[Congressional Record Volume 157, Number 87 (Thursday, June 16, 2011)]
[Senate]
[Pages S3852-S3874]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




            ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT REVITALIZATION ACT OF 2011

  The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Under the previous order, the 
Senate will resume consideration of S. 782, which the clerk will 
report.
  The legislative clerk read as follows:

       A bill (S. 782) to amend the Public Works and Economic 
     Development Act of 1965 to reauthorize that Act, and for 
     other purposes.

  Pending:

       DeMint amendment No. 394, to repeal the Dodd-Frank Wall 
     Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act.
       Paul amendment No. 414, to implement the President's 
     request to increase the statutory limit on the public debt.
       Cardin amendment No. 407, to require the FHA to equitably 
     treat home buyers who have repaid in full their FHA-insured 
     mortgages.
       Merkley/Snowe amendment No. 428, to establish clear 
     regulatory standards for mortgage servicers.
       Kohl amendment No. 389, to amend the Sherman Act to make 
     oil-producing and exporting cartels illegal.
       Hutchison amendment No. 423, to delay the implementation of 
     the health reform law in the United States until there is 
     final resolution in pending lawsuits.
       Portman amendment No. 417, to provide for the inclusion of 
     independent regulatory agencies in the application of the 
     Unfunded Mandates Reform Act of 1995 (2 U.S.C. 1501 et seq.).
       Portman amendment No. 418, to amend the Unfunded Mandates 
     Reform Act of 1995 (2 U.S.C. 1501 et seq.) to strengthen the 
     economic impact analyses for major rules, require agencies to 
     analyze the effect of major rules on jobs, and require 
     adoption of the least burdensome regulatory means.
       McCain amendment No. 411, to prohibit the use of Federal 
     funds to construct ethanol blender pumps or ethanol storage 
     facilities.
       McCain amendment No. 412, to repeal the wage rate 
     requirements commonly known as the Davis-Bacon Act.
       Merkley amendment No. 440, to require the Secretary of 
     Energy to establish an Energy Efficiency Loan Program under 
     which the Secretary shall make funds available to States to 
     support financial assistance provided by qualified financing 
     entities for making qualified energy efficiency or renewable 
     efficiency improvements.
       Coburn modified amendment No. 436, to repeal the volumetric 
     ethanol excise tax credit.
       Brown (MA)/Snowe amendment No. 405, to repeal the 
     imposition of withholding on certain payments made to vendors 
     by government entities.
       Inhofe amendment No. 430, to reduce amounts authorized to 
     be appropriated.
       Inhofe amendment No. 438, to provide for the establishment 
     of a committee to assess the effects of certain Federal 
     regulatory mandates.
       Merkley amendment No. 427, to make a technical correction 
     to the HUBZone designation process.
       McCain amendment No. 441 (to Coburn modified amendment No. 
     436), to prohibit the use of Federal funds to construct 
     ethanol blender pumps or ethanol storage facilities.
       Reid (for Feinstein/Coburn) amendment No. 476, to repeal 
     the volumetric ethanol excise tax credit.


                      Amendments Nos. 476 and 411

  The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Under the previous order, there 
will be 4 hours of debate equally divided and controlled between the 
two leaders or their designees on amendment No. 476, offered by the 
Senator from California, Mrs. Feinstein, and amendment No. 411, offered 
by the Senator from Arizona, Mr. McCain.
  Mr. REID. Mr. President, noting there is no one on the floor, I 
suggest the absence of a quorum, and I ask unanimous consent that 
during the quorum the time be equally divided.
  The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, it is so 
ordered.
  The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mrs. FEINSTEIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, it is so 
ordered.
  Mrs. FEINSTEIN. Mr. President, I rise in support of the Ethanol 
Subsidy and Tariff Repeal Act, which Senator Coburn and I are offering 
as an amendment to pending legislation. The other cosponsors on this 
amendment are Senator Webb and Senator Collins. This is identical to a 
bill that we have submitted. On that bill there are more cosponsors. 
They are Coburn, Cardin, Webb, Corker, Lieberman, Collins, Shaheen, 
Burr, Risch, and Toomey.
  I want to have the record straight that this amendment is in response 
to a bill which we have crafted. On Tuesday the Senate voted on the 
proposal but unfortunately we saw a process battle, which I spoke to on 
the floor, which I think overwhelmed, in some respects, the debate. 
That is not the case today. There are ongoing negotiations to see if it 
is possible to put together a solution which can bring all sides 
together on this amendment that we will be voting on at 2 o'clock. Thus 
far we do not have an agreement. However, at least one of our 
cosponsors of this has said to me--this is Senator Webb--that he would 
very much appreciate a straight up-or-down vote on Coburn-Feinstein so 
we know exactly where the Senate stands. It is still possible, even 
after that cloture vote, if we can reach a successful conclusion to the 
negotiation that we could have another vote and change that.
  Today, this is the first vote that the Senate has taken based on the 
merits of repealing the ethanol subsidy and tariff. In a nutshell, let 
me give the reasons. I know of no other product in the United States 
that has a triple crown of benefits: It is a mandate: oil companies 
must buy this ethanol; there is a subsidy: oil companies are paid for 
buying this substance; and this substance known as corn ethanol is 
protected by a protective tariff which prevents other nations, such as 
Brazil, from importing ethanol which actually has more beneficial 
environmental effects.
  As a matter of fact, corn ethanol is the least environmentally 
proficient form of ethanol. Everything else is better than corn; 
cellulosic is better, algae is better, and sugar is better. The bottom 
line is we have a triple crown of subsidy, mandate, and protective 
tariff on the least effective, least environmentally sound ethanol 
there is.
  More importantly, corn ethanol is now used to such an extent that it 
is having a major impact on food commodity prices and in particular on 
feed prices. This is particularly true in the poultry industry. I will 
get to that in a few minutes.
  I do want to thank Senators Klobuchar and Thune for good-faith 
efforts to try to reach a compromise. As part of this compromise, at 
least from my point of view, a substantial amount of the revenue must 
be used to reduce the debt and deficit in addition to eliminating 
wasteful ethanol subsidies and tariffs. These negotiations have been 
ongoing since Tuesday. We have not yet reached an agreement. The vote 
at 2 o'clock will not end these talks. I am perfectly willing to 
continue to talk but I do think it is important that we have a clean 
up-or-down vote on the Coburn-Feinstein amendment.
  The issue at hand is a simple issue. The subsidy given to these oil 
companies costs taxpayers billions of dollars every year and the tariff 
actually has the effect of making us more dependent on foreign oil. Let 
me explain. In 2005, the ethanol subsidy cost taxpayers $1.5 billion. 
This year that number is nearly $6 billion. In just 6 years it has gone 
from a cost of $1.5 billion to a cost of nearly $6 billion. There is a 
reason for it, and I will get to that in a moment, but since 2005, the 
total cost of this subsidy has been $22.6 billion.
  Here is the increase every year: $1.5 billion in 2005; 2006, $2.6 
billion; 2007, $3.3 billion; 2008, $4.4 billion; 2009, $5.2 billion; 
2010, $5.7 billion; and the all-time high in these last 2 years of $5.7 
billion.
  However, it continues to rise. The proposal that has been made for an 
extension to 2015, by some, would cost another $31 billion.
  Let me be clear. The subsidy is wasteful and duplicative. It does 
very little to promote the use of ethanol which oil companies already 
must use under current law. The renewable fuels standard dictates oil 
companies use 14 billion gallons of biofuels this year, 20.5 billion 
gallons by 2015, to 36 billion gallons by 2022.
  These volumes, by law, increase every year. It more than doubles by 
2022. It is that doubling in volume that will ultimately cost us; we 
are currently paying oil companies to follow this law.
  Let me speak briefly about the tariff. The 54-cent-per-gallon tariff 
on ethanol imports makes our Nation more dependent on foreign oil. The 
tariff acts as a trade barrier, placing clean sugarcane ethanol imports 
from friendly nations at a competitive disadvantage to

[[Page S3853]]

oil imports from OPEC. This discourages imports of low-carbon ethanol 
from our allies and leads to more oil and gasoline imports from OPEC 
countries, which enter the United States tariff free. So you have a 
high tariff on ethanol imports but a very low tariff on oil. Sugarcane 
ethanol, one of the lowest carbon fuels that is widely available, 
suffers from this tariff.
  This tariff makes no sense and it should be repealed. I believe that 
there is very strong consensus in this body on the tariff issue. The 
Ethanol Subsidy and Tariff Repeal Act repeals the 45-cent-per-gallon 
ethanol blending subsidy known as the volumetric ethanol excise tax 
credit on July 1. The 54-cent-per-gallon ethanol tariff is also 
repealed beginning on July 1. Two parts of the three-part triple crown 
of government support are covered in our bill.
  The third part of the triple crown is that refineries are already 
required to use ethanol under the Renewable Fuel Standard. The subsidy 
pays them to use that mandated ethanol, and ethanol, again, is 
protected from competition by a very high import tariff.
  I think we need to address this quickly because the effects are 
harmful and the costs are great. At highest risk are increased costs 
for feed, corn, and other food. Today, 39 percent of the U.S. corn crop 
is used to produce ethanol, according to the Congressional Research 
Service. Well over a third of the corn crop is used to produce ethanol. 
Corn futures reached a record $7.99 a bushel last week, this is an 
increase of 140 percent over 12 months.
  In this graph you can see the rise, from $2 in 2005 to $3 in 2006, 
going up over 2007, 2008 to over $4, beginning to come down slightly in 
2009, continues down in 2010, and then in 2010 to 2011, and 2011 to 
2012, it has shot up to well over $6. This is devastating, to poultry 
farms all over the country. This is devastating to cattle and this is 
devastating to food commodity prices. These prices will continue to go 
up if we let these subsidies continue. The annual average price of corn 
has risen 225 percent since 2006. So from 2005 to today, there has been 
a 225-percent increase in corn prices. Does anybody think that is good 
for this Nation? Is it good for farmers who depend on corn feed? I 
don't think so.

  Let me give you some examples. The annual feed cost for Foster Farms 
tripled over the past year, increasing costs by more than $200 million. 
That is greater than the firm's largest ever annual profit. Zacky 
Farms, which is a large farm, has lost $35 million over the last 3 
years due to increased corn costs.
  I want to read to you for a moment a summary of the impacts on Zacky 
Farms. Here is the background. Zacky Farms is a family-owned, 
vertically integrated producer of quality turkey products for consumers 
in the retail and food service markets. The company is 55 years old but 
has roots in supplying poultry products to consumers that reach back 
all the way to 1928, representing three generations of commitment to 
the business. Zacky currently employs over 1,000 and supplies 
approximately 2 percent of the turkey consumed in the United States.
  During the past 3-plus years, the growing use of corn for ethanol has 
been nothing less than devastating on Zacky Farms. Why? The cost of 
turkey feed represent about 60 percent of the final price of turkey 
products that consumers buy in stores. Corn is roughly 50 percent of 
the turkey feed formulation, making corn one-third of the cost of a 
turkey. Soybean meal, usually the second largest ingredient in turkey 
feed, competes for the same acreage as corn, and consequently the 
pricing of soybean meal often moves in tandem with corn. The government 
is sitting on acres and paying farmers not to plant soybeans, thereby 
encouraging costs to rise. I didn't know that. We are paying farmers 
not to plant soybeans. Recent reports show that since 1990, there are 
essentially no new acres available. Ethanol use of corn is therefore 
driving up other turkey feed ingredient prices also.
  The increasing use of corn in ethanol--now nearly 40 percent of the 
Nation's corn supply--has been a major factor in driving the price of 
corn from $2 a bushel, to $4 a bushel, to $6 a bushel, and currently 
$7.75 a bushel. That is what Zacky is currently paying. This dramatic 
increase has all occurred since the fourth quarter of 2006. The turkey 
industry has been unable to pass these cost increases along fast enough 
to maintain profitability.
  We were in the caucus on Tuesday, and we heard one Senator talk about 
how a farm has actually collapsed because of these prices in his State, 
and a second Senator reiterated his deep concern about what is 
happening to the poultry interest in his State. So this is not just 
Foster Farms and Zacky Farms, which happen to be in California, it is 
all over.
  They then go into the impact of corn for ethanol on employees, 
suppliers, customers, consumers, and family ownership, and they say 
they have suffered significant losses during the past 3 years, and it 
has been estimated to be as much as $35 million in losses from 2008, 
2009, and 2010, and their banking relationships have been shattered 
after 60 years of banking. Bank of America told the company to find 
another bank.
  In 2008, the company was forced to implement across-the-board salary 
freezes and other measures to help control these costs. Turkey prices 
have jumped dramatically and will continue to increase--in other words, 
the market is becoming such that turkey is going to become an 
endangered species, particularly in a down market. And they stopped 
promotions, such as the free Thanksgiving turkey with the purchase of a 
certain dollar amount. It goes on and on. This is a very serious issue.
  Let me give you another one. Paul Cameron is a commercial cattle 
feeder from the Imperial Valley. He says:

       My company employs 32 hard-working men and women. Many of 
     these employees are second and third generation to the 
     livestock business. Our cattle rely primarily on Midwestern 
     grown corn as their primary source for grain.

  This is the conflict here:

       This year 41 percent of our Nation's corn crop will be used 
     up by a heavily subsidized ethanol industry. In a year where 
     nationally our grain inventories have already been reduced by 
     adverse weather, corn has risen in price by 140 percent. 
     Because of this, any chance of profitability in all protein 
     industries has vanished.
       The cattle inventory in our own operation is being reduced 
     and we have begun the process of laying off many of our 
     employees. Coming from a county with 27.9 percent 
     unemployment (April EDD), these good, hard-working people 
     will be relegated to trying to find jobs where there are 
     none. These are the very people that take great pride in the 
     fact that they not only feed a Nation, but also feed the 
     world.

  This is what these subsidies are doing. This is actual testimony read 
verbatim.
  I have a letters from the American Meat Institute, California 
Dairies, National Chicken Council, National Cattlemen's Beef 
Association, National Meat Association, National Pork Producers 
Council, and the National Turkey Federation essentially saying the same 
thing:

       Corn-based ethanol has distorted the corn market, and 
     stretched corn supplies to the point production costs have 
     increased significantly. Additionally, the current import 
     tariff on foreign sources of ethanol harms United States 
     consumers by retarding the development of a robust and 
     sustainable biofuels market.

