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Lynch).
Mr. LYNCH. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of Mr. Rooney's resolution.
Mr. Speaker, it's a sad irony that at the same time that we're
committing our sons and daughters to an armed conflict in Libya in
support of democracy and the rule of law, that we are also here at home
trampling on the fundamental principles of separation of powers and the
plain language of the United States Constitution, which is the supreme
rule of law in our land.
I've heard several times now an argument that is about politics.
Well, in fairness, politics is to Congress like wet is to water. We
cannot avoid that.
But this issue is really one of substance, and the United States
Constitution clearly states that the President's power as Commander in
Chief to introduce Armed Forces into hostilities may be exercised only
pursuant to three circumstances: first, a declaration of war; secondly,
a specific statutory authorization; and, number three, a national
emergency created by an attack on the United States or its territories.
And none of those circumstances is in evidence here today.
So despite my great admiration and respect for our President, a
lawful premise for this Libyan operation does not exist.
I've also heard the argument that we have to join with our
international neighbors, that we can't desert them. Well, as a matter
of fact, I've been to Iraq now 14 times. I've been to Afghanistan 10
times. When we first went into Afghanistan, when I first went over
there after hostilities started, it used to be 50 percent United States
and 50 percent the rest of the world. Now when I go, it's about 75
percent the U.S. and 25 percent the rest of the world. So they have
migrated out of Afghanistan. At the same time, they're asking us to
pick up the load in Libya.
{time} 1250
Also on my trips, I don't meet any of our kids on their first tour of
duty anymore. When I meet our kids, they're on their third, fourth,
fifth tour of duty. We're stretched very thin. Our military families
are stretched very thin. I think we should allow our international
neighbors to pick up this load.
I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to support the Rooney
amendment.
Mr. SMITH of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the
ranking member of the Appropriations Committee, the gentleman from
Washington (Mr. Dicks).
Mr. DICKS. The strict limitation of funds in the resolution offered
by Mr. Rooney of Florida would end our involvement unilaterally. I
believe this action would be unwise, and that it could materially harm
our relationship with NATO allies from whom we will undoubtedly require
support in the future. It would also undermine the worldwide effort to
protect the people of Libya.
Now in this amendment, there are exceptions: search and rescue;
intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance; aerial refueling; and
operational planning. I asked the majority if they would put in
suppression, because you can't conduct these other missions without
suppression, and if we don't have the ability to suppress enemy air
defenses, the allies will not be able to continue the bombing campaign.
So all of these things that the gentleman says he wants to do and have
exceptions for will be undermined by not having suppression.
Today's F-18 Growlers go in on these missions and they suppress the
enemy radars so that the bombing can continue. So I think this is
fatally flawed because of the lack of suppression, and I feel that we
now have to vote against this because of that fact. I tried to offer
this as an amendment, but I was told that they weren't interested.
I just hope you understand that you are undermining this mission and
you are undermining NATO. This deserves to be defeated.
Mr. ROONEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to my friend and
colleague, the gentleman from New York, Colonel Gibson.
Mr. GIBSON. I thank the gentleman from Florida for yielding me time
to speak today.
I've been opposed to this operation in Libya from the very start. In
terms of national security priorities, we should be focusing on rapidly
and successfully completing operations in Iraq and Afghanistan,
reorganizing the national security establishment to more effectively
wage counterterrorism operations against al Qaeda, and resetting the
DOD to defend our cherished way of life in a manner consistent for a
Republic, not an Empire. Going forward, we need to learn from these
experiences and exercise more discipline; not getting involved in
operations like Libya where vital national security interests are not
present.
We should cease our involvement in Libya immediately. I'm supporting
this resolution to cut off funds for combat operations. I view this as
a good start, but I want to be clear: I will not be satisfied until all
funds are cut off for this operation, no exceptions.
Then we need to revise the War Powers Act to ensure we never again
end up with a President taking this country to war without proper
authorization. We need to rediscover the Founders' intent on this
critical issue, and I've introduced legislation, the War Powers Reform
Act, to make it so. The War Powers Reform Act clarifies when the
President may deploy forces into hostilities or imminent threat of
hostilities: one, declaration of war; two, specific statutory
authorization; or three, a national emergency created by an attack on
the United States or an imminent threat of an attack on our country. If
none of these circumstances are met, the President must first come to
Congress to obtain authorization before deploying forces. The key
change in the War Powers Reform Act is that without prior
authorization, the President may not obligate or expend funds to deploy
troops into combat.
Congress must act to restore constitutional balance and the voice of
the American people. We need to reform the War Powers Act. I urge my
colleagues to support both this bill and Mr. Rooney's resolution on
Libya that we are voting on today.
Mr. SMITH of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Kinzinger).
Mr. KINZINGER of Illinois. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
America is a beacon of light around the world. At a time when many
were cowering in their house wondering if this genocide that Qadhafi
was bringing to their doorstep would come tomorrow or the next day,
American fighters came in and pressed Qadhafi's forces back and pushed
him back into Tripoli.
America has stood for the side of freedom in this Arab Spring.
America has stood for people that don't have a voice for themselves.
Don't let a dispute between the legislative branch and the executive
branch result in us pulling the rug out from standing up for freedom.
America has a responsibility to finish this through, to stand with our
allies.