  That is a direct quote.
  Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record 
this testimony following my remarks.
  The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, it is so 
ordered.
  (See exhibit 1.)
  Mrs. FEINSTEIN. Then there is a very long list in a letter to 
Senators Reid and McConnell from a couple dozen agencies, both 
agricultural and environmental, and I ask unanimous consent to have 
printed in the Record that letter as well.
  The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, it is so 
ordered.
  (See exhibit 2.)
  Mrs. FEINSTEIN. Thank you. Also, from the Western United Dairymen 
Association and from the National Cattlemen's Beef Association as well.
  The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, it is so 
ordered.
  (See exhibit 3.)
  Mrs. FEINSTEIN. I do this not because I want to run through it all 
but because I think it is evidentiary testimony to what is happening as 
a result of what is very bad and egregious public policy. At a time of 
debt and deficit,

[[Page S3854]]

where we are looking to find a compromise solution, which is going to 
be very difficult. If we reach one, it will have a dramatic impact on 
this Nation. To continue a program which has the potential to cost tens 
of billions of dollars makes no sense to me at all.
  This summer, experts are predicting a mass slaughter of hogs. The 
USDA predicts that U.S. corn reserves will sink to their lowest level 
since the mid-1990s this summer, and rising food prices are 
contributing to global poverty and instability. So we are faced with a 
vote today that is very simple. The vote says: End this trifecta of 
subsidy, mandate, and protective tariff. It says: Do not wait for it to 
expire at the end of the year, but do it as of July 1. If we do it as 
of July 1, we will produce approximately $2.7 billion to the Treasury 
to ameliorate debt and deficit. I think this is an easy $2.7 billion to 
save.
  Now, someone might say: Well, what are you doing to all of the 
producers of ethanol? Shouldn't we protect them? Well, this has been 
going on for a very long time--since 2005. To have an industry develop 
that then becomes dependent on this trifecta of subsidy, mandate, and 
protective tariff is only going to increase costs in the future. I 
understand beginning an industry with some help, giving them a leg up, 
giving them a toehold. That toehold becomes a foothold, and then they 
go on their own. The ethanol industry instead wants a continuation of 
the subsidy that effectively goes to the oil companies--the most 
profitable industry in the United States--continue the subsidy, 
continue the mandate, and continue to protect ethanol.
  You can be sure that if we don't do this now and we wait for it to 
end at the end of 2012, there will be a fight to continue it. We are 
all talking about saying no. We are all talking about that the time has 
come when we have to do business differently. We have a lot of major 
problems out there. We have a lot of people who need help. Would I 
rather help those people or would I rather help Big Oil do essentially 
what they are mandated to do anyway? The choice is easy. The choice is 
clear. Would I want to continue a high, protective tariff on the least 
environmentally friendly commodity, corn ethanol? It is not even algae. 
It is not cellulosic. It is not sugar cane. It is the least 
environmentally friendly feedstock used to produce ethanol.
  I have opposed this from the beginning because I am not that 
prescient, I just knew that once we started this it wasn't going to 
end. Once we started it, it was going to be more, more, more. That is 
the beat. If we can sell it in the next few hours with the proposal 
that meets the strictures of both sides of this great institution--we 
are trying to do that, but there are people who strongly believe it 
should be ended quickly, and that is what this cloture vote this 
afternoon will show. It would be the first consequential vote of the 
Senate to say that major subsidies to oil companies, to do what they 
are mandated to do, have come to an end. Protective tariffs of the 
least environmentally friendly source of ethanol will come to an end, 
and they will come to an end in a timely way. This is what the 
government should be doing.
  I would like to yield the floor at this time. I know this has been 
tough. The big surprise to me has been how emotional our caucus on the 
Democratic side has been, and I understand the other side's caucus, the 
Republican side, was emotional as well. This appears to be much more 
major than the legislation itself might signal. I am very hopeful we 
will have 60 votes. That would send a very loud message from the 
Senate.
  Thank you very much.
  I yield the floor.

                               Exhibit 1

     Hon. Tom Coburn,
     U.S. Senate,
     Washington, DC.
     Hon. Dianne Feinstein,
     U.S. Senate,
     Washington, DC.
       Dear Senators Coburn and Feinstein, The undersigned 
     livestock and poultry groups appreciate your leadership with 
     the introduction of ``The Ethanol Subsidy and Tariff Repeal 
     Act,'' which would end 30 years of tax credits for 
     conventional ethanol and end the tariff on imported ethanol 
     on July 1st.
       At a time when animal agriculture is facing pressures on 
     many fronts, this legislation would ease the economic strain 
     that is heavily affecting the industries that rely so heavily 
     on corn to feed livestock and poultry. Corn-based ethanol has 
     distorted the corn market, and stretched corn supplies to the 
     point production costs have been increased significantly. 
     Additionally, the current import tariff on foreign sources of 
     ethanol harms U.S. consumers by retarding the development of 
     a robust and sustainable biofuels market.
       If enacted, your legislation would save taxpayers nearly 
     $3.3 billion in 2011. Experts such as the Congressional 
     Budget Office and the Government Accountability Office have 
     already concluded that the subsidy is unnecessary and leading 
     economists agree that ending it would have little impact on 
     ethanol production, prices, or jobs.
       This legislation will help American consumers by ending the 
     costly and unnecessary protection and subsidization of 
     converting corn into fuel. We applaud you for your leadership 
     on the issue and strongly encourage Congress to pass this 
     legislation promptly.
           Sincerely,
     American Meat Institute.
     California Dairies, Inc.
     National Chicken Council.
     National Cattlemen's Beef Association.
     National Meat Association.
     National Pork Producers Council.
     National Turkey Federation.
                                  ____

       My name Paul Cameron and I am a commercial cattle feeder 
     from the Imperial Valley. My company employs 32 hard working 
     men and women. Many of these employees are second and third 
     generation to the livestock business. Our cattle rely 
     primarily on Midwestern grown corn as their primary source 
     for grain. This year 41% of our nation's corn crop will be 
     used up by a heavily subsidized ethanol industry. In a year 
     where nationally our grain inventories have already been 
     reduced by adverse weather conditions, corn has risen in 
     price by 140%. Because of this, any chance of profitability 
     in all protein industries has vanished.
       The cattle inventory in our own operation is being reduced 
     and we have already begun the process of laying off many of 
     our employees. Coming from a county with 27.9% unemployment 
     (April-EDD), these good, hard-working people will be 
     relegated to trying to find jobs where there are none. These 
     are the very people that take pride in the fact that they not 
     only feed a nation, but also feed the world.
       Energy independence for our nation is vital, but the 
     production of abundant, safe, and healthy proteins for the 
     world's population is every bit as important. As cattle 
     producers nationwide, who have never asked for a subsidy of 
     any kind, we only ask that ethanol production stand on its 
     own and allow true supply and demand dictate the real price 
     of corn.
                                  ____


                               Exhibit 2

                                                    June 13, 2011.
     Hon. Harry Reid,
     Majority Leader, U.S. Senate, Washington, DC.
     Hon. Mitch McConnell,
     Minority Leader, U.S. Senate, Washington, DC.
       Dear Congressional Leaders: The undersigned diverse group 
     of business associations, hunger and development 
     organizations, agricultural groups, environmental groups, 
     budget hawks, grassroots groups and free marketers urge you 
     to support the Coburn-Feinstein amendment, No. 436, to the 
     Economic Development Revitalization Act (S. 782), which would 
     end 30 years of tax credits for conventional ethanol and end 
     the tariff on imported ethanol on July 1st.
       Conventional ethanol is due to receive some $6 billion in 
     refundable tax credits this year. Continuing to subsidize oil 
     companies to blend ethanol--which they are already required 
     to do by the Renewable Fuels Standard--is wasteful and 
     unnecessary. This amendment will save U.S. taxpayers several 
     billion dollars this year and have virtually no impact on 
     ethanol production, jobs or prices.
           Sincerely,
       Action Aid USA, American Bakers Association, American 
     Frozen Food Institute, American Meat Institute, Americans for 
     Limited Government, Americans for Prosperity, California 
     Dairies, Inc, Clean Air Task Force, Competitive Enterprise 
     Institute, Defenders of Wildlife, Environmental Working 
     Group, Friends of the Earth, Freedom Action, Greenpeace USA, 
     Grocery Manufacturers Association, International Dairy Foods 
     Association, Milk Producers Council.
       National Black Chamber of Commerce, League of Conservation 
     Voters, National Chicken Council, National Council of Chain 
     Restaurants, National Meat Association, National Restaurant 
     Association, National Turkey Federation, National Wildlife 
     Federation, Natural Resources Defense Council, Oxfam America, 
     Sierra Club, Snack Food Association, Southern Alliance for 
     Clean Energy, Taxpayers for Common Sense, U.S. PIRG, Union of 
     Concerned Scientists, World Wildlife Federation.

[[Page S3855]]

     
                                  ____
                               Exhibit 3


                                      Western United Dairymen,

                                   Modesto, CA, December 10, 2010.
     Hon. Dianne Feinstein
     U.S. Senate,
     Washington, DC.

       Dear Senator Feinstein: The plan to extend the ethanol 
     blenders tax credit and tariff in the tax package will add 
     significantly to the economic distress this country's dairy 
     farm families have experienced for the past two years. In 
     addition, if this plan goes forward, these incentives will 
     have been extended without debate while the country's deficit 
     and debt situation grows more alarming nearly every day and 
     responsible people disagree over the environmental benefits 
     of corn ethanol.
       Producers are still reeling from low prices resulting from 
     the loss of export markets caused by the worldwide financial 
     crisis in late 2008. Throughout that time, dairy farmers' 
     production costs have remained very high. The erosion in 
     equity experienced by dairy farmers in this country over the 
     past 24 months is of staggering proportions.
       Estimates are that the U.S. will use upwards of one-third 
     of the nation's corn crop to make ethanol this year, and that 
     was before the EPA recently increased the amount that can be 
     blended by 50%. The USDA now estimates this year's average 
     farm price for corn between $4.80 and $5.60/bushel. That is 
     up nearly 25% from the estimate just two months ago and 
     compares to the previous record of $4.20/bushel in 2007/08.
       The blenders tax credit is also unnecessary. Mandates 
     requiring the use of renewable fuels will ensure significant 
     demand for corn ethanol for the foreseeable future.
       Please oppose inclusion of corn ethanol incentives in the 
     tax package. An issue that is this costly, in so many ways, 
     deserves significant debate prior to a vote.
           Very truly yours,
                                          Michael L.H. Marsh, CPA,
     Chief Executive Officer.
                                  ____


            [From the National Cattlemen's Beef Association]

    NCBA Supports Legislation to End Ethanol Subsidy, Import Tariff

       Washington (May 3, 2011).--National Cattlemen's Beef 
     Association (NCBA) President Bill Donald said the Ethanol 
     Subsidy and Tariff Repeal Act, which was introduced today by 
     U.S. Senators Tom Coburn (R-Okla.) and Dianne Feinstein (D-
     Calif.), would end 30 years and more than $30 billion of 
     taxpayer support for the corn-based ethanol industry and 
     would finally level the playing field for all commodities 
     relying on corn as a major input. The legislation would 
     repeal both the Volumetric Ethanol Excise Tax Credit (VEETC) 
     and the tariff on imported ethanol by no later than June 30, 
     2011.
       ``NCBA supports the development of renewable and 
     alternative fuels and we know ethanol plays a role in 
     reducing our dependence on foreign oil. However, we don't 
     support forcing taxpayers to prop up an industry that should 
     be able to stand on its own two feet,'' said Donald who is 
     also a cattleman from Melville, Mont. ``Senators Coburn and 
     Feinstein should be commended for their leadership on this 
     issue and for introducing this commonsense legislation that 
     will not only level the playing field for a bushel of corn 
     but will also save taxpayers more than $6 billion annually.''
       Donald said the VEETC and the ethanol import tariff put 
     other end-users of corn, including cattlemen and women, at a 
     severe competitive disadvantage. From December 2007 to 
     February 2010, the cattle feeding sector of the beef industry 
     lost a record $7 billion in equity due to high feed costs and 
     economic factors that have negatively affected beef demand. 
     Between 2005 and 2008, corn prices quadrupled, reaching a 
     record high of $8 a bushel and are more than $7 a bushel 
     today. Donald said this volatility in the marketplace was a 
     result of ethanol mandates and subsidies artificially pushing 
     feed costs higher.
       ``It's no secret that supplies are tight. In fact, the U.S. 
     Department of Agriculture has predicted ethanol will account 
     for 40 percent of this year's corn crop. All we are asking is 
     to compete head-to-head for a bushel of corn. That's what 
     this legislation will accomplish,'' Donald said. ``The 
     federal government shouldn't be in the business of picking 
     winners and losers. We urge all senators to take a stand on 
     the side of good government and support this legislation.''

  The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Indiana.
  Mr. COATS. Mr. President, I wish to say to the Senator from 
California, many of the points she made are valid. I came back for the 
purpose of addressing our overspending and that involves all kinds of 
tax expenditures and all kinds of subsidies. It is necessary because of 
our current debt and deficit situation. We have to get control of this. 
It is the only reason I ran. It is the only reason I am back in the 
Senate, with a commitment from the people of Indiana who supported me 
that, yes, this is what needs to be done in Washington. So I am not 
here to criticize the efforts of Senator Coburn or Senator Feinstein 
and others to begin to address these subsidies. That is exactly what we 
need to do.
  I think the phrase of the Senator from California: ``This is what we 
are doing in a timely way,'' goes to the heart and the essence of where 
I believe we need to go. We have subsidized, for some valid reasons 
early on, the production of ethanol. We did that because we said we are 
not independent in terms of our energy production, and our dependence 
on oil--particularly Middle Eastern oil. Our dependence is not only 
costly to us from the standpoint of OPEC setting the price of oil 
worldwide, based on their output, but also from the standpoint that we 
have spent a lot of money in blood and treasure to continue this 
dependence on oil, by placing troops in the Middle East. Would anybody 
think we would pay nearly as much attention to the Middle East as we 
are now were it not for the fact the oil supply that comes from there 
is absolutely necessary for our economy and the world economy? I think 
everyone in this Chamber would say we want less dependence on foreign 
sources and more independence. So the production of homegrown energy 
out of corn or other products grown in the soil which can be converted 
to a form of energy, so we-use less foreign oil and more of our own 
resources to drive our trucks and cars and fuel our planes, is a valid 
goal.
  To get that started--I wasn't here--but Congress passed a set of 
subsidies in order to encourage that industry. On the basis of that, 
States, private entities, public-private partnerships committed to move 
forward with production of ethanol. We are at a point now where there 
is essentially agreement that this subsidy has to be phased out, taken 
away, and the producers of ethanol agree. Maybe it is a political 
reality or for whatever reason.
  As I spoke to ethanol producers across my State, I basically said we 
cannot continue this subsidy in our current situation of debt. It has 
always been designed to become economically feasible, and it would be 
related to the price of oil. Well, the price of oil has gone up. This 
gives ethanol producers a more level playing field.
  The problem many of us from the Midwest have--but I will only speak 
for myself--many of us from corn-growing and ethanol-producing States--
and Indiana, by the way, is one of the leading States in the Nation, 
producing a significant percentage of ethanol--is that this amendment 
basically says it is over now. A bipartisan group has come together 
around a transition proposal Senator Thune has put forward. I am all 
for a straight up-or-down vote on the best way to eliminate this 
subsidy and to phase it out completely. I can't imagine anybody here 
would think, as we address Tax Code expenditures, that there wouldn't 
be a transition process in place for eliminating that expenditure for 
an industry or for an individual in the United States.
  I joined Senator Wyden, a Democrat, in a bipartisan effort for 
comprehensive tax reform. Our proposal basically eliminates most of the 
special provisions in the tax code, totaling almost $1 trillion. We 
take away these specialized tax provisions in a way to reduce rates and 
make our companies more competitive, lower individual rates and 
simplify the Tax Code. But, we know that in doing so, there has to be a 
transition period. We cannot just yank away from the private sector or 
the public-private sector an economic basis on which they went forward 
and committed to that particular entity and product. So all we are 
asking for is a transition process.
  I know there is talk about giving Members a vote next week on this 
proposal and so forth. I don't blame Senator Coburn and Senator 
Feinstein one bit for using a procedural rule--actually, Senator 
Feinstein did not do that and did not support that and I think deserves 
a second vote. I don't fault Senator Coburn for using procedural 
methods which were maybe not necessarily something of precedent, but it 
is possible under our procedures to do what was done in order to get 
his vote on the floor. He has been asking for that vote for weeks, if 
not months. It is an issue we ought to be debating. But there ought to 
be a debate--an honest debate--between essentially the two sides of 
this issue, both of which agree the subsidy ought to be removed; one of 
which says we remove it today on this vote, the other says we remove it 
over a period of time--3 years or so. We take the money immediately 
saved and donate it to reducing the deficit,

[[Page S3856]]

but we take some of the money in order to transition away from the 
subsidy, which is what Senator Thune is trying to do without getting 
into all the details, which I don't need to do.
  What I am here to do is to plead for an opportunity to debate both 
sides of this; to have a vote on the Coburn amendment and a vote on the 
Thune legislation, winner take all--that is the way it works here--and 
let the chips fall where they may. But at least we will have had an 
honest debate about two alternatives to try to reach the same goal. One 
takes a longer period of time than the other. The Senate will vote and 
the yeas will be yeas and the nays will be nays and the yeas will 
prevail and we will move forward on that basis. All we have now is a 
promise that maybe we will give the Senate an opportunity to bring 
something up next week so we can vote on the phaseout program.
  Some Members will say: Hey, this is great. I can vote for both, and 
then I can go home and say, yes, we need to eliminate the subsidy and 
that is why I voted for Senator Coburn's amendment. Then I can also say 
the following week I voted for Senator Thune. One of these should work. 
We have it both ways.
  We should make a distinction between which way we want to go and what 
we want to do. I happen to choose, for I think valid reasons, that we 
ought to transition out of this because of the enormous financial 
commitment made on the part of ethanol producers in my State, and the 
enormous benefit that has come to our agriculture sector which has 
grown a lot of corn and paid a lot of taxes, helping our economy grow. 
But to just yank it away from them right away because we say this has 
to be done right now without any transition, I don't think it is fair 
to all those who have made that commitment.
  Does ethanol need to be economically viable to compete with other 
forms of energy? Yes. Did it need--and I wasn't here, again, but this 
body of Congress, including the administration, said it needed a head 
start so we could reduce our dependence on foreign oil, and they gave 
them that in the form of these subsidies and in the form of a tariff 
and in the form of some credits. Financially, have we come to the point 
where we now need to look at this, as well as hundreds of other 
subsidies and tax expenditures that we simply can no longer afford? The 
answer is, yes, we have come to that point. But is the best way to do 
this, particularly in this instance, where there is more than just an 
interest for one or two companies, which we find in so much of the Tax 
Code. There is a national security interest in this as well. Our 
military says our continued dependence on foreign sources of oil is a 
national security issue affecting our troops, affecting our 
expenditures, affecting our deployments, where these people need to go 
to keep the ceilings open, to keep the oil flowing, and so forth?
  So there is a national basis on which we need to have competing forms 
of energy that can lessen our dependence, and ethanol is one of those. 
Does it need to be economically viable? Absolutely. How do we get 
there? We can get there by pulling the rug out from them now, shutting 
it down, and seeing a precipitous drop in ethanol production because it 
is no longer economically viable or, as Senator Thune has tried to do 
and a coalition of us who support that, we can put in place a sensible 
way to reduce this subsidy to zero, to bring ethanol to a point of 
economic viability on its own and immediately send a significant 
amount--$1 billion--to reduce the deficit. So this could be a 
transition to allow ethanol to be an economically viable part of our 
ability to provide transportation energy without having to call up the 
Middle East and say: Keep sending it and, by the way, we will send our 
troops, we will send our money, we will send our treasure because we 
absolutely have to have this to drive our economy.
  I think there is compelling reason to allow the Thune amendment to be 
heard on the floor, to give Members an opportunity to debate and make 
their case on each side, take a vote, and we will let the chips fall 
where they may. But we will at least have had the courage to stand up 
and honestly say: This is where I come down, this is what I stand for, 
and then the voters can decide whether they like that. But I think it 
makes sense from an economic standpoint and from an energy independence 
standpoint. Also, it is common sense that anybody who has been 
encouraged by this body to invest in this product to reduce our 
dependence on oil, to at least give them a chance to phase this thing 
down so they don't necessarily put a padlock on the refining plants and 
basically put them out of business. That doesn't achieve the goal--the 
very reason this body put these enhancements and subsidies in place in 
the first place.
  Conclusion: We need to phase out the subsidy. There are other 
subsidies and other expenditures out there we can eliminate now without 
having this kind of adverse economic effect and without having a 
negative effect on our national security, but this is not one of them.
  I urge my colleagues and I urge the leadership to allow the pleas of 
Senator Thune and others of us to be heard so we have an honest debate, 
an honest choice, and then we accept the results.
  With that, I yield the floor, and I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Brown of Ohio). The clerk will call the 
roll.
  The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mrs. FEINSTEIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mrs. FEINSTEIN. Mr. President, I ask that I could briefly respond to 
the Senator's comments. Senator Coats and I work together on 
Intelligence. I have great respect for him. I understand the regional 
issues involved, so I understand the Senator's thinking. My thinking 
is, we get a strong vote on this today. This is simply a cloture vote. 
We have 60 votes. We have some time to see if we can work something 
out.
  One thing I have learned in this whole line of pursuit is, if you 
give your word, keep it. The only thing you have is your integrity, and 
I give you my word that we will continue to try to bring both sides 
together.
  I know this is a long journey. I know we will be blue-slipped and we 
have to come back and we will have to have a bill we can put a tax 
matter on. That is for a later day. I think we are into this, and so 
many people want kind of a clean vote, that if we have that, I am 
prepared to give you my word to continue to try to discuss this.
  My own view on these things is to do the very best we can, try to 
reach a compromise when issues are like this, and march on to the next 
thing. This has become far harder than I anticipated. I think we are 
relatively close to a solution, to a compromise. Whether Senator Coburn 
will accept it, I do not know. But I know these discussions are going 
on, and all I can do is pledge you my best effort to try to get to 
something that satisfies everybody.
  If you come from a large ethanol-producing State, I understand what 
this means. On the other hand, I also understand this is going to be 
the first of many coming down the line. We have to change the way we do 
business if we are going to carry out the mandate of a prudent 
government, we have to make a lot of changes. None of it is going to be 
easy, so we might as well get used to it now. But for whatever it is 
worth, you have my word I will continue to try.
  Mr. COATS. Well, Mr. President, if the Senator would yield.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Indiana.
  Mr. COATS. I accept that fully. Having had the opportunity to work 
with Senator Feinstein on the Intelligence Committee, I do not hesitate 
for a second to accept her word and know she will keep it. It has been 
a pleasure to work with her on that committee. We spend many hours 
behind closed doors discussing issues of great importance to this 
country, and she has provided great leadership in that effort.
  I will look forward to working with the Senator from California, 
accept fully her offer. Hopefully, we can find a good solution to this 
issue. I could not agree with Senator Feinstein more that this is the 
first of many things, tough decisions we are going to have to make. If 
we are not flexible in making these decisions at this time of clear 
fiscal distress, we are going to be judged very harshly by the markets 
and by

[[Page S3857]]

our constituents. They know we are spending too much. They know we need 
to make decisions, some of which will be painful. We are trying to do 
this in a way that does not become Draconian, and I appreciate the 
words of the Senator from California in terms of the willingness to sit 
down together and work this through.
  As the Senator said, this will be the first of many difficult days 
ahead. But what is encouraging and ought to be encouraging to the 
American people is, there is a bipartisan commitment--first of all, a 
bipartisan understanding of the plight we are in--I wish we were not 
here, but we are--and a bipartisan understanding, a growing bipartisan 
understanding, that working together is the only solution to this. 
Because if it becomes stalemate, we are doing a great disservice to the 
future prosperity of the country and its impact on future generations, 
including our current generation and the many people who are out of 
work who need an economic recovery to take place sooner rather than 
later.
  I thank the Senator for her comments and look forward to working with 
her, along with others, in this, the first of probably many difficult 
but important and necessary discussions.
  Mrs. FEINSTEIN. I thank the Senator.
  Mr. COATS. Mr. President, I yield the floor and suggest the absence 
of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, I rise in support of the Feinstein 
amendment that would eliminate at long last the subsidies for ethanol, 
corn-based ethanol in America. In a little while, we are going to have 
a chance to vote, and I would ask my colleagues to support the 
Feinstein amendment.
  I thank the leader for making time on the calendar so we can vote on 
this issue, and I hope a majority will support this amendment. I know 
we have a 60-vote threshold, and I hope we would be able to express, at 
long last, that it is time to eliminate this subsidy.
  This is an issue that has brought together an unusual and broad-based 
support among those who are seeking to eliminate this subsidy. We have 
taxpayer advocates who understand this is a subsidy that taxpayers 
should not be underwriting. We have hunger and development 
organizations which recognize the impact on ethanol on the corn crop is 
affecting the affordability of food not only here, but it is having a 
major impact around our entire country.
  We have agricultural groups, including the Maryland poultry growers 
and integrators, who support the repeal of the subsidy for ethanol. 
That is because the poultry industry understands the impact the ethanol 
subsidies are having on the poultry industry. I will talk a little bit 
more about that.
  We have free market groups that say: Look, let the market work. There 
is no need for us to interfere with the free market. We have religious 
organizations. We have environmental groups--and I will talk a little 
bit more about that--that although the ethanol subsidy was originally 
put on, we thought, for a positive environmental impact, it is having 
the reverse impact. Because of the amount of energy that is necessary 
to produce ethanol, all the good we thought was being done has been 
lost.
  Then we have those who are budget hawks who are saying: Look, we are 
being asked to do a lot to bring the budget into balance. There are a 
lot of hard decisions. Why don't we at least eliminate these 
unnecessary subsidies in an attempt to bring our budget more into 
balance?
  The wide range of interest groups supporting this issue has fostered 
wide bipartisan support for repealing this credit for ethanol. So we 
have an opportunity to bring together a lot of different groups, to 
work across party lines, to start the process, to bring our 
agricultural programs into better balance, to have a better energy 
policy, to help create jobs, and also to deal with our budget deficit.
  According to the GAO, this credit ``is a wasteful and duplicative'' 
federally funded support program for an industry that already enjoys a 
mandated market share under the renewable fuels standard.
  Since 2006, the renewable fuels standard has required oil companies 
to blend increasing amounts of ethanol into our gasoline. So when we 
repeal this credit, when we repeal the break the ethanol industry 
receives, it will not impact on the market from the point of view of 
the amount of ethanol that will be available.
  Especially during times of fiscal constraint, it simply does not make 
sense to continue giving billions of dollars to a robust and thriving 
industry from which American consumers see little benefit.
  We have a huge budget deficit. The Presiding Officer understands 
that. I understand that. The people of Ohio, the people of Maryland 
understand that. We need to look at ways we can bring the budget 
deficit down. Repealing unnecessary subsidies should clearly be at the 
top of our list.
  With more than 40 percent of America's corn crop going into fuel, the 
increased demand has made feed extraordinarily expensive.
  Let me share with you what I have heard from my poultry farmers on 
the Eastern Shore of Maryland. The poultry industry is an important 
part of the economic fiber of the Eastern Shore of Maryland. The 
poultry industry translates into jobs for people who live on the 
Eastern Shore of Maryland. It is extremely important. Yet the single 
largest cost factor for the poultry industry is the corn feed that goes 
into producing the poultry--feeding the chickens.
  With such a high cost factor, the arbitrary demand factor for corn as 
a result of ethanol has raised the cost of producing poultry in my 
State, costing us jobs. The elimination of this subsidy will help us 
maintain and expand jobs in the State of Maryland and around the 
region.
  While corn-based ethanol may be a homegrown fuel, it is an extremely 
energy and water resource-intensive process to produce. So where we 
thought we were producing an energy source that would be favorable to 
our Nation, it takes so much energy to produce the ethanol that at the 
end of the day, we have used imported energy to produce our own 
homegrown energy source, and we do not benefit from the point of view 
of having energy independence in America.
  The energy savings are minimal when you take into consideration how 
much energy it takes to produce ethanol, not to mention that ethanol 
burns less efficiently in our engines than regular fuel, and the higher 
the concentration, the fewer the miles per gallon the driver gets. The 
result is, we use more energy, when we were trying to save energy. It 
does not make sense over the long term.
  A tax break for ethanol is a gift to the oil companies and the grain 
producers--a gift that actually harms American consumers and our 
environment.
  Corn is a staple food commodity that is found in millions of American 
products from food additives to livestock feed. More than one-third of 
our Nation's corn is now going into the production of ethanol.
  So this is causing a problem in our food stock--the amount of corn 
that goes into ethanol in America. It is time we eliminate this 
arbitrary subsidy that is causing a disruption, making it more 
difficult for people to afford their basic products.
  The increased demand for corn is raising the price of everything from 
eggs to milk to soft drinks to chicken to breakfast cereals, and it is 
the American consumer who is being hit the hardest with these higher 
food prices.
  Using corn to make ethanol also harms our environment. Once corn is 
harvested, it is a costly and energy-intensive process to turn it into 
ethanol fuel fit for commercial sale. We need to develop sustainable, 
renewable biofuels--those that are not derived from a food-based 
commodity such as corn--to make our Nation less dependent on foreign 
energy sources.
  I support developing the next generation of algae or cellulosic 
biofuels. I do not support providing billions of dollars for a fuel 
product that is driving up the cost of food, harming our environment, 
and doing little to reduce our

[[Page S3858]]