To leave now means Qadhafi wins, period. I urge a ``no'' vote on this
resolution.
Mr. ROONEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to my friend from Oklahoma
(Mr. Cole).
Mr. COLE. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in reluctant opposition to this resolution. It's
well-intentioned, without question. It's meant to limit our involvement
in Libya, it's meant to support our allies, and it's meant to rein in a
President who in my opinion is conducting an illegal and certainly
unauthorized war.
It does both too little and too much. It does too little, frankly,
because even after it's passed, the President will continue essentially
to be able to operate as he's been operating for several weeks. And it
does too much because it gets us into a situation where we effectively
micromanage the military by literally listing what missions they should
take.
The resolution neither holds the President accountable nor ends our
involvement in Libya, and it essentially leaves things exactly where
they are. Congress should reassert its constitutional authority, Mr.
Speaker, by either authorizing the use of military force or ending it.
This resolution avoids either course. It postpones a decision. In doing
so, in my view, it erodes the constitutional war-making
[[Page H4559]]
authority of Congress and enhances an executive branch that is already
overreaching. We will appear to do something and we will actually do
nothing.
For that reason, I reluctantly urge the rejection of the resolution.
Mr. SMITH of Washington. I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New
Jersey (Mr. Andrews).
(Mr. ANDREWS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. ANDREWS. Mr. Speaker, when the President of the United States
went to the United Nations Security Council to urge intervention in the
Libyan civil war, he frankly missed a stop. He should have come here
first, and this Congress should have debated the wisdom or lack thereof
of that effort. Knowing what I know about this, had that debate taken
place here, I would be one who would have voted against authorizing the
use of force here because I do not believe we have a vital national
security interest in the Libyan civil war.
I am going to oppose this resolution, however, because I think that
two constitutional wrongs do not make a right. Again, I believe the
President should have come here and sought the authorization of this
Congress before he initiated these hostilities, and they are
hostilities. But when we have people at risk, when we have lives on the
line, I think this resolution raises a practical and a constitutional
problem. The practical problem, the gentleman from Washington (Mr.
Dicks) alluded to a few minutes ago, and I can think of another
variation. If a NATO ally is sending people into Libya on an
intelligence-gathering function and asks us to provide air cover for
that function, is that an intelligence operation or isn't it? I don't
know, there's a good argument on either side, but it's an adjudication
that I don't think a U.S. commander in the field ought to have to make.
I think it's a practical confusion that does not serve us well when
people are at risk.
Then, secondly, just as the President has the obligation, I believe,
to seek approval of this body and the other one before he initiates
hostilities, he also has the responsibility to conduct those affairs
once they begin. Our role is to oversee and fund or not fund such
activities, but it is not to interfere with them. I think this is an
impractical interference; so I'm going to vote ``no.''
Mr. ROONEY. Mr. Speaker, could I inquire as to the time remaining?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Florida has 14 minutes
remaining, and the gentleman from Washington has 12 minutes remaining.
{time} 1300
Mr. ROONEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to my friend and colleague
from California (Mr. Sherman).
Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, this bill defunds Libya unless authorized
specifically by law. If it passes, long before it's passed by the
Senate, the President will come to us and ask for authorization, and I,
for one, would want to grant limited, conditional authorization.
Now we just rejected an authorization provision that was, in effect,
all authority and no limitation--at least that's certainly how it would
be interpreted by the White House legal counsel given how it was
drafted. The House should consider real binding limits and conditions
because democracy and rule of law for the people of Libya is important,
but democracy and rule of law for the people of the United States is
more important.
There are those who regret that they cannot offer an amendment to
this bill--yes, they can. The motion to recommit will be in order just
as soon as we end debate.
I know that we've had important resolutions from the Arab League, the
U.N., and NATO. Those are not substitutes for Congress. The War Powers
Act is the law of the land, and if we don't stand up for it now, when
will we? And if this President won't obey it, what President will?
Mr. SMITH of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from Georgia (Mr. David Scott), a member of the Foreign
Affairs Committee and also a member of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly.
Mr. DAVID SCOTT of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, what we have here are two
essential arguments; one is more of an intramural argument between
Congress and the White House, but it is a misplaced argument because
there is no President that has come to this Congress for a declaration
of war since World War II--and granted, we've been in seven or eight
major conflicts. So this is much greater than this conflict between the
White House and this Congress.
Unfortunately, I believe that this measure is just an attempt to,
rather in a strong way, get the attention of the President. It may be
to chastise the President a bit. I think if you look at the Record
there were communications here, but there is a larger profound message
here. It's not a message that this is to send to the President. This is
a bad-timed piece of legislation because it sends the wrong message to
the world.
Ladies and gentlemen of the Congress, we are the leaders of the free
world. America is a great country, and our standing is at stake. And
this move, this bill will pull the rug out from under NATO at precisely
the time when we need to be sending a strong message of encouragement.
The United States is in a support role here. So it is very important
that we defeat this amendment and make sure that we send the right
message to our allies, that we will not pull the rug out from under
them.
Mr. ROONEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to my friend from
Massachusetts (Mr. Frank).
Mr. FRANK of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, I want to send a message to
our allies. And I don't think we are pulling the rug out from under
them. Look at these wealthy, populous nations of Western Europe. I
believe it is a good thing to get rid of Qadhafi, but does America have
to do everything? People say we're the indispensable nation. That's a
terrible burden to impose on ourselves; we can't afford it, and it
cannot be done effectively. Let's get people who can dispense with us.