consumption of foreign oil. It is time we stop subsidizing Big Oil to 
produce a fuel they will produce with or without an additional $6 
billion a year of subsidy.
  I hope my colleagues also support the Feinstein amendment that would 
eliminate this subsidy so we can eliminate this unnecessary subsidy, 
help make food more affordable for the people of our Nation, and help 
us develop an energy policy that does make sense for America, that will 
help our security and help our economy.
  For all of those reasons, I will support the Feinstein amendment. I 
urge my colleagues to do so.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. CORKER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. CORKER. Mr. President, I rise to speak today on behalf of a 
Coburn-Feinstein amendment that we will be voting on later. It is rare 
that people in this country who are receiving a tax credit tell us, as 
servants of the United States, that they do not want the tax credit 
they are receiving.
  I think most people in this room are aware that we are spending about 
$6 billion a year on something called a blenders tax credit. My 
understanding is that the blenders who receive this tax credit have 
shared with us that this is a waste of money, and they would like for 
this to end.
  So we have an amendment today--and it is at an especially fortunate 
time for us, at a time when we are having tremendous fiscal issues in 
this country--we have an amendment before us today to do away with this 
tax credit, which seems to me to be only something of common sense.
  I think most people in America know that years ago in Congress we 
passed a mandate that requires a certain amount of ethanol to be used. 
So this mandate is already in place. This mandate forces the use of a 
certain number of gallons of ethanol in this country. But on top of 
that, our country is now paying 45 cents for every gallon that is 
blended. Those people who receive this have told us this is 
unnecessary, that it is a waste of taxpayer money and they do not want 
it.
  So the Coburn-Feinstein amendment does away with it. It also does 
away with a tariff--importers that import ethanol into our country now 
pay a tariff--which actually raises the price of ethanol. It actually 
raises what people are now paying at the pump because they have to pay 
a tariff to import this into our country. It does away with that 
tariff.
  So this is a very commonsense amendment. I certainly thank Senator 
Coburn and Senator Feinstein for offering this amendment at a time when 
our country is in such financial straits. It is rare that we have 
something like this, again, where those people who actually receive 
this credit would like to do away with it.
  I know it has been argued that at the end of this last year we all 
voted for certain tax issues. That is an interesting argument--except 
what happens at the end of the year is, we do these en masse. There are 
minor provisions within this package that we have no opportunity to 
take out. So here this massive group of tax credits comes to us, and we 
have to vote up or down on a package of them. That is huge and has all 
kinds of tax provisions in it.
  So there are some people in this body who have said: Well, but we 
just voted this in place. Well, we voted a package in place, but many 
of us for years have argued that this tax credit is redundant. We have 
argued that it is a waste of taxpayer money. We have argued that with 
the mandates in place there is absolutely no need for this, and the 
tariff that goes along with this, where we pay for imported ethanol. We 
pay more because of this tariff. It is absolutely a burden to American 
consumers and certainly, again, to taxpayers.
  I thank the Senators for offering this amendment. I look forward to 
supporting it. This is one of those amendments--sometimes we vote on 
things down here that, candidly, are rather mundane. This is one of 
those amendments that I not only support, I support with tremendous 
enthusiasm and energy. I urge all of my colleagues in the Senate to 
support this very commonsense amendment that does something that is 
responsible for consumers; that does something that is responsible for 
taxpayers; and, obviously, will make our country stronger if it passes. 
I have a sense it may.
  I urge those on the Senate floor to please consider it if they are 
now middle ground and have not made a decision.
  I yield the floor, and I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. COBURN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. COBURN. Mr. President, I have spoken on this earlier in the week. 
I will not spend a great deal of time today. Thanks to the majority 
leader, we will have two votes this afternoon on items that I think are 
representative of critical problems in our country.
  The first is a vote on an amendment by Senator Feinstein and myself 
that eliminates payment to the largest refining and oil companies in 
this country to blend ethanol, which they have honestly admitted--and 
they sent us a letter saying it--they don't want.
  The second is on whether we will subsidize, with Federal tax dollars, 
additional pumps to use ethanol.
  The reason the votes are important is because the way we get out of 
trouble as a nation is a couple of billion dollars at a time. We have a 
Federal mandate that says X amount of fuel has to be blended with 
ethanol every year. That will rise to 22 billion gallons in 2015. So 
there is no reason for us to pay somebody to blend it when they already 
have to, and we have seen the shift in the industry from small entities 
to the very large. When this program started, it was about less than a 
billion dollars in cost. It will now be, on an annualized basis, around 
$6 billion. While we are running a $1.6 trillion deficit, we need every 
penny we can get. So I am thankful this has been brought up. But it 
begs the larger question--actually there are two. One, can we trust 
markets--real markets--to work more effectively than Washington 
mandating and dictating policies?
  Throughout our history--if you look at it in total--no government can 
ever do any allocation of scarce resources as well as the market can. 
The markets are not perfect. There is no question, they make mistakes 
and cause occasional shortages. But overall, in the long run, markets 
work much better than a bureaucratic Soviet-style mandate of what we 
will do and what price we will pay for it.
  The second question it begs is, what is our country's energy policy? 
We send a quarter of a trillion dollars a year outside this country for 
oil and gas, liquids and natural gas. That is a quarter of a trillion 
dollars that we could invest here and pay for our own resources.
  We are the only nation in the world where our resources are owned by 
the citizens and our own government limits our ability to utilize it.
  The CRS just finished a study that shows that the oil and gas 
reserves in the United States are greater than that of Saudi Arabia, 
China, and Canada combined. So the question is, why aren't we using 
ours, rather than sending money overseas and undermining our own 
economy and not creating jobs?
  The projections are that if we would truly utilize our resources, we 
could create close to 190,000 jobs a year in the exploration and energy 
business--without subsidies, without tax credits; that is what would be 
the result. With oil near $100 a barrel, and we continue to send the 
money out of the country instead of going after our own resources, 
which are plentiful, we have to ask the question, what are we doing?
  The final point I will make is, when you buy ethanol-blended gasoline 
and you look at the price and you see, here is regular that has no 
ethanol in it, and here is ethanol-blended gasoline that is about 20 or 
25 cents cheaper, it is important that the American people understand 
that you need to add $1.72 to that to get the real price you are paying 
for that blended gasoline, because that is what your government has put 
into the pipeline in the way of loans,

[[Page S3859]]

grants, subsidies, blenders credits, and taxes on imported ethanol. So 
even though it looks cheaper, it is not. It is about $1.40 more, when 
you look at all the costs taken from you as a taxpayer and put into the 
pipeline and given to the special interests, in terms of what we will 
have, and where we will have it, and when we will have it.
  I support ethanol alternative fuel, especially now that it has 7\1/2\ 
percent of our market. But the best way for ethanol to survive is for 
it to stand on its own two feet, without subsidies, without us spending 
dollars we don't have to get something that we are going to get anyway.
  I am extremely pleased with my discussions with Senator Reid. I am 
thankful to Senator Cardin, as well as Senator Feinstein. She has been 
working on this for a long time. She opposed this when it started. She 
recognizes that what we have actually done is not help ourselves that 
much. We have markedly increased the cost of food. We can say 40 
percent of the corn crop this last year went for ethanol, and corn is 
at historic highs. When you look at a poultry producer or beef producer 
or pork producer or lamb producer or turkey producer or milk producer 
or egg producer, their largest cost has doubled because of this policy.
  Quite frankly, America is lucky because the worldwide demand for 
grains--given our wonderful farm community and their ability to 
produce--is extremely high and our farmers are extremely efficient. So 
this policy will not affect farm prices significantly right now. But, 
hopefully, in the future it will bring them down to a more moderate 
level.
  Two-and-a-half years ago, corn was at $3 a bushel and most corn 
farmers made money. It is now above $7, even though their input costs 
have risen somewhat with the increase of oil prices. The farms in our 
country that raise grains have never been in better shape--if they can 
get a crop in. I know we have areas in the country where that hasn't 
happened.
  So I think overall we are starting to address some of the misdirected 
capital formation in this country by backing off on government picking 
of winners and losers, and I am thankful for the opportunity to speak 
on that.
  I yield the floor, as I see the Senator from Iowa is here.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mrs. Hagan). The Senator from Iowa.
  Mr. HARKIN. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that upon the 
completion of my remarks, the Senator from Ohio, Mr. Brown, be 
recognized for his statement.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. HARKIN. Madam President, I strongly oppose both the amendment 
offered by Senators Feinstein and Coburn and the one offered by Senator 
McCain that we will be voting on in a couple of hours.
  My message today is very simple: This assault on America's ethanol 
industry is both misguided and undeserved. This is truly a homegrown 
industry built on the investment and labor of many thousands of 
Americans providing a product that helps us with one of our most 
pressing national issues--our dependency on imported oil. Yet here we 
are debating amendments that I think clearly tell the industry: You 
aren't important, you don't matter, and you don't have the support of 
the American people. I think that is not only the wrong message but a 
misguided message to be sending, and I will tell you why.
  We have been struggling with our dependency on oil for almost 40 
years. One of our strategies over that period of time has been to 
develop and commercialize biofuels. I am proud to have been involved 
from the beginning and I continue to this day to be a strong advocate 
for renewable biofuels produced from domestic feedstocks. We started 
working on this, as I said, over 30 years ago. It has been a long 
campaign, but it has been a remarkably successful campaign when you 
think about it. It took about 20 years for ethanol to get to the point 
of contributing just a few percent to our gasoline supply. In the past 
10 years, biofuels, and particularly ethanol have gotten to the point 
where they now displace about 10 percent of our gasoline supply. Think 
about that: 10 percent of our gasoline supply, used basically for 
transportation, is displaced by biofuels. I think that is a remarkable 
achievement. No other alternative supply comes close.
  In fact, no alternative supply provides even 1 percent of our 
domestic fuel demand. Let me repeat that: No other alternative to 
ethanol comes even close to displacing 1 percent of imported oil. Yet 
ethanol is displacing 10 percent today. Again, a remarkable 
achievement.
  Our oil dependency problem is still with us. We still depend on it 
from many nations that are unstable or unfriendly to us, and it is 
getting worse. Oil imports are costing us on average, over the last few 
years, about $100 per barrel.
  I know many of my colleagues share my strong concern about oil 
imports and the need to find alternatives, and that is why we passed 
new CAFE standards in the Energy Independence and Security Act of 2007. 
That is why we adopted a mandate for renewable biofuels in that same 
bill--a mandate for their use. Going back further, that is why we began 
providing tax incentives for biofuels production already in the 1970s. 
That is why we promoted alternative fuels in the 1991 Energy bill. That 
is why many of us today are promoting hybrid and electric vehicles. And 
that is why we need to continue to support the production of ethanol 
and other domestic biofuels.
  Just as increasing efficiency standards have been a big success in 
reducing demand, promoting biofuels has been, by far, our biggest 
success on the supply side. They have gone from a few percent at the 
turn of the century to about, as I said, 10 percent today. Moreover, 
looking ahead, the most likely supply-side alternative to displace the 
next 10 percent of our gasoline demand is biofuels. Again, we 
recognized this fact in 2007 when we adopted the renewable fuels 
standard 2 RFS2--that requires 36 billion gallons of biofuels by 2022--
36 billion gallons of biofuels by 2022.
  Now, again, we should pay attention to the options. Let's promote 
alternatives, such as electric vehicles. I am all for that. But we 
should also make sure, since we are going to be using liquid fuels for 
most of our transportation fleet in the next 10, 20 years and beyond 
that we look at the biofuels. It is renewable--renewable and clean. Our 
biofuels challenge isn't production or even economics; our challenge is 
adapting our transportation markets, our fuel markets, to be able to 
utilize the biofuels.
  Again, as I said, most of our biofuels are in the form of ethanol. 
That will continue to be our principal biofuel for many years to come. 
However, today we can only displace 10 percent of our gasoline in the 
form of a 10-percent blend of ethanol. It is called E10. You can go to 
your gas stations--and my friend from Oklahoma was referring to the 
ethanol blends, which is what we have today--and those are limited. 
Most of it is E10. Again, we need to be able to use higher blends--15 
percent, 20 percent, even as high as 85 percent of ethanol.
  In fact, in my State, and in our neighboring State to the north, 
Minnesota, we are beginning to see pumps called E85--85 percent of the 
fuel that comes out of it is ethanol, and only 15 percent is gasoline. 
Quite frankly, the flexible-fuel cars run just fine on that 85 percent 
blend. The problem is we need more blender pumps at our filling 
stations. We don't have them, but we need them. We have them in a few 
States, but very few States have blender pumps. So we need to pass a 
bill like S. 187, the Biofuels Market Expansion Act, which I introduced 
in January.
  I remember a few years ago that Senator Lugar and I had a meeting in 
the Ag Committee room. We had the major oil companies come in to ask 
them why they didn't put more blender pumps in their fuel stations. 
Their answer was very clear and very logical.
  They said: Well, why would we take up valuable space in our filling 
stations for a blender pump when there are almost no flexible-fuel cars 
out there that could use it? Point well taken.
  So after that we called in the automobile companies. I know we had 
Chrysler, Ford, GM, Honda, I believe there was, and we asked them: Why 
don't you make more flexible-fuel cars? The response, from their 
viewpoint, was very logical: Why should we build more flexible-fuel 
cars when there aren't any blender pumps out there? Point well taken.
  So here we have the chicken and the egg dilemma. The oil companies 
say

[[Page S3860]]

they don't want to put in blender pumps with no flex-fuel cars out 
there, and the automobile manufacturers say they don't want to build 
flex-fuel cars because there are no blender pumps.
  I might point out that in Brazil almost every car built by Ford, by 
GM, by Honda, or Toyota--those built in Brazil--are basically built for 
flexible fuel. They will burn anything from 10 to 20 to 50 to 85 
percent--actually, in Brazil, up to 100 percent--of ethanol. That is 
the direction we need to go here.
  With these two amendments today, we find ourselves going in exactly 
the wrong direction. The Feinstein-Coburn amendment tells the ethanol 
industry that it no longer has the support of Congress. The McCain 
amendment would block one of the most critical things we need to do; 
that is, the installation of flexible-fuel pumps.
  I have said many times that we can reform our biofuels policy. I am 
more than willing to give up the ethanol tax credit. I have said that 
before on the Senate floor. We can give up the ethanol tax credit if 
the ethanol industry has access to the market. But when we take the two 
amendments together, one pulls the rug out from underneath the ethanol 
industry in terms of its tax credits--and I am saying: OK, fine. That 
is fine. We can do that, if we have access. Then the McCain amendment 
comes along and says: No, no, you can't use any of the funds we have 
put in the last Ag bill--which had tremendous bipartisan support, I 
might add--for blender pumps at fuel stations.
  So here we have it. Tell the ethanol industry it can't get the tax 
credits, and guess what. We are going to keep them from getting access 
to the marketplace. That is what we need--market access for ethanol. 
You can go to Exxon and Mobile and Shell and all those gas stations. Do 
you think they want to put in an ethanol pump? They are OK with 10 
percent--they will do the 10 percent now--but we need them to put in 
those blender pumps, and the automobile companies need to produce cars 
that are flexible fueled. They do a few of them now, but every car 
built ought to be flexible fuel so people can choose.
  As I have said, ethanol can stand on its own two feet now, if people 
have the right and the freedom and the ability to use it. But if we are 
up against monopolistic kinds of filling stations that won't permit a 
blender pump to be put in, then ethanol has no marketplace.
  We also need to build a dedicated pipeline for ethanol. The oil 
companies and the gas companies have their own pipelines. They would 
not put any ethanol through those pipelines. They say it is due to 
water and all that, but let's face it. They won't put any ethanol 
through their pipelines. The private sector can build--not the 
government but the private sector--and is willing and ready to build a 
dedicated pipeline from the Midwest to the east coast. A couple of 
companies have already secured most of the rights-of-way and are ready 
to go. All they need is one simple thing: a loan guarantee. They do not 
need money, just a simple loan guarantee so they know they can build 
the pipeline and that the ethanol industry can use it and get the fuel 
to the east coast, where the majority of our population is right now 
and where we don't have enough ethanol in our major population centers.
  So, again, we need to redouble our national commitment to expanding 
the use of renewable energy and weaning ourselves off of imported oil. 
But we are not going to do it with these two amendments today. The 
ethanol industry just wants the marketplace to be able to accept it, 
and they will stand on their own two feet. They can do that. That is 
more important than the tax subsidies.
  I might also add, I remember debating this issue with the then-
Senator from Texas, Mr. Gramm. We had a lot of debates on the Senate 
floor back in the 1980s or 1990s, I guess, on this issue.
  I pointed out at that time that if you talk about the tax credits and 
support from the government the ethanol industry has gotten, it pales 
in comparison to the dozens of years of tax writeoffs and benefits we 
have given the oil companies in America going clear back to about 1920.
  If you think about all the tax benefits we have given the oil 
companies in America to drill, to produce, to ship, to pipe, to refine, 
to market, and add it all up, ethanol is just a small part of that. But 
the oil companies have never given up. They have never given up on 
their assault on ethanol and on biofuels.
  The Coburn amendment is precipitous. At the end of the year, the 
ethanol tax credits are going to expire. Hopefully, before the end of 
the year, we will reach some agreement, work out something where we 
have more access to the marketplace, and then we can do away with the 
tax credits. But we should not take an action that would slash the 
value of the ethanol industry's primary product by nearly 20 percent 
overnight.
  Think about it this way. We have a 1-year extension of the ethanol 
tax credits that goes to the end of this year. We did that. The 
Congress did that. We said that to the industry. Investors have come 
in, modifications in plants have been made, plants have been built. Yet 
in the middle of the year we are going to say no? We are going to take 
it away?
  To all my friends over there who keep talking about the private 
sector and how we need the private sector and don't need the 
government, you are going to pull the rug out from underneath the 
private sector on a guarantee that we gave them earlier this year. No 
industry could survive a shock such as that, and it is wrong. It is 
wrong to do that at this point in time.
  We all know one thing. This afternoon, people can come down and vote 
against ethanol, vote against the tax credits for the ethanol industry, 
vote to cut off marketplace access to ethanol, but nothing is going to 
happen. The House will blue-slip it, and then we will be on to doing 
what needs to be done in a logical way; that is, to reduce the tax 
credits for ethanol, which I am in favor of doing. In fact, we then can 
promote market access.
  Senator Lugar and I, in the past, have worked on bills together, 
basically like the bill introduced this year, that would do three 
things: It would mandate a certain proportion of blender pumps be 
installed at the large gasoline stations, those that are owned by the 
major oil companies. It would provide tax credits to the small mom-and-
pop stations that would put in the blender pump in their station, the 
independents. Third, it would mandate a gradual increase over the next 
few years of the number of cars produced in America and sold in America 
that are flexible fueled. If we do all those things, ethanol will stand 
on its own two feet.
  I wished to say one last thing before I yield the floor to the 
Senator and that is this. Right now, much is made of the fact that 
there is $5 billion of tax credits this year going to the ethanol 
industry. I understand that. However, because of the lower price of 
ethanol, because we are blending 10 percent ethanol into gasoline, all 
the people in America today are paying less for their gasoline than 
they otherwise would if we didn't have ethanol. So if you take that 
into account, the fact that the consumers of America, when they fill 
their gas tank, are paying less than they would if they didn't have 
ethanol, that more than offsets the $5 billion we have put into the tax 
credits for ethanol support.
  So, yes, we have supported the ethanol industry with $5 billion. I 
dare say, we have gotten back probably twice as much as that in savings 
at the gas pump for the consumers of America.
  Perhaps that is what the oil companies are mad about. Maybe they 
would like to have that money for themselves. I suppose that is 
probably true. I understand that. But I think our obligation is to the 
consumers of America and to the private sector, which is operating on a 
guarantee we gave them that we would have these tax credits at least 
until the end of this year, and I think on an implicit guarantee that 
we gave that we would make sure there would be a marketplace that would 
be open and accessible for biofuels.
  So that is what we need to do, to reduce the tax credits but open the 
marketplace for the ethanol with blender pumps and with flexible fueled 
cars. But that is not before us today. But we will continue to work 
together again toward the end of this year to make a reasonable, smooth 
transition from the tax credits to access to the marketplace, and I 
will take the floor again and again during the remainder of this year 
on these issues.

[[Page S3861]]

  I am not doing it today, but I will show the amount of tax benefits 
that the oil companies have gotten over the last 80 years. Add that up 
and compare it to what the ethanol industry has gotten over the last 
about 30 years, and you will see that the oil companies have gotten a 
lot more than what ethanol has ever received from the government.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Arizona.
  Mr. McCAIN. Madam President, I rise in support of my amendment. I 
would ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business to speak on 
Libya.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.


                                 Libya

  Mr. McCAIN. Madam President, yesterday, the President made an 
announcement that I believe will strike most of my colleagues and the 
Americans they represent as a confusing breach of common sense. Two 
administration lawyers claimed that U.S. military involvement in Libya 
is not in breach of or calls for the War Powers Resolution. In other 
words, they believe our military activities in Libya do not require a 
War Powers Resolution because the United States is not engaged in a 
state of hostilities in Libya.
  This puzzling assertion seems to be undercut by the very report that 
the administration sent to Congress yesterday, which makes it clear 
that the U.S. Armed Forces have been and presumably will continue to 
fly limited strike missions to suppress enemy air defenses, to operate 
armed Predator drones that are attacking Qadhafi's forces in an effort 
to protect Libyan civilians, and to provide the overwhelming support 
for NATO operations, from intelligence to aerial refueling.
  I agree actions such as these don't amount to a full-scale state of 
war, and I would certainly grant that I am no legal scholar, but I find 
it hard to swallow that U.S. Armed Forces dropping bombs and killing 
enemy personnel in a foreign country doesn't amount to a state of 
hostilities.
  Unfortunately, this only adds more confusion to our already confusing 
policy in Libya. Our policy objective, as stated by the President 
correctly, is to compel Qadhafi to relinquish power. Yet that is not 
our military objective. The administration claims to have turned the 
operation in Libya over to NATO, an alliance in which the United States 
makes up three-quarters of the collective defense spending, as 
Secretary Gates recently pointed out. The administration sought the 
blessing of the United Nations, the Arab League, and NATO before using 
force in Libya but still has not sought a similar authorization or 
statement approval from the elected representatives of the American 
people. That is wrong.
  The result of all this, I hate to say, is plain to see in the actions 
of our colleagues on the other side of the Capitol in the House. There 
is massive and growing opposition to continuing the U.S. involvement in 
Libya. There has already been one piece of legislation passed that 
binds the President's authority as Commander in Chief. There could 
likely be a vote soon to cut off funding for the entire operation. In 
short, the accumulated consequences of all this delay, confusion, and 
obfuscation has been a wholesale revolt in Congress against the 
administration's policy.
  I take no pleasure in pointing this out, because though I have 
disagreed, and disagreed strongly at times, with aspects of the 
administration's policy in Libya, I believe the President did the right 
thing by intervening to stop a looming humanitarian disaster in Libya. 
Amid all our present arguments about legal and constitutional 
interpretations, we can't forget the main point: In the midst of the 
most groundbreaking geopolitical event in two decades, as peaceful 
protests for democracy were sweeping the Middle East, with Qadhafi's 
forces ready to strike at the gates of Benghazi, and with Arabs and 
Muslims in Libya and across the region pleading for the U.S. military 
to stop the bloodshed, the United States and our allies took action and 
prevented the massacre that Qadhafi had promised to commit in a city of 
700,000 people. By doing so, we began creating conditions that are 
increasing the pressure on Qadhafi to give up power.
  Yes, the progress toward this goal has been slower than many had 
hoped, and the administration is doing less to achieve it than I and 
others would like. But the bottom line is this: We are succeeding. 
Qadhafi is weakening. His military leaders and closest associates are 
abandoning him. NATO is increasing the tempo of its operations and 
degrading Qadhafi's military capabilities and command and control. The 
Transitional National Council is gaining international recognition and 
support and performing more effectively, and though their progress is 
uneven, opposition forces in Libya are making strategic gains on the 
ground.
  I know many were opposed to this mission from the very beginning, and 
I respect their convictions. But the fact is, whether people like it or 
not, we are engaged in Libya and we are succeeding. So I would ask my 
colleagues, is this the time for Congress to begin turning against this 
policy? Is this the time to ride to the rescue of the man whom 
President Reagan called the mad dog of the Middle East? Is this the 
time for Congress to declare to the world, to Qadhafi and his inner 
circle, to all the Libyans who are sacrificing to force Qadhafi from 
power, and to our NATO allies who are carrying a far heavier burden in 
this military operation than we are--is this the time for America to 
tell all these different audiences that our heart is not in this, that 
we have neither the will nor the capability to see this mission 
through, that we will abandon our closest friends and allies on a whim?
  These are questions every Member of Congress needs to think about 
long and hard but especially my Republican colleagues. Many of us 
remember well the way that some of our friends on the other side of the 
aisle savaged President Bush over the Iraq war, how they sought to do 
everything in their power to tie his hands and pull America out of that 
conflict with far too little care for the consequences their actions 
would have on our friends, our allies, our interests, and our moral 
standing as the world's leading power. We were right to condemn this 
behavior then, and we would be wrong to practice it now ourselves 
simply because a leader of the opposite party occupies the White House.
  Last week, Qadhafi wrote a personal letter of thanks to the Members 
of Congress who voted to censure the President and end our Nation's 
involvement in Libya. Republicans need to ask themselves whether they 
want to be part of a group that is earning the grateful thanks of a 
murderous tyrant for trying to limit an American President's ability to 
force that tyrant to leave power.
  The goal for all of us in this body, Democrats and Republicans alike, 
should not be to cut and run from Libya but to ensure we succeed. In 
the very near future, Senator Kerry and I, along with a strong senior 
bipartisan group of our colleagues, will introduce an authorization for 
the limited use of military force in Libya. The administration may 
assert that we are not engaged in hostilities in Libya, but the Senate 
should go on record as authorizing these operations. We are in a state 
of hostilities, and the only result of further delay and confusion over 
Congress's role in this debate will be to continue ceding the 
initiative to the strongest critics of our actions in Libya.
  We plan to introduce the authorization soon. I urge the majority 
leader to schedule a vote on it quickly. The Senate has been silent for 
too long on our military involvement in Libya. It is time for the 
Senate to speak. When that time comes, I believe we will find a strong 
bipartisan majority that is in favor of maintaining our current course 
in Libya, that supports our seeing this mission through to success, and 
that is willing to continue standing in the breach with our allies 
until the job is done.
  Madam President, amendment No. 411 would prohibit the U.S. Department 
of Agriculture from funding the construction of ethanol blender pumps 
or ethanol storage facilities--the latest request from the ethanol 
lobby. By prohibiting funding for these pumps and storage facilities we 
will prevent American taxpayers from spending over $20 billion to 
convert the 20,000 gasoline pumps currently under construction.

[[Page S3862]]

  During Tuesday's cloture vote on the ethanol tax credit amendment, 
some members that voted against cloture cited concerns with the 
procedural tactics used to bring up the vote; the ``unfairness'' of 
ending the subsidy in midyear, therefore ``pulling the rug'' out from 
underneath the ethanol industry; and that it was somehow premature to 
end over 30 years of subsidies unless it was coupled with further 
funding for ethanol infrastructure construction.
  I hope my fellow critics of the ethanol tax credit have taken notice 
of this new tactic over the past few weeks. For ethanol supporters, 
this debate has been about where and how to prop up the industry in the 
future--not whether the ethanol industry deserves future taxpayer 
support.
  It is time to say enough is enough; this industry has been collecting 
corporate welfare for far, far too long. For those of us who have been 
fighting against these handouts over the last two decades, it has been 
far too long since we have had a full debate on this issue.
  As a reminder to some of my colleagues of how this debate and support 
of corn-ethanol handouts has shifted over the years, I would like to 
read a portion of a floor statement on ethanol subsidies I delivered on 
March 11, 1998.

       Mr. President, let me just take a moment and try to explain 
     why we have such generous ethanol subsidies in law today. The 
     rationale for ethanol subsidies has changed over the years, 
     but unfortunately, ethanol has never lived up to the claims 
     of any of its diverse proponents.
       In the late 1970s, during the energy crisis, ethanol was 
     supposed to help the U.S. lessen its reliance on oil. But 
     ethanol use never took off, even when gasoline prices were 
     highest and lines were longest.
       Then, in the early 1980s, ethanol subsidies were used to 
     prop up America's struggling corn farmers. Unfortunately, the 
     usual ``trickle down'' effect of agricultural subsidies is 
     clearly evident. Beef and dairy farmers, for example, have to 
     pay a higher price for feed corn, which is then passed on in 
     the form of higher prices for meat and milk. The average 
     consumer ends up paying the cost of ethanol subsidies in the 
     grocery store.
       By the late 1980s, ethanol became the environmentally 
     correct alternative fuel.
       Unfortunately, the Department of Energy has provided 
     statistics showing that it takes more energy to produce a 
     gallon of ethanol than the amount of energy that gallon of 
     ethanol contains. In addition, the Congressional Research 
     Service, the Congressional Budget Office, and the Department 
     of Energy all acknowledge that the environmental benefits of 
     ethanol use, at least in terms of smog reduction, are yet 
     unproven.

  These facts are as true today as they were 13 years ago. In fact, we 
now have a better understanding of the negative effects corn-ethanol 
has on both the environment and food prices than we did 13 years ago.
  But it is important to note that while attention is being paid--and 
rightly so--to eliminating the unneeded and wasteful ethanol tax 
credit, the corn-ethanol lobby is seeking a new ethanol-stimulus 
package by attempting a congressional runaround to continue bilking 
American taxpayers out of their money.
  Instead of seeking approval from Congress, lobbyists have convinced 
the USDA to change the rules of the Rural Energy for America Program to 
pay for new gas station pumps at retail stations at the expense of 
solar, wind, and energy efficiency projects. In fact, the President has 
announced his goal to fund the construction of 10,000 ethanol blender 
pumps and tanks within the next 5 years--a down payment on future 
ethanol-stimulus spending.
  Supporters of ethanol corporate welfare are happy to tell you that if 
they get their way, these 10,000 blender pumps and tanks will be the 
tip of the iceberg for billions in new federally funded corn-ethanol 
infrastructure development.
  To be perfectly clear: Not content with government support to 
subsidize ethanol, protect it from competition, or require its use, 
lobbyists now want American taxpayers to pay for the construction of 
pumps and holding tanks at retail gas stations.
  Of course, the U.S. Department of Agriculture is happy to comply with 
the industry's request to fund infrastructure construction. On April 8, 
2011, Secretary Vilsack issued a rule that would classify blender pumps 
as a renewable energy system qualifying it for funding under the Rural 
Energy Assistance Program.
  When Congress created the Rural Energy Assistance Program it had no 
intention of paying gas station owners to upgrade their infrastructure, 
further subsidizing the ethanol industry.
  Furthermore, as a bonus to any gas station owners that take advantage 
of the grant program, once the Federal Government has built the 
blending pumps and holding tanks, retailers will be eligible to receive 
the ethanol tax credit, double dipping in the Federal Treasury.
  How expensive will this ethanol stimulus be if the special interest 
lobby gets its way? According to the U.S. Department of Agriculture an 
ethanol blender pump and tank cost an average of $100,000 to $120,000 
to install. With over 200,000 fuel pumps currently operating in the 
U.S. it would cost over $20 billion to convert them all. This is one 
stimulus project that we cannot afford.
  And for those concerned about the lack of support for wind and solar 
projects, a recent Congressional Research Service--CRS--report 
indicates that tax credits and subsidies for solar, wind and geothermal 
power will cost $8.62 billion from 2008 to 2012; the ethanol tax credit 
alone would cost over three times more--$26.5 billion. Allowing the 
Rural Energy for America Program to continue funding blender pumps and 
tanks will only continue this trend.
  For my colleagues that really wanted to end the corporate welfare 
handouts to the corn-ethanol industry but were concerned over the 
process issues surrounding the ethanol tax credit vote or concerned 
about the fairness of ending the tax credit in midyear, you can rest 
assured that those concerns to not apply to this amendment.
  It is time Congress takes a step towards ending unneeded and 
unnecessary payouts to a robust and strong industry. In a time of 
fiscal constraint, when all are being asked to make a sacrifice, we 
should expect more from leaders in the private sector than continuing 
to seek handouts--``stimulus projects''--from the Federal Government.
  I was disappointed, obviously, in the vote that we took concerning 
the ethanol subsidies and I know probably how the vote on this 
amendment will turn out. The message is: Americans, we are not serious 
about heeding the mandate of last November to stop spending, to stop 
wasteful projects, to stop the unnecessary projects such as ethanol 
subsidies. We are going to spend 20 billion of your tax dollars in your 
local gas station to install a pump.
  No wonder the American people, according to recent polls, are 
disillusioned, disappointed, and pessimistic about our future. This 
vote on this amendment will confirm an ample and adequate reason and an 
understandable reason for that pessimism.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, I know we are scheduled to have two 
votes around 2 o'clock today on the ethanol issue. Once we are past 
those amendments, we have a number of other important issues to be 
debated and hopefully scheduled for votes. Senator Hutchison, for 
example, has one on health care lawsuits, Senator Portman on unfunded 
mandates, Senator Brown on withholding payments, Senator DeMint has an 
amendment on the death tax and the renewable fuels standards. In 
addition, our ranking member and manager, Senator Inhofe, has a couple 
of amendments as well.
  I will be talking to the majority leader during the next votes to see 
how we can begin to schedule votes on these and other amendments that 
may need to be considered before we move to final passage.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. CORKER. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. CORKER. Madam President, I arrived today to speak to the McCain

[[Page S3863]]

amendment. I noticed my colleague from Arizona was just on the floor. I 
wanted to say I appreciate him offering this amendment. As with the 
Coburn-Feinstein amendment, I support his amendment.
  I also wanted to make reference to the comments he made regarding our 
conflict in Libya. I agree with him--these are my words--that it is 
bizarre the administration sent over a letter yesterday, referring to 
the fact that we are not involved in hostilities in Libya. It is really 
totally bizarre when you look at what is going on in the air in Libya 
right now. I have no idea why Mr. Coe would have offered this argument. 
I know we are going to have a hearing in Foreign Relations in the next 
couple of weeks to look at this issue.