My friend, the ranking member of the Appropriations Committee, says,
look, we have to do this because NATO can bomb but they can't suppress.
What a great bunch of allies--they can bomb unarmed people, but if they
shoot back, they got to come running to us.
Yes, I want to send a message to NATO. Qadhafi is a bad guy. If
England and France and Italy and Germany and Spain and the Netherlands
and Scandinavia can't together muster the military force for this
weakened, poor nation, then let's re-examine the value of these allies.
In ``The King and I,'' he says, If the allies are weak, am I not best
alone? Yes, I want to tell our allies that it's time for once for them
to step up. This is not to protect Qadhafi; it's to say that America
can no longer be asked to be the one that does everything, everywhere,
every time. Our allies have to step up.
Mr. SMITH of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Paul).
Mr. PAUL. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
I rarely speak on the House floor, and almost never have I ever come
to the floor two times in one day to speak on this one issue. But this
is my fourth trip to the floor today on this issue because I consider
it so important and so serious.
If I could rename this bill, I would call it ``a bill to authorize
the use of force in Libya.'' That is what we're doing. We should not
kid ourselves--we are authorizing the use of force. We are endorsing
the Obama war in Libya.
Some see this as weakening our presence over there, but there is no
doubt, if you read it carefully, we are expanding and giving authority
because of the exceptions. The exceptions include search and re-search,
intelligence, surveillance, reconnaissance, refueling, planning--
contract labor probably can still go in, the CIA is in there already,
special forces. And paying for it: How can you do all that without
paying for it? So we are there.
This will be the first time the President will have received any
information from the Congress that it's okay to pursue what we're
doing. We're supposed to be sending the message that we're in charge of
when we go to war and when we pay for this war. We're not just supposed
to lie over and capitulate to what the President wants--as we have been
for too many years.
So there is no doubt that I think the proper vote here, the proper
constitutional vote, the proper vote for the best
[[Page H4560]]
of our national interests, the best vote for peace is to vote this
resolution down just as we voted the previous resolution down. We
should prohibit the use of funds.
A lot of us complain on this House floor because of the way the
President went to war--he didn't come here, he went to NATO. But this
supports NATO. One of the arguments in favor of this bill is we have
the exceptions, so we don't want to break ties and our allegiance to
NATO. Well, that's what we're supposed to be doing, we're supposed to
be reclaiming the sovereignty and the responsibilities here in the
House. We are not supposed to roll over for NATO and the United
Nations. We're supposed to stand up for this country.
We are not supposed to go into war under these conditions. And under
those circumstances, I strongly urge a ``no'' vote on this resolution.
Mr. ROONEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to my friend from Indiana
(Mr. Burton).
Mr. BURTON of Indiana. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Somebody said a while ago we ought to be supporting the Arab Spring
because there are movements toward democracy over there. We went into
Libya to help in a humanitarian effort and get rid of Muammar Qadhafi,
but who are we supporting? Nobody at the White House has come down here
and said we're supporting this group of people. We don't know if it's
the Muslim Brotherhood, we don't know if it's al Qaeda--now we do know
there are al Qaeda operatives that came from Afghanistan fighting with
the rebels in Libya; are we supporting al Qaeda? Are we supporting the
Muslim Brotherhood?
The Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt has opened up the border--or the
Government of Egypt, whatever that is right now--has opened up the
border between Egypt and Gaza, which provides a mechanism for weapons
to get into Gaza to fire on Israel.
So before we start supporting a rebel movement and going after
somebody like Qadhafi, we ought to find out who we're for. We're
spending billions of dollars before this is over in a war where we
don't even know who we're supporting, and it's in violation of the War
Powers Act and the Constitution. This is something we should not be
doing.
The President should have come down here and made his case. He should
have said what our goals are. He should have said who we're supporting
and why we're supporting them. We are in a war against terrorism. We
may very well end up with terrorists controlling Libya and Egypt, and
that is a tinderbox that we don't want. We get about 35 percent of our
energy from that part of the world, and if all hell breaks loose
because we've gone with the wrong guys, we've got a real problem in
this country economically. And the President ought to be thinking about
all that and making his case to the Congress in accordance with the
Constitution and the War Powers Act before he does it.
Mr. SMITH of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from California (Mr. McClintock).
Mr. McCLINTOCK. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Speaker, this bill purports to cut off funding for combat in
Libya. In doing so, it simply forbids what the Constitution already
forbids--the waging of war without explicit congressional
authorization. But then it specifically grants to the President what up
until now he has completely lacked: congressional authority to engage
in every conceivable belligerent act short of actually pulling the
trigger.
{time} 1310
Refueling bombers on their way to targets, identifying and selecting
targets, guiding munitions to their targets, logistical support,
operational planning--these are all acts of war in direct support of
belligerents at war, and this bill authorizes them.
The House has just considered whether to authorize war with Libya. It
has specifically, categorically, and decisively rejected it. The
President is now on notice that he is in direct defiance of Congress.
That is the message we need to send today. Let's not enter a war
through the back door, when we have already decided not to enter it
through the front.
Mr. ROONEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to my friend from Texas,
Judge Gohmert.
Mr. GOHMERT. Mr. Speaker, it is true, Qadhafi is a bad guy. He needs
to go. But the problem is for those who say will this mean the end of
the Bush doctrine, well, I don't know that this President has really
been enforcing the Bush doctrine. But the problem is, as my friend Mr.
Burton pointed out, we don't know who is going to replace Qadhafi.
It is not in our national interest to help what may be another Iran,
with Khomeini and Ahmadinejad coming to power, and especially when we
are releasing oil at a time when that oil should be saved in case it
all goes to blazes in the Middle East and we don't have any coming from
there.
Now, I am not crazy about the exceptions either--the search and
rescue, intelligence surveillance and reconnaissance, aerial refueling
and operational planning--because this administration is probably going
to describe everything they do as falling into those exceptions. But it
is a step in the right direction. And some have said, and I know their
hearts and I know they mean well, we want to support our troops, and I
don't like it when people say let's back out and let's cut funding when
troops are in harm's way.
I have talked to enough troops who want somebody in Washington to
say, this is insane, don't get us involved, because they are good
soldiers; and when they get their orders, they are going to salute and
they are going to go follow through on the orders.
We are the body that must step forward and say, Enough. Mr.
President, we are not responsible to the Arab League, to NATO or to the
U.N. We are responsible to the American people.
So though I don't like the exceptions, I will vote for this. It is
taking a step in the right direction.
Mr. SMITH of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentlelady from Michigan (Mrs. Miller).
Mrs. MILLER of Michigan. Mr. Speaker, I intend to vote ``no'' on this
resolution.
We just voted on a resolution on whether or not to authorize in
Libya, and this House overwhelmingly voted ``no,'' no to authorizing
that. I have been opposed to this action in Libya. I have not been
persuaded that the U.S. has a vital interest there. And by the way, we
were not attacked by Qadhafi.
I spent 2 hours in a tent with Qadhafi in 2003. We were the first
congressional delegation in over 38 years to be there. In fact, we were
there because he was voluntarily giving up his nuclear arms. I will say
that there probably are few dictators who are going to do that again
after watching what is happening over there. He is a bloody dictator;
but one of the things I learned, he hates al Qaeda.
I also think that this action vividly demonstrates the weakness of
NATO, quite frankly. It is a great organization. We appreciate their
partnerships, of course. They are our allies. But it is an antiquated
organization. The United States is paying 75 percent of the cost of
NATO, and NATO can't even take out a two-bit dictator like Qadhafi.
Why? Because we have enabled our allies, providing their defense for
them for decades. And instead of spending money on their defense, as
they said, 2 percent of their GDP, they are spending their money on
their social programs; they are spending their money on lower corporate
tax rates, et cetera.
So I would say, yes, Qadhafi is a bloody dictator. He is a terrorist.
He did not attack us. And by the way, let us remember who let the
Lockerbie bomber out way early as well.
We need to get out of Libya, Mr. Speaker.
Mr. ROONEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished
gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Boehner), the Speaker of the House.
Mr. BOEHNER. Let me thank my colleague for yielding.
Let me say that I am disappointed that we have reached this point
here today. Mr. Speaker, it didn't have to come to this.
Nearly 100 days ago, the President initiated a strike against Libya
without consultation from the Congress and without prior explanation to
the American people. Then, as now, we all supported the removal of the
regime of Libya, a regime that was slaughtering
[[Page H4561]]
and is slaughtering its own people. Yet rather than seek regime change
from the start, the President chose to follow, not lead, and pursued a
strictly humanitarian mission under the banner of the United Nations,
with no plan for Colonel Qadhafi's removal.
So at the outset, we asked some very straightforward questions for
the President: Why isn't removing Qadhafi a part of this mission? What
if he doesn't leave? Who are the rebels that we are there helping to
fight? How long is this going to last and at what cost? And what does
success look like? These were questions that the administration would
not, or could not, answer.
Under our Constitution, the Commander in Chief has the authority to
take actions necessary to protect our national security. This is an
authority which I and this House respect, but it does not free the
President from accountability to the American people, to this Congress,
or to the rule of law.
Now, whatever your opinion of the War Powers resolution may be, the
fact is it is the law of the land and simply cannot be ignored. So 3
weeks ago, this House overwhelmingly passed a bipartisan resolution
asking the President to explain how this mission is consistent with our
national security goals, to justify continuing this operation without
authorization. He responded by telling us he didn't need Congress
because there are no ``hostilities'' taking place in Libya. Well, we
soon found out even his own lawyers don't buy that argument.
Now, if the Commander in Chief is going to take our forces into war,
he must take ownership of it. And if the President believes that
missile strikes and drone operations taking place in Libya are
critical, it is his responsibility to explain to the American people
and to seek authorization from this Congress. Because the President has
failed to do that, because he has failed to fulfill his obligations, we
are here today.
Now, make no mistake: I support the removal of the Libyan regime. I
support the President's authority as Commander in Chief. But when the
President chooses to challenge the powers of the Congress, I, as
Speaker of this House, will defend the constitutional authority of the
legislature.
This bill represents, I believe, a reasonable approach. By allowing
our forces to continue playing a limited support role, it would not
undermine our NATO partners. It would, however, prevent the President
from carrying out any further hostilities without Congress' approval,
and it would exercise Congress' constitutional power to provide some
much-needed accountability.