  Thirdly, I would like to point out one of the reasons we are in this 
situation right now where Congress has not authorized anything in the 
administration--I sent a letter to the administration, Secretary Gates 
and Secretary Clinton, 9 weeks ago just asking five questions about our 
engagement in Libya. I received last week a letter from an Acting 
Assistant Secretary that gave me half an answer on one of those five 
questions.
  I think most people in this body are aware that Senator Webb and I 
then authored a resolution asking 21 questions of the administration 
regarding Libya. I thank them for transmitting to us some information 
on Libya yesterday. We have not yet gotten access to the classified 
versions of it. We have, obviously like everyone else here, I am sure, 
read the unclassified version. But I think the reason we find ourselves 
in the place we are is we just have not been able to get information 
from the administration regarding this conflict.
  I know the Senator from Arizona and the Senator from Massachusetts 
are working on an authorization request, a limited authorization. I 
hope they will potentially wait until we have the answers to all 21 
questions, the same questions to which many of the House Members wanted 
the answer. I share with them the frustration that Congress has not 
taken any action and would say I am really stunned by the fact that the 
administration has chosen not to give responses to questions until 
yesterday. And really this was done in response to I know what they saw 
was a movement in Congress just wondering why in the world they would 
be so resistant to answering basic questions regarding a conflict.
  But then secondarily, again, just the bizarre answer that we are not 
involved in hostilities--I mean, you can't tell Senators one thing in 
private, the same Senators, and tell them something else in public and 
expect Senators to feel any degree of credibility regarding those 
statements.
  I thank the Senator from Arizona for the comments he has made. We 
have had an amicable relationship regarding this discussion. We have 
had like thoughts on several aspects of this conflict, and we have had 
probably some differing thoughts, but I am here today to say I agree 
with him that his amendment is an amendment that needs to be passed. I 
agree with him that it is incredible that we have not acted as a 
Congress, and I would say the big reason for that is just the lack of 
information. For some reason, the administration has gone to seek 
approval from the United Nations but has not shown any desire to seek 
approval from Congress. It is just, again, odd.
  Then thirdly is just the bizarre nature of this administration saying 
that what we are doing there does not involve hostilities when in their 
unclassified version that the whole world has the ability to see, there 
is no way the engagements they have said in an unclassified document 
are occurring in Libya do not involve hostilities. That is just 
absolutely categorically not possible.
  I do hope that very soon Congress will take action. I hope that all 
the questions we have asked for answers to have been answered, and I 
think all of us will know very soon when we actually gain access to the 
classified versions of what has been sent over.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Minnesota.
  Ms. KLOBUCHAR. I see I am joined by the Senator from Iowa, who I know 
will speak shortly and has been a leader in biofuels and energy for 
many years.
  I rise to speak about the votes we will have later today on the 
amendments that would immediately cut off support for our homegrown 
energy industry with I guess a few days' notice. I did not think there 
was precedent for this decision. If this were to ultimately pass--I am 
not certain this is the vehicle that would allow it to go into law, but 
if it were to pass, we would have made a decision that is different 
from the decision in January affecting an industry that employs nearly 
500,000 people.
  I wish to talk about the amendment offered by my friend, the Senator 
from California. And I would hope, I would say first, that if we were 
voting twice on an amendment in just a few days, it would be something 
that creates jobs or decreases our dependence on foreign oil, but that 
is not the case here. We are talking about pulling the rug out from an 
industry that provides 10 percent of the Nation's fuel supply and 
supports nearly 500,000 jobs. I don't think people quite understand 
that about biofuels. I think they think it is some boutique industry. 
Madam President, 10 percent of our Nation's fuel supply at a time when 
gas is up near $4 a gallon.
  We know there is support for phasing out the current ethanol tax 
credits. I have a bill to do that. Senator Grassley has another bill to 
do that. We understand that at a time when our country is facing severe 
budget constraints. But the question is not if we should do it--we 
will--it is when and how.
  We all know homegrown energy has played an important part in reducing 
our dependence on foreign oil and supported thousands of jobs. We also 
know that as we continue to move our Nation toward energy 
independence--by the way, we actually are moving up in terms of our own 
energy independence, which is a goal that I believe every Member 
strongly supports, and that is that homegrown energy will be a 
significant part of our solution. We need a glidepath and not a cliff 
for the only alternative to oil.
  Immediately ending all support for the biofuels industry, as the 
amendments we are considering propose to do, would stifle investment in 
not only the existing ethanol industry but also the newly developed 
cellulosic--yes, that is part of this--cellulosic, algae, and the next 
generation of biofuels, which I think holds the most hope for this 
country. In fact, many of the first advanced biofuel plants are co-
located with corn ethanol plants. You cannot promote next-generation 
fuels by ending a tax policy for existing biofuels 6 months into a 1-
year extension with only a few days' notice.
  Again, the real debate is not about whether we end this tax credit--
we know we should do it, and I believe we should do it with oil, too, 
but right now we are on biofuels--it is about how we do it. That is why 
the Senator from South Dakota, Mr. Thune, and I continue to work toward 
the bipartisan compromise to reduce our deficit and offer a reasonable 
way to reform the biofuels industry and achieve significant deficit 
savings immediately. And I appreciate our colleagues talking to us. We 
have had many meetings, and we are working very hard to get this done. 
We need to work toward a pragmatic solution that reforms the ethanol 
industry without harming jobs or driving up gas prices at a time when 
gas is over $3.70 a gallon.
  An article in the Chicago Tribune underscored the fact that if we 
cease to produce the 13 billion gallons of ethanol we make every year, 
it will drive up prices at the pump by as much as $1.40 per gallon in 
the short term. Does the Senate actually think we can afford to raise 
gas prices by $1.40? Do my colleagues think we can afford $5-per-gallon 
gas?
  I look forward to working with my colleagues on a more responsible 
option that will reduce the deficit and not suddenly disrupt an 
industry that supports $3 billion in economic activity in my State 
alone.
  I also wish to say a few words in opposition to the amendment offered 
by my friend from Arizona, Senator McCain. Our current policies provide 
incentives for many different kinds of fuel-dispensing technologies--
from hydrogen to natural gas, to electric hookups, to ethanol--but the 
McCain amendment singles out only biofuel

[[Page S3864]]

blender pumps and proposes to cut all incentives for investment in 
these pumps at a time when we need to be expanding our fuel supply 
options, not limiting them to oil from Saudi Arabia. We should be 
investing in the farmers and workers of the Midwest and not the oil 
cartels of the Mideast.
  What the McCain amendment does is focus on limiting those blender 
fuel pumps. Blender pumps do not require customers to use ethanol. That 
is why they are blender pumps. They give consumers a choice at the pump 
and help lower gas prices for all consumers, even those who do not use 
the higher blends of ethanol.

  From 2000 to 2010, competition from ethanol reduced wholesale 
gasoline prices by an average of 25 cents per gallon, saving American 
consumers an average of $34.5 billion annually. During the gasoline 
price runup in 2010, the impact of ethanol and gasoline prices was 
substantially larger, reducing gasoline prices by a national average of 
89 cents per gallon.
  Giving consumers a choice of using higher blends of renewable fuel 
has allowed the country of Brazil to become energy independent, and we 
can do the same here.
  The McCain amendment would also do more than limit consumers' options 
at the pump. I know North Carolina is a good military State. This would 
prohibit the U.S. military from constructing blender pumps or storage 
tanks that can use more fuels that would be more resilient in case of a 
fuel supply cutoff from OPEC or other disruptions in the global fuel 
supply.
  Our dependence on foreign oil has been widely recognized by our 
military and diplomatic leaders as a major strategic vulnerability. To 
respond to this, we have taken important steps in recent years to 
encourage U.S. Government and military fleet vehicles to be fuel 
flexible as part of our efforts to reduce both our spending on fuel and 
our dependence on foreign oil. Shouldn't we allow our homegrown ethanol 
to compete with foreign oil to fuel these vehicles?
  I urge my colleagues to oppose the McCain amendment. At a time when 
families and businesses across the Nation are battling high fuel costs, 
we should be giving them more options at the pump, not less.
  Today's votes on the Feinstein amendment and the McCain amendment are 
part of a process. We all know it is not the final result. While I 
strongly oppose both amendments, I also know that regardless of the 
outcome today or even the outcome of that vote 2 days ago, we still 
have work to do.
  I appreciate the willingness of the Senator from California and the 
Senator from Oklahoma to continue to negotiate with Senator Thune and 
myself. These are serious ongoing negotiations. I am hopeful that in 
the coming days we can reach a bipartisan compromise. It is not just 
about one amendment on a bill that is not the vehicle where we can get 
this done, but, in fact, we actually have a bipartisan compromise that 
balances our need to continue to support homegrown biofuels with our 
need to reduce our deficit and to do this in a way that actually puts 
money right now back to our government to pay off this debt.
  I see Senator Grassley, who knows a little bit about finances with 
his major role on the Finance Committee, and also, as a farmer, a 
little bit about the biofuels industry.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Manchin). The Senator from Iowa.
  Mr. GRASSLEY. I compliment Senator Klobuchar on her leadership in 
trying to find, first of all, leadership in supporting biofuels and 
alternative energy but also working very hard for the last few weeks to 
find a compromise on this issue that is a very difficult issue and very 
divisive here within the Senate.
  So we are voting at 2:00 today on these amendments to which Senator 
Klobuchar has already referred. The first is an amendment by Senators 
Feinstein and Coburn repealing the incentive for domestically produced 
ethanol. I emphasize ``domestically produced'' because we do not have 
to worry about oil sheiks robbing us of all of our resources when you 
burn ethanol the way you do when you burn imported gasoline. The second 
amendment is offered by Senator McCain, prohibiting the U.S. Department 
of Agriculture from using funds for the installation of blender pumps.
  These amendments won't lower the price of gasoline at the pump. That 
is what people today are concerned about--the price of gas at the pump. 
These amendments won't lessen our dependence on foreign oil. We spend 
$835 million every day importing oil. And these amendments won't create 
a single job in the United States. In fact, they will do just the 
opposite. They will raise the price of gasoline, make us more dependent 
on foreign oil, and they won't create a single job. Most importantly, 
these amendments also won't save the taxpayers any money because they 
stand little chance of being enacted. Even if the amendments were to 
pass today, they won't get out of this Chamber because of our 
Constitution that says that revenue measures must originate in the 
House of Representatives. So when this bill, if it passes the Senate, 
goes to the House, they are going to reject it, or they use the term 
``blue slip'' this bill, and it is going to come back to the Senate. So 
this bill, with these amendments, is dead on arrival in the other body.
  It is also dead on arrival at the White House. We have had 
indications in a statement that President Obama opposes repealing the 
incentives and is open to new approaches that meet today's challenges 
and save taxpayers money.
  I remember one of the first policy discussions I had with then-new 
Senator Obama. I was chairman of the Finance Committee. He came up, and 
we talked about what we could do working together to promote ethanol as 
an alternative energy. His idea was incorporated into a piece of 
legislation that became law. I was glad to work with him on it. So I 
thank President Obama for the statement he recently gave--again, now, 
as President of the United States--supporting alternative energies, 
biofuels, and, in this case, specifically ethanol.

  The votes at 2 o'clock, then, are a fruitless exercise. So in a sense 
we are in political theater here as we debate these issues. We have 
already had this vote, and it was defeated 40 to 59.
  Everybody knows oil is now hovering near $100 a barrel, and everybody 
knows, as we hear once a month or maybe are reminded every day, 
unemployment is 9.1 percent. So why has the Senate taken a full week, 
voting twice, on the same amendment that will increase prices at the 
pump, increase dependence upon foreign oil, and lead to job loss, or at 
least do nothing about the unemployment rate?
  We should be having this debate in the context of a comprehensive 
energy plan. This debate should include a review of the subsidies for 
all energy production, not just singling out ethanol. Nearly every type 
of energy gets some market-distorting subsidy from the Federal 
Government. An honest energy debate should include ethanol, oil, 
natural gas, nuclear, hydropower, wind, solar, biomass, and probably a 
lot of other alternative energies I don't think of right now. By 
discussing it in the context of an overall energy policy instead of 
singling out ethanol right now, we would be able to then make sure we 
have a level playing field for all forms of energy because the 
government shouldn't be choosing between petroleum and alternative 
energy, as an example.
  When the oil and gas subsidies were targeted, as the ethanol 
subsidies are being targeted right now and oil and gas subsidies were 
targeted last month, the president of the National Petrochemical and 
Refiners Association had this to say:

       Targeting a specific industry, or even a segment of that 
     industry, is what we would consider punitive and unfair tax 
     policy. It is not going to get us increased energy security, 
     increased employment, and it is certainly not going to lower 
     the price of gasoline.

  Well, those very same words could be said about the ethanol debate we 
are having right now because it would surely increase our energy 
insecurity, it would increase unemployment, and it is certainly not 
going to lower the price of gasoline.
  So it seems to me that the old saying about what is good for the 
goose ought to be good for the gander applies. So what is good for a 
subsidy on petroleum and the people who defend that--why would we want 
the inconsistency we are demonstrating here? Because

[[Page S3865]]

that gets back to how I voted on that provision about a month ago. I 
voted that we ought to deal with oil and gas and ethanol and all of 
those things in the same context and make sure they fit into an overall 
national energy policy.
  In December 2010, Congress enacted this 1-year extension of VEETC, 
the volumetric ethanol excise tax credit, also known as a blenders' 
credit. We extended it for 1 year. That is what is being repealed in 
the Coburn amendment. This 1-year extension has allowed Congress and 
the domestic biofuels industry to determine the best path forward for 
Federal support of biofuels and for the phasing out of that subsidy.
  As a result of these discussions, Senator Conrad and I introduced 
bipartisan legislation on May 4 that is a serious, responsible first 
step to reducing and redirecting Federal tax incentives for ethanol. 
Our bill will reduce and phase out VEETC over a period of a few years. 
It also would extend through 2016 the alternative-fuel refueling 
property credit, the cellulosic producers' tax credit that deals with a 
second generation of ethanol from things other than grain, and the 
special depreciation allowance for cellulosic biofuels plant property.
  Earlier this week, I joined Senator Thune and Senator Klobuchar in 
introducing another bipartisan bill to immediately reduce and reform 
the ethanol tax incentive. It includes many of the same features as the 
bill I introduced last month with Senator Conrad, but it enacts these 
reforms this year, right now. Senator Thune's approach also leads to 
significant deficit reduction.
  The legislation we have introduced is a responsible approach that 
will reduce the existing blenders' credit and put those valuable 
resources into investing in alternative-fuel infrastructure, including 
alternative-fuel pumps or, as Senator Klobuchar used the term, blender 
pumps. It would also make significant investments in advanced and 
cellulosic ethanol. That is the second generation of ethanol. That is 
where we want to go so we are not using grain for fuel. It is a 
forward-looking bill that deserves widespread support.
  The Thune-Klobuchar bill of which I am a cosponsor will responsibly 
and predictably reduce the existing tax incentive and help get 
alternative-fuel infrastructure in place so consumers can decide which 
fuels they prefer. We shouldn't pull the rug out from under this 
industry that has made these enormous investments. We need to provide a 
transition.
  I know that when American consumers have the choice, they will choose 
domestically produced, clean, affordable, renewable fuel. They will 
choose fuel from America's farmers and ranchers, rather than from oil 
sheiks and foreign dictators.
  Both of the ethanol reform bills I mentioned are supported by the 
ethanol advocacy groups. In an almost unprecedented move, the ethanol 
industry is advocating for a reduction in their Federal incentives. No 
other energy industry has come to the table to reduce or eliminate 
subsidies. No other energy lobby has come to me with a plan to reduce 
their Federal support. For sure, Big Oil hasn't come forward with any 
suggestions on reducing their subsidies.
  The best way to get deficit reduction that gets to the President's 
desk with a Presidential signature is a responsible transition such as 
the one offered by Senator Thune and Senator Klobuchar. Otherwise, this 
exercise today and these two votes today are a waste of time. This vote 
will simply put many Members of this body on record in support of a 
$2.4 billion tax increase.
  I would encourage those who wish to reduce incentives and save 
taxpayers' money to work with Senators Thune and Klobuchar and the rest 
of us on a responsible transition that has a chance of being enacted 
and, most importantly, signed by the President; therefore, I urge my 
colleagues to oppose these two amendments.
  I have always said that ethanol shouldn't be singled out, that it 
ought to be talked about in the context of an overall energy policy. 
But one of the reasons it has been able to be separated from all of the 
rest of the alternative energy as well as from all the rest of our 
energy policies we have for this country is because there is a great 
deal of ignorance about ethanol. We can tell that in this town when we 
hear a lot of people mispronounce the word ``ethanol'' with a long 
``e.'' So I want to refer to some of these things, and I am going to 
use statements from the sponsor of the bill and refute some of these 
things I think are really wrong.
  The first one:

       We can save $3 billion if we eliminate the VEETC blending 
     subsidy.