I believe this is a responsible approach, and I believe this House
should support it.
Mr. SMITH of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the
gentleman from California (Mr. Berman), the ranking member of the House
Foreign Affairs Committee.
Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, the Speaker of the House has made some very
legitimate points, but then his conclusion is so contrary to the points
he made. The proposition before us today, Mr. McClintock is right, it
is an authorization of a series of acts of belligerence, acts of war,
that by their own definition cannot possibly help us either achieve the
humanitarian goal of this mission or achieve the goal, the true
humanitarian goal of removing Qadhafi from power.
We are authorizing intelligence-sharing, aerial refueling,
operational planning, intelligence-gathering; but we are denying the
only aspects of this operation that can allow us to achieve that goal--
the suppression of air defense systems and the utilization of drones
with missiles to stop Qadhafi from resuming his effort to massacre his
own people.
I understand the argument. You don't buy my notions of our national
security interests. You don't see the context of bringing this
operation to a halt in terms of what it does to the stability of the
democracy movements in Egypt and Tunisia. You don't see any
consequences in terms of Syria or the larger Middle East or the damage
to alliance. I understand and accept that argument.
But Mr. Rooney tries to have it both ways and in fact comes up with a
proposal that ensures that the mission is allowed to continue, but by
definition cannot achieve its goals.
{time} 1320
It is the worst. It is not the reasonable proposal. It is the worst
of all solutions. If you're going to authorize an operation through
airpower and other methods, you don't exclude the only parts that can
possibly achieve success. If you're against this operation, you stop
the funding of the operation.
Mr. Rooney and apparently a number of members of the majority want to
have it both ways. We don't like Qadhafi so we want to do something. We
don't want to do anything that could work, but we don't want to come
out against the operation. But the fact is you're ending the operation
if this were to become law, because our European friends have said very
clearly that, Those parts of this operation that this amendment
prohibits, those parts of the operation we cannot undertake if you are
not doing it.
So why not be straightforward? Why not do what a number of colleagues
on the other side have called for: stop funding the operation. Don't
try to have it both ways, ensure the operation's defeat and end the
operation, while pretending to still be interested in seeing Qadhafi go
and the operation succeed.
I urge a ``no'' vote from anyone who cares about the consequences of
what they vote on.
Mr. ROONEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to my friend and
colleague, the chairman of the Committee on Armed Services, the
gentleman from California (Mr. McKeon).
Mr. McKEON. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 2278.
My colleague has set forth a responsible plan that would effectively
limit the United States' role in Libya. This bill would allow U.S.
forces to continue to conduct search and rescue missions, aerial
refueling, intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance, and provide
operational planning assistance.
Mr. Speaker, this is what NATO has told us would allow them to
continue to carry out the mission. These are very critical functions.
That is all that they have asked us to do as we move forward. And it
helps the President be truthful in saying that we're not engaged in
hostile actions.
This bill would clearly end funding for all other military missions
in Libya. Of particular concern to many Members is the United States'
continued engagement in strike and suppression of enemy air defense
missions. The President has repeatedly stated that the U.S. is not
engaged in hostilities and that congressional authorization is not
necessary to continue our role in this operation.
I share with many of my colleagues the view that firing a missile at
a target in a foreign nation does indeed constitute hostile action.
This disagreement is at the root of the issue at hand. H.R. 2278 would
put an end to that debate by explicitly defining the congressionally
authorized scope of the U.S. military mission in Libya.
The administration has yet to present Congress and the American
people with a clear strategic objective for our involvement in Libya.
Furthermore, to date we have not been informed of a specific end goal
under which the U.S. military operations would cease. This threatens
the effectiveness of our mission and can soon create an unjustifiable
strain on our military while they remain engaged in two other theaters
of operation critical to our national security interest.
I urge my colleagues to join me in support of this bill.
Mr. DICKS. Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. McKEON. I yield to the gentleman from Washington.
Mr. DICKS. Thank you.
Wouldn't you feel better if we could add, as a fifth item in this
list of things, suppression of enemy air defenses? The reason I say
that is I think we're going to have a difficult time doing any of these
other missions unless we have suppression.
I was just over there at Aviano and Sigonella, and we were told by
the Navy that the allies do not have enough suppression to be able to
continue to do these bombing missions without U.S. help. I think it
would help if we could clarify that that is not somehow abandoned.
Mr. McKEON. Reclaiming my time, my good friend from Washington, there
[[Page H4562]]
are a lot of things that would make me feel better. If we could go back
and start this whole thing over, there are a lot of things that would
make me feel better. But the President has said we're not engaged in
hostilities. And I think we would agree that when we're firing
missiles, when we are having missions with our fighter planes
suppressing ground fire, I believe that would be--most of us agree that
that is hostile.
The NATO people, we met with the military from Great Britain. They
told us what we have in here would allow them to continue successfully
their missions.
I urge my colleagues to join me in support of this bill.
Mr. SMITH of Washington. I yield myself the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman is recognized for 4 minutes.
Mr. SMITH of Washington. There are a number of arguments about this
issue and arguments in favor of ending the mission in Libya. I think
the Speaker articulated one, which is basically we support the idea of
the removal of Qadhafi and they support the idea of supporting the
people in Libya who are asking for a representative government. They
just don't like our President's process. But that argument doesn't
really make sense because if, in fact, their big complaint is that
Congress hasn't had the opportunity to authorize this, then the Speaker
of the House has had, by his own admission, a hundred days to offer
that voice, to come up and say, No, we support the mission but here's
how we want to limit it. They have not done that.
I agree very strongly with Mr. Berman's statements. You can't have it
both ways. You can't say we would like to remove Qadhafi, we would like
to support the Libyan people, but we're going to offer up resolutions
that are going to stop that from happening. Now, we can argue back and
forth about that process, but clearly the Speaker of the House had an
option in front of him to deal with that process issue, and this isn't
it.
As has been pointed out, this will stop what we are doing in Libya.
If you support that--let me just say I support Mr. Kucinich in the
sense that he is very honest. He doesn't like what is going on there.
He wants it stopped. That's a legitimate position. But to stand up and
say, Yes, we have to support the Libyan people; yes, Qadhafi should go,
we're just going to cut the legs out from under the effort that would
actually do that because of a complicated process argument is not a
legitimate point.
I also want to point out people are legitimately concerned about the
U.S. being too militant in our approach, and I agree with that. We
cannot be the policeman for the world. We should not always carry the
load. But in this case it is a very, very limited mission that we have.
For once, NATO is actually carrying the bulk of the mission.
While I agree with Mr. Frank's comments from earlier that NATO needs
to step up and do more, we finally have an instance when they are
stepping up and doing more, and we want to pull the rug out from under
them for the tiny little piece of help that we are giving that makes
this mission possible. This is a limited role, and we must recognize
that.
The Speaker also emphasized that we would like to have all the
answers going in. We'd like to know what the mission to get rid of
Qadhafi is exactly. Well, you don't always have all the answers, and
this has evolved. Initially, our mission was clear: Stop Qadhafi from
crushing the forces who are trying to rise up and have a voice in their
own government. And we did that.
Incidentally, we do have some answers about who these rebels are. Do
you want to know who they are? Look at Benghazi. What's going on in
Benghazi, the place that is controlled by the people in opposition to
Muammar Qadhafi? It is not the Muslim Brotherhood. It is not al Qaeda.
It is the people of Libya wanting a representative government who are
running that place. So let's stop acting conveniently like we don't
know who these people are. We do have a very good idea who they are,
and they are deserving of our support.
We have a clear, limited vision. If we vote for Rooney, we pull the
rug out from under that mission. We put Qadhafi in a position to stay
in power, and we undermine a group of people who are asking for a
legitimate voice in their government. And keep in mind, again, this is
a very limited use of U.S. power in a very positive way. Whatever the
process arguments are that brought us to this point, don't let them
have the United States look like we don't support people standing up
for the very values that we continually espouse throughout the world.
I urge defeat of this resolution and support for what we are doing in
Libya.
With that, I yield back the balance of my time.
{time} 1330
Mr. ROONEY. Mr. Speaker, I inquire as to the time remaining on our
side.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Florida has 4 minutes
remaining.
Mr. ROONEY. I yield 1 minute to my friend and colleague from Nebraska
(Mr. Terry).
Mr. TERRY. I have during my tenure here voted twice to empower our
military to take action. The first time was with Afghanistan; and the
President came to the Congress and made a powerful case that it was in
our national security interest to do so. I supported that. Then it was
with Iraq; and the President came to Congress. He spent a significant
amount of time providing evidence and making a case that there was a
national security interest.
This time, however, it was a surprise to me and to most of my
colleagues that this mission was occurring. There has been no attempt
to define what the national security interests are, the United States'
interests in this military action. Without that, I can't look my
constituents in the eyes and tell them why we are in Libya right now
and active in military strikes against that nation state.
So the one constitutional power that Congress has explicitly is the
purse strings. We are exercising that right. I support the effort to
pull those strings tight. Let's stop the flow of money into this
action.
Mr. ROONEY. Mr. Speaker, I would like to yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Kucinich).
Mr. KUCINICH. I want to thank Mr. Rooney and thank my colleagues. I
think this has been a very important debate for this country and for
our Constitution.
I am opposed to this war and I want to end it. I think Mr. Rooney's
bill is a powerful step in the direction of ending the war, but it's
not the only step that we should take. It's the first step. The first
step is a vote for Mr. Rooney's. You limit the war, and you stop the
combat ops. Then the second step would be to vote on a defense
appropriations amendment that would strike all funding for the war. So
we take two steps here--the first step today.
We have some of the best people in this Congress who have been in
this debate today, and they don't agree with Mr. Rooney's bill. What
they've said is that this bill would end the mission in Libya; and
they've said that, if you don't have the ability to suppress, you
couldn't continue with the bombing campaign. These are people on our
side of the aisle who want to defeat this bill. They've made the
argument, I think, as to why we should pass it.
I want to thank Mr. Rooney for his leadership, and I urge a vote in
favor of Mr. Rooney's bill.
Mr. ROONEY. I yield myself the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Goodlatte). The gentleman from Florida
is recognized for 2 minutes.
Mr. ROONEY. Mr. Speaker, we have heard a lot of arguments today, and
we've had a great debate--a debate we really should have been having
over the last hundred days or so, one that could have been spurred on
by the administration for coming here and making the arguments as to
why we should authorize or should not authorize money for hostilities
in Libya. The President had the opportunity to come and make the case
to this body, and he chose not to.