  Well, there are a lot of numbers thrown around about how much this 
incentive costs and how much the Coburn amendment would save. I have a 
letter from the Joint Committee on Taxation with a score of the Coburn 
amendment. The fact is, the amendment, if enacted on July 1, 2011, 
would increase revenue to the Federal Treasury by $2.4 billion, not $3 
billion as the author stated. Again, the Coburn amendment, if enacted, 
would be saving $2.4 billion. That is from the Joint Committee on 
Taxation; that is not my estimation. That is the estimation of the 
people who score for the Congress of the United States what impact 
various tax bills have.
  Another statement:

       All the blenders of gasoline in the United States--all of 
     them--have called and written and said: ``We do not want the 
     $3 billion for the rest of the year.''

  I have a letter from the Society of Independent Gasoline Marketers of 
America--and they go by the acronym SIGMA--to the Senate majority and 
minority leaders opposing efforts to prematurely and abruptly eliminate 
the blenders' credit, contrary to the statement I just read that all 
the blenders want to do away with this.
  The letter states:

       As the leading marketers of ethanol-blended fuel at the 
     retail level, SIGMA members and customers are the 
     beneficiaries of VEETC. Simply put, SIGMA opposes recent 
     moves to prematurely or abruptly end the subsidies without 
     any consideration for future fuel and fuel-delivery costs. To 
     end this incentive immediately would no doubt result in 
     immediate spike in consumers' fuel costs.

  That is the end of the quote from the Society of Independent Gasoline 
Marketers of America.
  So I hope somebody will put that in their pipe and smoke it because 
the fact that all of these people, we have been told here on the floor 
of the Senate, don't want this--well, that is an incorrect statement.
  Another statement:

       According to the U.S. Department of Agriculture, 40 percent 
     of last year's corn crop was utilized, converted to ethanol.

  It is true that almost 40 percent of the corn crop went into the 
ethanol plant to produce ethanol. But what it doesn't tell us is that 
out of a 56-pound bushel of corn, there are 18 pounds of animal feed 
left over that is more efficient in fattening animals than even the 
original corn. That is called dried distillers grain. So I do not want 
people of this body to come to me in their ignorance and tell me we are 
using too much corn and saying it is 40 percent of the corn crop when 
18 pounds out of every 56-pound bushel of corn is for very efficient 
animal feed. So I am going to take credit for that 18 pounds and refute 
this statement that 40 percent of last year's corn crop was utilized 
and converted to ethanol.
  One bushel of corn produces nearly 3 gallons of ethanol and 18 pounds 
of high-value animal feed. In 2010, 4.65 billion bushels of corn were 
used to produce 13 billion gallons of ethanol. But ethanol production 
uses only the starch from the corn kernel. More than one-third, or 1.4 
billion bushels of dry distillers grain, is left over available as a 
high-value livestock feed.
  On a net basis, ethanol production used only 23 percent of the U.S. 
corn crop--far less than the 40 percent that Senator Coburn claims. 
According to the U.S. Department of Agriculture, feed use consumed 37 
percent of the U.S. corn supply, much more than the 23 percent consumed 
by the ethanol production.
  The next statement that is incorrect:

       The American people ought to take into consideration when 
     they go buy a gallon of fuel today--you already have $1.72 
     worth of subsidy in there. It does not have anything to do 
     with oil and gas drilling.

  I believe Senator Coburn is referring to a report from the 
Congressional Budget Office. For the record, that report relied on the 
questionable assumption that only a tiny fraction of ethanol 
consumption is attributable to the ethanol tax credit. Regardless, I am 
glad he raised this point about subsidies and oil and gas drilling.

[[Page S3866]]

  Our colleagues may be interested to learn of the hidden cost of our 
dependence upon foreign oil. And these are not my estimates. I am going 
to give you references for you to look up.
  A peer-reviewed paper published in Environment Magazine in July 2010 
concluded that `` . . . $27 to $138 billion dollars is spent annually 
by the U.S. military for protection of Middle Eastern maritime oil 
transit routes and oil infrastructure, with an average of $84 billion 
dollars per year.''
  Isn't it convenient to forget those costs of our national defense, 
such as keeping oil lanes open so we can get oil to the United States 
that we spend $835 million every day to import oil?
  I wish to refer to another one.
  Milton Copulos, an adviser to President Ronald Reagan, a veteran of 
the Heritage Foundation, and head of the National Defense Council 
Foundation, testified before Congress in a recent year on the ``hidden 
costs'' of imported oil.
  Mr. Copulos stated that by calculating oil supply disruptions and 
military expenditures, the hidden costs of U.S. dependence on petroleum 
would total up to $825 billion per year. The military expenditure is 
equivalent to adding $8.35 to the price of a gallon of gasoline refined 
from Persian Gulf oil. There is no hidden--this is important about 
ethanol--because there is no hidden U.S. military cost attributable to 
homegrown, renewable, environmentally good ethanol.
  Here is another statement I wish to refute:

       There is a big difference between a subsidy that is a tax 
     credit and allowing someone to advance depreciation because 
     they are going to write it off anyhow.
       The net effect to the Federal Government's revenue, if you 
     take all of those away, is still zero.

  That statement wants you to believe that all the tax benefits the oil 
industry gets are just tax benefits; they are not a subsidy. Well, my 
response is, I have to refer to a September 2000 report by the 
Government Accountability Office. But that report concluded that the 
Federal Government has granted tax incentives, direct subsidies, and 
other support to the petroleum industry. They describe tax incentives 
as Federal tax provisions that grant special tax relief designed to 
encourage certain kinds of behavior by taxpayers or to aid taxpayers in 
special circumstances.
  According to the Government Accountability Office, the tax break 
allowing for the expensing of intangible drilling costs began in 1916. 
The percentage depletion allowance was enacted in 1926.
  The Government Accountability Office estimated that these two tax 
incentives led to a revenue loss of as much as $144 billion between the 
time studied by the Government Accountability Office, which goes from 
1968, to when the report was given in the year 2000.
  I would say to my colleagues that those figures I just gave you are a 
far cry from the zero revenue effect that Senator Coburn claims for the 
oil industry. These are the Government Accountability Office's words 
and figures. They refer to them as tax incentives that resulted in the 
loss of revenue of more than $100 billion to the Federal Treasury over 
a 32-year period.
  I have heard Senator Coburn on the floor on many occasions talking 
about the dire fiscal situation our country is in. I find myself voting 
with Senator Coburn most of the time. But on this issue, I disagree. 
Yet on this issue, it sounds as though he is arguing about semantics. 
One is a ``subsidy,'' yet the other is a ``legitimate business 
expense.'' In other words, in the case of ethanol, it is a subsidy. In 
the case of Big Oil and their taxes, it is a legitimate business 
expense.
  I am not sure this argument over terminology will give our children 
and grandchildren much comfort when they are picking up the trillion-
dollar tab over the next couple of decades.
  The last statement I wish to refute is this:

       Corn prices are at $7.65 a bushel.

  Well, that had to be a couple days ago because I get a report every 
day on corn prices at my local elevator in New Hartford, IA. They were 
$7.10 yesterday. But let me quote again.

       Corn prices are at $7.65 a bushel. They are 2\1/2\ times 
     what they were 3\1/2\ years ago. [Ethanol] has been, this 
     last year, the significant driver.

  Let me suggest, first of all, that he is right, 3\1/2\ years ago, 
corn was about $7 a bushel. But 6 months later, it was $3.58 a bushel. 
So anybody who thinks corn is going to stay at this historically high 
price is not very smart. And if farmers are spending money according to 
that, they better slow up because they are going to be caught off guard 
and out of business like they were in the 1980s.
  So this is my response, in addition to what I said about corn going 
down to $3.58: Grain used for ethanol accounts for approximately 3 
percent of the world's coarse grain. Let me reflect on that statement 
for a minute, because you get the opinion, when they say 40 percent of 
U.S. corn is used in ethanol, that, ye gods, what are people going to 
eat? But worldwide--and the grain market is worldwide--the global 
marketplace decides the price of grain. And worldwide, only 3 percent 
of the coarse grain--and corn is one of the coarse grains--is used for 
fuel. Because of the increased corn production, the amount of grain 
available for non-ethanol use is growing.
  In the year 2000, there were 2.4 billion metric tons of grain 
available for uses other than for ethanol. Even with the growth of the 
ethanol industry, last year there were 2.6 billion metric tons of grain 
available for uses other than for ethanol.
  It is also important to review the cost of corn in retail food 
prices. The corn price today: The corn cost in a gallon of milk is 
about 46 cents. The cost of corn in a pound of chicken is 34 cents. One 
pound of beef takes 92 cents worth of corn. One pound of pork requires 
39 cents.
  So you have all these excuses coming from the food manufacturers of 
the United States that ethanol is the cause of food prices rising. But 
you can see in the figures I just gave you that what the farmer gets 
out of a dollar's worth of retail food is about 21 cents. And you could 
cut this in half, and it will be cut in half, like it was 3\1/2\ years 
ago. But when the price of corn goes down, you are not going to see big 
food manufacturers reducing their cost of food by 20 percent because 
they need ethanol as a scapegoat to raise the price of food.
  That is all I have to say about ethanol. But I do have an amendment I 
am submitting to this bill that is before us that is unrelated to 
ethanol, but it also brings up the same point: that there are a lot of 
places in this budget we can save money.
  Senator Johnson of South Dakota and I are submitting this amendment 
that pertains to setting limits that any one farmer, including this 
farmer, can get from farm program payments.
  I have been pushing for reform of farm program payments for many 
years. Some folks from outside of Iowa unfamiliar with this issue may 
be surprised that I am the Member who keeps pushing these reforms. They 
may think: Iowa's economy relies heavily on agriculture. Why would a 
Senator from a farm State such as Iowa want a hard cap on farm 
payments?
  But Iowa farmers understand why I continue pushing for a hard cap. 
This is about making sure the farm programs provide what they are 
supposed to provide: a safety net for those who need it; basically, 
farmers who have the economic incapability of overcoming natural 
disasters and political issues and international politics that they 
have no control over that affects the impact of farm income. Those are 
small and medium-sized farmers. They are not these megafarmers that are 
10 percent of farmers getting 70 percent of the benefits out of the 
farm program.
  These small and medium-sized farmers--as, of course, bigger farmers 
do--play a vital role in supplying our Nation and world with food. 
However, they are continually, as small farmers, faced with the 
challenge of rising land prices and cash rents. Many times, young and 
beginning farmers cannot compete because of high land prices and rents. 
There is no doubt the rise in commodity prices is part of the reason 
for higher land prices and cash rents.
  But, currently, farm program payments are also placing upward 
pressure on land prices. This is not how it is supposed to work. What I 
just said means we are subsidizing big farmers to get bigger. There is 
nothing wrong with big farmers getting bigger. I do not argue with that 
in any segment of our economy. But we should not be subsidizing big 
farmers to get bigger.

[[Page S3867]]

  The farm program was put in place to provide a safety net for 
farmers. It is meant to help them get through tough times. The farm 
program was not created to help big farmers get bigger. Let me repeat 
for you--because it cannot get enough emphasis--10 percent of this 
Nation's largest farmers receive 70 percent of the farm program 
payments.
  These large farms do not need these program payments to get through 
tough times. Small and medium-sized farmers do not need nonmarket 
factors driving up the land prices and cash rents.
  This amendment is a commonsense solution to this problem. Reform the 
farm program so it works as a true safety net for those it was intended 
for. We can do that by placing limits on how much a single farm 
operation can receive in program payments. The government should stay 
out of subsidizing the growth of large farms.
  In addition, this amendment tightens the requirements for people to 
be considered an actively engaged farmer. For too long, people have 
gamed the system and received farm payments that the law did not 
intend.
  There have been a number of amendments submitted to the EDA bill 
before us in the name of saving taxpayer dollars. The ethanol 
amendment--supposedly that is one of the motives behind it.
  By setting hard payment caps, and making these other reforms, we will 
save the U.S. Treasury approximately $1.5 billion over 10 years.
  The headlines around here are dominated by the problems of the 
budget. Many of my colleagues have come to this floor in recent weeks 
and discussed government spending and the big debt.
  If this body is going to be serious about cutting spending, then this 
amendment I am laying before you as a limitation on farm payments is a 
continuation of that effort. Instead of spending time debating the 
merits of programs that assist the renewable energy industry, an 
industry that, by the way, helps us wean ourselves off our need for 
foreign oil, why do we not agree to make cuts in areas we should be 
able to have an agreement?
  This is a simple and commonsense way for us to save money, while at 
the same time making sure the farm program accomplishes what it is 
supposed to.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from South Dakota is recognized.
  Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, how much time remains?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. There is 9 minutes 37 seconds remaining.
  Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I wish to join my colleague from Iowa, who 
has been a great leader over the years on the issue of biofuels, in 
trying to transition our country away from the dangerous dependence we 
have on foreign oil and over the years has worked to put in place 
policies that have helped build an industry literally from the ground 
up. The ethanol industry, in its inception many years ago, sort of 
started with just a few farmers getting together. Today they are 
producing about 13 billion gallons of ethanol. It represents 10 percent 
of our entire fuel supply. There is not any other fuel in the country 
that provides the alternative to traditional gasoline ethanol does.
  That is the result of a lot of investment, a lot of hard work by a 
lot of people over the years. It has also been as a result of a 
dependance upon what has been fairly stable public policy. Now there is 
a debate about whether that public policy ought to change. That 
certainly is a debate we can have. I do not wish to get into the merits 
of the individual elements of ethanol policy because obviously people 
are going to disagree about that.
  But I am going to point out that we put this policy in place in 
December of last year. In December of last year, we told this industry, 
which represents--these are 204 American-owned plants. These are 
American companies that employ almost 500,000--indirectly or directly--
American jobs and American workers in this country. So we told them, in 
December of last year, 81 Senators--81 Senators, many of whom are now 
saying, I am going to vote to do away with this particular tax policy--
81 Senators voted for it. We had 81 votes in the Senate in December 
that said these are going to be the rules of the game until December of 
this year.
  So now we have this effort to completely change the rules in the 
middle of the game. I have not been here all that long. I served three 
terms in the House of Representatives. I am in my seventh year in the 
Senate. But I do not recall an occasion where we have ever done 
anything such as this, where the Congress has put policy in place, made 
commitments to American businesses--in this case, people who employ 
American workers--and then tell them 6 months later, I am sorry, we are 
going to pull the rug out. You are out there on your own now.
  It would be one thing if these decisions were made in a vacuum. But 
most of these businesses made investment decisions based upon public 
policy that was put in place by this Congress. We cannot, in good 
faith, now go tell them we are just going to jerk this policy out of 
the way. Does our word mean anything around here?
  To start with, we have an issue with this particular amendment 
because it is unconstitutional. We cannot originate a tax measure in 
the Senate. So it will be blue-slipped in the House of Representatives, 
which makes everything we are doing right now largely symbolic. This 
bill is not going anywhere.
  But there seems to be people who are intent upon making some sort of 
statement, I guess, or trying to send some sort of a message. But the 
end result, if what they were trying to accomplish today were to become 
law, is we would raise gas prices because we are talking about a $2.4 
billion increase in taxes on people who inevitably are going to pass it 
on. So why would we want to start raising gas prices at a time when we 
have historically high gas prices and people are already being pinched 
at the pump?
  So we single out a specific industry. I have heard people get up 
today and say: Well, we voted for tax extenders last year, but you know 
what, they were part of a bigger package. We did not have to agree with 
all of it. Well, then, do not vote for it and, surely, have the debate 
then. Why were we not debating the issue last December? If people had 
issues with this, they should have been brought out then when we put 
this policy in place.
  What, in effect, we are doing is singling out an industry and saying: 
We are going to punish you by changing the rules in the middle of the 
game because we do not like your industry or because we do not like 
this particular tax provision.
  Well, we had a similar debate a few weeks ago. There was an effort to 
do something on oil and gas tax provisions. The argument that was made 
at the time, myself included, was why would we single out a specific 
industry? If we are going to do this, let's do this in a comprehensive 
way when we look at all types of policies, tax expenditures, favorable 
tax treatment that various industries in this country get, and let's 
examine them all together. Let's make some changes.
  This is selectively singling out a specific industry and changing a 
tax policy in the middle of the year. There has been a statement made 
on the floor that people who get the benefit or the blenders credit do 
not want it. It strikes me at least, if they do not want it, they do 
not have to take it. They have to file for it. They have to file with 
the IRS. If they do not want the blenders credit, they do not have to 
take it. But most of the people who file for the blenders credit, it is 
assumed, are going to pass it on to the retailer, to the gas station, 
and ultimately to the consumer so it will result in lower prices.
  Most of the refiners anyway are large, integrated oil companies that, 
frankly, do not want the competition that is represented by the ethanol 
industry. They do not have to take the blenders credit. They have to do 
something to get it. They have to file with the IRS in order to receive 
it.
  One other point I wish to make, because there has been some talk as 
well about ethanol and the environmental benefits, there are certain 
States in the country that perhaps would like to have even higher 
standards. But if we compare ethanol to traditional gasoline, according 
to the EPA, in terms of greenhouse gas emissions--lifecycle greenhouse 
gas emissions--it is 20 percent lower, corn-based ethanol. When we get 
to cellulosic ethanol, which is the next generation of biofuels--if we