The War Powers Act is clear. He has violated that law. Some have said
it's unconstitutional, but the courts have never weighed in on it, so
it is the law of the land, and it's one we have to abide by. But we can
send resolution after resolution to the Senate and say that we don't
agree, that we don't authorize. In the end, the power that we have is
the power of the purse, as Mr.
[[Page H4563]]
Terry just said, and we have to exercise that power in this House and
say that we aren't going to spend money for hostilities in Libya.
We heard the mission ``if you want to take out Qadhafi'' or ``if you
want to free the Libyan people and give them the liberty they
deserve.'' Number one, it was never the mission to begin with to take
out Qadhafi. That has somehow morphed over time. We don't even know who
the people are we're supposedly setting free.
Without that debate and without that argument--and I appreciate the
debate we've had today because I think it has been very helpful, quite
frankly--all we can do is say, until the President comes and makes that
case and gets authorization, he won't get funds; and at the same time
responsibly say to our NATO allies that we'll support you in the rear,
but we are not engaging in hostile acts.
Mr. HOLT. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution.
I wish our action today were unnecessary. As I noted earlier this
year when the President initiated military action in Libya, he would
have been better served by putting this matter before this body in
advance of taking action, not afterwards. And as I predicted then, the
President has been subjected to almost daily second guessing,
criticism, and frequently partisan attacks over this operation. All of
this was avoidable.
None of us wish to abandon freedom-seeking Libyans or our NATO
allies, and a vote for this resolution does not mean we are doing
either. Our logistical and intelligence support to NATO will continue
uninterrupted. Our capacity to conduct cover action to assist the
Libyan rebels will remain unimpeded. And the ability of the
international community to continue to provide humanitarian aid to the
people of Libya will be unaffected.
I am voting for the Rooney bill for what it says, not for what some
in the majority say it says. This should not be used as a club to
attack President Obama. I will support this measure because it is
absolutely imperative for the Congress, as an institution, to remind
the President that the power to authorize military actions and war
resides in this body. We strengthen our democracy by passing this
resolution, we strengthen this institution by passing this resolution,
and we honor our NATO obligations, and we stand by Libyans seeking
self-determination, and that is why I urge my colleagues to join me in
passing this resolution.
Mr GARRETT. Mr. Speaker, I have strong constitutional concerns
regarding H.R. 2278. When the Founding Fathers met at the
Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia, the differentiation between
which branch of the federal government initiates war and which branch
conducts it was one of the most seriously debated topics. After deep
thought and consideration, the Founders decided to grant Congress the
power to declare war and left to the President, as Commander-in-Chief,
the authority to conduct wars. Today, the Congress is asked to vote on
a measure that would reverse the constitutionally prescribed war powers
by directing the President on how to conduct the military conflict in
Libya.
While I have supported past efforts to defund the military conflict
in Libya, I cannot vote in support of a bill that only defunds some of
the military effort while endorsing others. The Congress should and
must debate the merits of our foray into Libya and either authorize it
completely or demand that the President terminate our military
engagement. This is the only constitutionally sound course for Congress
to take.
Mr. STARK. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in opposition to H.R. 2278. This
legislation will not end our military involvement in Libya. Both simply
maintain the status quo and appease Republican Members who want to
score political points against the President.
Under the guise of deficit reduction, Republicans have voted for deep
cuts to Medicare, Medicaid, and other safety net programs. We could
better achieve deficit reduction by swiftly ending the Libyan war and
accelerating our withdrawal from Afghanistan.
Congress has the power of the purse. Our nation has been at war in
Libya for 97 days and Congress has never authorized the conflict. We
need to completely defund operations in Libya and put an end to this
conflict. It is time for us to come together, use our constitutional
authority, and apply this critical check on the executive branch. At a
time when we continue the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, we cannot
afford to pursue another military adventure that is not in our national
interest. We must get out of this war now.
I urge my colleagues to vote against this toothless bill, and instead
defund operations in Libya in the upcoming 2012 Defense Appropriations
bill.
Mr. ROONEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. All time for debate has expired.
Pursuant to House Resolution 328, the previous question is ordered.
The question is on the engrossment and third reading of the bill.
The bill was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time, and was
read the third time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the passage of the bill.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Recorded Vote
Mr. SMITH of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 180,
noes 238, not voting 13, as follows:
[Roll No. 494]
AYES--180
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Austria
Barletta
Barton (TX)
Bass (NH)
Benishek
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Black
Bonner
Bono Mack
Boustany
Brady (TX)
Braley (IA)
Buchanan
Bucshon
Calvert
Cantor
Capito
Capuano
Carney
Cassidy
Chabot
Cicilline
Coble
Coffman (CO)
Conaway
Conyers
Cravaack
Crenshaw
Culberson
Davis (KY)
DeFazio
Denham
DesJarlais
Duffy
Emerson
Farenthold
Farr
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fleming
Flores
Forbes
Fortenberry
Foxx
Frank (MA)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Gerlach
Gibbs
Gibson
Gohmert
Gonzalez
Goodlatte
Granger
Graves (MO)
Griffith (VA)
Grimm
Guthrie
Hall
Harper
Harris
Hartzler
Hastings (WA)
Hayworth
Hensarling
Herger
Herrera Beutler
Himes
Hinchey
Holt
Huizenga (MI)
Hunter
Jackson (IL)
Jenkins
Johnson (OH)
Jordan
Kaptur
Kelly
Kingston
Kline
Kucinich
Lamborn
Latham
Latta
Lee (CA)
Lewis (CA)
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Long
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Lungren, Daniel E.
Lynch
Mack
Marino
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul
McKeon
McKinley
McMorris Rodgers
Meehan
Mica
Michaud
Miller (FL)
Miller, Gary
Murphy (CT)
Murphy (PA)
Myrick
Nadler
Neugebauer
Noem
Nunes
Nunnelee
Olson
Palazzo
Petri
Pingree (ME)
Platts
Price (GA)
Quigley
Reed
Rehberg
Reichert
Renacci
Ribble
Richardson
Rigell
Roby
Roe (TN)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rooney
Ros-Lehtinen
Rothman (NJ)
Runyan
Scalise
Schilling
Schmidt
Schrader
Schweikert
Scott (VA)
Scott, Austin
Serrano
Sessions
Sherman
Shimkus
Shuler
Shuster
Simpson
Slaughter
Smith (NE)
Smith (TX)
Stark
Terry
Thornberry
Tiberi
Turner
Upton
Visclosky
Walberg
Walden
Waters
Webster
Whitfield
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Wolf
Womack
Woodall
Woolsey
Wu
Yoder
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
Young (IN)
NOES--238
Ackerman
Adams
Altmire
Amash
Andrews
Baca
Bachmann
Baldwin
Barrow
Bartlett
Bass (CA)
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Biggert
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blackburn
Blumenauer
Boren
Boswell
Brady (PA)
Brooks
Broun (GA)
Brown (FL)
Buerkle
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Campbell
Canseco
Capps
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carson (IN)
Carter
Castor (FL)
Chaffetz
Chandler
Chu
Clarke (MI)
Clarke (NY)
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Cole
Connolly (VA)
Cooper
Costa
Costello
Courtney
Crawford
Critz
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
DeGette
DeLauro
Dent
Deutch
Diaz-Balart
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Dold
Donnelly (IN)
Doyle
Dreier
Duncan (SC)
Duncan (TN)
Edwards
Ellison
Ellmers
Eshoo
Fattah
Filner
Fincher
Flake
Franks (AZ)
Fudge
Garamendi
Gardner
Garrett
Gosar
Gowdy
Graves (GA)
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Griffin (AR)
Grijalva
Guinta
Gutierrez
Hanabusa
Hanna
Hastings (FL)
Heck
Heinrich
Higgins
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hochul
Holden
Honda
Hoyer
Huelskamp
Hultgren
Inslee
Israel
Issa
Jackson Lee (TX)
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, E. B.
Johnson, Sam
Jones
Keating
Kildee
Kind
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kinzinger (IL)
Kissell
Labrador
Lance
Landry
Langevin
Lankford
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
LaTourette
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lujan
Lummis
Maloney
Manzullo
Marchant
Markey
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McClintock
McCollum
McCotter
McDermott
McGovern
McHenry
McIntyre
McNerney
Meeks
Miller (MI)
Miller (NC)
Miller, George
Moore
Moran
Mulvaney
Neal
Nugent
Olver
Owens
Pallone
[[Page H4564]]
Pascrell
Pastor (AZ)
Paul
Paulsen
Payne
Pearce
Pelosi
Pence
Perlmutter
Peters
Peterson
Pitts
Poe (TX)
Polis
Pompeo
Posey
Price (NC)
Quayle
Rahall
Rangel
Reyes
Richmond
Rivera
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Rokita
Roskam
Ross (AR)
Ross (FL)
Roybal-Allard
Royce
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (WI)
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schock
Schwartz
Scott (SC)
Scott, David
Sensenbrenner
Sires
Smith (NJ)
Smith (WA)
Southerland
Speier
Stearns
Stutzman
Sullivan
Sutton
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Thompson (PA)
Tierney
Tipton
Tonko
Tsongas
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Walsh (IL)
Walz (MN)
Wasserman Schultz
Watt
Waxman
Welch
West
Westmoreland
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth
NOT VOTING--13
Bachus
Berg
Butterfield
Camp
Engel
Giffords
Gingrey (GA)
Hurt
Napolitano
Ryan (OH)
Sewell
Stivers
Towns
{time} 1400
Mr. CARTER, Ms. FUDGE, Messrs. GRIFFIN of Arkansas, DUNCAN of South
Carolina, ROHRABACHER, DONNELLY of Indiana, ISSA, ROYCE, MARCHANT,
BURGESS, DOLD, and NUGENT changed their vote from ``aye'' to ``no.''
So the bill was not passed.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
Stated for:
Mrs. NAPOLITANO. Mr. Speaker, I was absent during rollcall vote No.
494. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea'' on H.R. 2278, to
limit the use of funds appropriated to the Department of Defense for
United States Armed Forces in support of NATO operations in Libya.
Mr. HURT. Mr. Speaker, I was not present for rollcall vote No. 494 on
H.R. 2278. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea.''
Stated against:
Ms. SEWELL. Mr. Speaker, I was meeting with constituents and
unfortunately missed the last vote on H.R. 2278. Had I been here, I
would have voted ``no.''
____________________