[[Page S3868]]

can get there, if we do not completely do away with the platform we 
have today with corn-based ethanol--it will have a 60-percent lifecycle 
greenhouse gas emission advantage over traditional gasoline.
  So corn-based ethanol, 20 percent cleaner burning than traditional 
gasoline; cellulosic ethanol, 60 percent cleaner burning than gasoline. 
That is according to the Environmental Protection Agency, which does 
not take a particularly favorable view of these fuels because they like 
to include in their calculation types of elements, such as indirect 
land use in other countries around the world, which, frankly, we do not 
think ought to be part of the calculation, but even with that 20-
percent cleaner burning than traditional gasoline for corn-based 
ethanol and 60 percent for cellulosic ethanol.
  I wish to read, if I might, from a letter that I received from an 
organization called ACORE. That is the American Council on Renewable 
Energy. This organization is about 500 deep, represents about 500 other 
organizations; in some cases, American companies, universities, members 
such as Walmart, such as DuPont. This is what they say:

       Current domestic ethanol production is also laying the 
     groundwork and infrastructure for the more advanced biofuels 
     of the future including cellulosic ethanol, algae-derived 
     fuels, and drop-in fuels. We have already crossed the 
     threshold of these homegrown biofuels meeting a substantial 
     portion of transportation fuel demand for cars and light duty 
     trucks; but they cannot be further developed without the 
     infrastructure investments that are fostered by current 
     ethanol production today.

  They go on to say that:

       The Thune-Klobuchar amendment ensures ethanol production 
     will continue, while directing limited government resources 
     to support infrastructure development and the transition to 
     advanced biofuels.
       The ethanol tax credit has been critical to increased 
     domestic ethanol production and corresponding economic 
     growth, job creation, enhanced energy security and lower gas 
     prices. We urge you to oppose the Coburn amendment, which 
     would prematurely terminate support for our domestic ethanol 
     industry while failing to invest in critical infrastructure 
     and advanced biofuels. We ask for your support of the Thune-
     Klobuchar amendment.

  The Thune-Klobuchar amendment--we are working with the Senator from 
California, Mrs. Feinstein, the Senator from Oklahoma, Mr. Coburn, on a 
solution that would hopefully lead us to a result. It would do what 
many of the folks in this Chamber want to see done. It would do away 
completely with the blenders credit, effective July 1, and with the 
ethanol tariff. It would also put money back into debt reduction.
  We think that is a better way to do this. I hope those discussions 
will lead somewhere. But this vote today is going to be a largely 
symbolic vote for reasons I just mentioned: It is unconstitutional. It 
will be blue-slipped in the House of Representatives and, therefore, it 
makes absolutely no sense for us to be having this vote in the first 
place. It certainly does not make any sense for us to be sending a 
message to this industry that we want to do away with it.
  I understand my time has expired.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Jersey.
  Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I rise to speak in favor of the 
Feinstein amendment. I am a proud cosponsor of this proposal because it 
will save us money, reduce food prices and do so in a responsible 
manner.
  Ethanol enjoys truly unprecedented support from the Federal 
Government. First there is the renewable fuels mandate that requires 
ethanol to be blended into gasoline.
  Second, there is a 45-cent-per-gallon subsidy to blend ethanol into 
gasoline that is costing the Treasury nearly $6 billion per year.
  Third, there is a 54-cent-per-gallon tariff on imported ethanol 
protecting the domestic industry from any serious competition.
  And to top it all off the Federal Government spends billions every 
year to subsidize the growth of corn for ethanol.
  In a time of fiscal constraint we simply cannot afford to prop up an 
industry with such enormous supports.
  And these supports are not just costing taxpayers money, but they are 
also causing food prices to rise and harming our environment.
  The USDA estimates that 40 percent of this year's corn crop will be 
used for ethanol. This is raising grain prices worldwide, especially 
hurting the needy.
  For these reasons, the Feinstein amendment has the support of 
taxpayer rights groups, religious groups looking out for the needy, 
budget hawks concerned about our deficit, livestock growers who use 
grain as feed, the grocers and restaurants who are seeing food prices 
increase, and the environmental community who understand that corn 
ethanol requires enormous amounts of fossil fuels to be produced.
  My support for the Feinstein amendment is not just because it is the 
right thing to do for our country and our Federal budget, but because 
it is the right thing to do for my home State. New Jersey has over 
120,000 flex fuel vehicles, but does not have a single E85 ethanol pump 
in the entire State. 120,000 cars that are built to allow automakers to 
game fuel economy standards but may never see a drop of E85 fuel.
  I know that this issue is important to our friends in the Midwest, 
but ethanol producers already have a guaranteed market for their 
product as a result of the Federal mandate. Now we have an opportunity 
to help families across the country by ending this failed ethanol 
policy and providing relief both in terms of their taxes and their food 
prices.
  For these reasons, I will be voting in favor of the Feinstein 
Amendment and urge my colleagues to do the same.
  I also think this vote is important for the larger debate over the 
deficit.
  Our friends on the other side of the aisle have said revenues cannot 
be a part of the strategy to reduce the deficit. I think this vote and 
the one earlier this week in which 34 Republicans voted to end these 
wasteful ethanol tax breaks show there is bipartisan support for 
cutting wasteful tax subsidies and loopholes and that these revenue 
expenditures must be part of any solution on the deficit.
  As I speak about that, let me end on another item I think should be 
on the table, one I have been promoting. The first place to start in 
terms of tax expenditures is oil subsidies.
  A bipartisan majority of 52 Senators voted recently to end these tax 
breaks. If these 34 Republicans come into the fold, we could work 
together to make some real progress. Oil companies do not need these 
subsidies--I am talking about the big five--with oil trading at nearly 
$100 per barrel. They have all the incentive they need in the 
marketplace. But cutting these subsidies, we can cut the deficit by $21 
billion. This year alone these companies are projected to earn up to 
$144 billion in profits--not proceeds but profits. If they can simply 
live with a mere $142 billion in profits, then they can do their share 
to reduce the deficit without raising gas prices.
  It is time to come together across party lines and to end wasteful 
tax subsidies and lower the deficit. This vote is an important first 
step, and I think by doing so we will--notwithstanding the issues about 
blue slips and constitutional impediments--send a clear sense of the 
Senate that will move us in a direction that will end the ultimate 
subsidies and help us reduce the deficit. I think ending oil subsidies 
will get us on a path to a bipartisan solution that is critical for the 
Nation.
  Mr. HATCH. Mr. President, I rise today in support of Senator McCain's 
amendment to prohibit the use of Federal funds for the construction of 
ethanol blender pumps and ethanol storage facilities. My vote today is 
not a vote against ethanol as a transportation fuel. I strongly support 
the greater use of alternative transportation fuels and alternative-
fuel filling stations in the United States. In certain cases, I have 
even advocated for government support of these goals. But government 
support for a source of energy should create a temporary boost, not a 
long-term Federal dependency. It is just as foolish to attempt to build 
an economy on subsidized energy as it is to build a house on the sand.
  I have been criticized for opposing a Democratic proposal to raise 
taxes on domestic oil producer, but there is a difference in the size 
of the Grand Canyon between allowing oil companies to keep a portion of 
their own profits, which they use for more domestic energy production, 
versus handing out

[[Page S3869]]

very large amounts of taxpayer cash to ethanol companies. Ethanol 
companies not only have a lower tax rate than oil companies on average, 
they also benefit from the ethanol excise tax credit, from government 
handouts for ethanol filling infrastructure, a large Federal mandate 
forcing refineries to produce ethanol whether it makes economic sense 
or not, and an ethanol import tariff.
  I cannot conceive of any justification for a program that hands out 
taxpayer funds for an activity as it does for ethanol blender pumps and 
storage facilities when it already has a Federal mandate forcing it 
into what used to be the free market. In my book, there is no greater 
subsidy than Federal mandate, and that alone is more than ethanol 
deserves.
  I have supported broad-based incentives for alternative fuels in the 
past, but enough is enough, and in the case of ethanol, it is more than 
enough by far. Affordable energy is basic to a strong economy just as a 
healthy blood supply is basic to human life, and a long-term handout is 
no substitute for affordability.
  I will continue to support reducing our dependency on foreign oil by 
increasing domestic energy production, increasing the efficiency of our 
transportation sector, and increasing the diversity of our 
transportation fuels. But those goals should focus on energy sources 
that can compete in the free market. Reliance on noncompetitive energy 
sources will only drag down our economy.
  Mr. President, I urge my colleagues to support more competitive 
America by voting for Senator McCain's amendment.
  Ms. COLLINS. Mr. President, I am pleased to join Senators Feinstein 
and Coburn supporting an amendment to repeal the ethanol excise tax 
credit and the ethanol import tariff. These policies are fiscally 
irresponsible, environmentally unwise, and economically indefensible. 
Today we have another opportunity to take action to end them.
  Historically, our government has helped a product compete in one of 
three ways: we subsidize it, we protect it from competition, or we 
require its use. Right now, ethanol may be the only product receiving 
all three forms of support.
  The ethanol tax break is extraordinarily expensive. The Government 
Accountability Office has found that the tax credit costs American 
taxpayers a staggering $6 billion annually. This is quite a sum to prop 
up a fuel that is causing land conversion for corn production, 
commodity and food prices to rise, and is barely putting a dent in our 
Nation's dependence on foreign oil. With our amendment, we have the 
opportunity to immediately save American taxpayers nearly $3 billion 
for the remainder of 2011 alone.
  Ethanol use is mandated under the renewable fuels standard, RFS, 
which guarantees market for corn ethanol. Collectively, the first 
generation biofuels industry will receive tens of billions in 
unnecessary subsidies through the year 2022. If the current subsidy 
were allowed to continue for five years, the Federal Treasury would pay 
oil companies at least $31 billion to use 69 billion gallons of corn 
based ethanol that the RFS already requires them to use. We simply 
cannot afford to pay the oil industry for following the law.
  The data overwhelmingly demonstrate that the costs of the current 
ethanol subsidies and tariffs far outweigh their benefits. Just last 
summer, the Center for Agricultural and Rural Development at Iowa State 
University estimated that a 1-year extension of the ethanol subsidy and 
tariff would lead to only 427 additional direct domestic jobs at a cost 
of almost $6 billion, or roughly $14 million of taxpayer money per job.
  While expanding our capacity to generate alternative, domestic fuel 
sources is an important step toward becoming less dependent on foreign 
oil, I have serious concerns about the effects of increased ethanol 
use. There are other alternative sources of energy that make far more 
sense.
  The energy, agricultural, and automotive sectors are already 
struggling to adapt to the existing ethanol mandates. I have concerns 
with the partial waiver issued by the Environmental Protection Agency 
for the use of E15, a blend of gasoline containing 15 percent ethanol. 
Many residents in my state have already experienced difficulties using 
gasoline blended with just 10 percent ethanol, finding that it causes 
problems in older cars, snowmobiles, boats, and lawn mowers. The EPA's 
E15 waiver fails to adequately protect against misfueling and will add 
unnecessary confusion at the gas pump for consumers. We simply cannot 
place so many engines in jeopardy.
  These first generation biofuel mandates also present environmental 
concerns as they could result in energy efficiency losses and increased 
air pollution because the mechanical failures can jeopardize the 
effectiveness of engine emission controls.
  Over recent years, we have also seen food and feed prices increase as 
crops have been diverted for the production of corn-based ethanol. We 
should be raising food crops for food, not for fuel. Senate Homeland 
Security Committee chairman Joe Lieberman and I held a series of 
hearings in 2008 to examine the impact of corn based ethanol on food 
prices and we found that it certainly had a negative impact.
  The cost of this policy to our Nation and its taxpayers, particularly 
given our current fiscal crisis, can no longer be ignored. At a time 
when we are projecting a deficit this year alone of $1.5 trillion, how 
can we justify spending $6 billion to subsidize ethanol?
  I urge my colleagues, especially those who questioned the process 
used to bring an identical amendment to the floor just a couple days 
ago, to join me today in supporting the Feinstein-Coburn amendment to 
repeal these fiscally indefensible corn-based ethanol subsidies.
  Ms. MIKULSKI. Mr. President, I rise in favor of ending lavish and 
unneeded ethanol subsidies. This is the second opportunity that my 
colleagues and I have to end unnecessary subsidies to one of the most 
profitable and wealthy industries in the world. In May, I voted to end 
$2 billion a year in tax breaks to the five biggest oil companies that 
made more than $36 billion in profits in the first 3 months of 2011. 
And today I will vote to end $6 billion a year subsidies for ethanol 
blenders.
  While the Nation is facing record deficits and families and 
businesses in Maryland are getting crushed with high gas, corn and food 
prices, ending $6 billion a year in tax breaks for ethanol producers is 
a no-brainer. The numbers speak for themselves. This subsidy doesn't 
help the chicken farmers on the eastern shore of Maryland who are 
paying corn costs that are three times higher than they were 5 years 
ago. It isn't making us less dependent on foreign oil. And it certainly 
isn't reducing the deficit. The only thing this subsidy is doing is 
padding the pockets of oil companies who blend ethanol. These companies 
don't need taxpayer help to survive--let alone thrive.
  At a time when Congress is considering devastating cuts to FIRE 
grants for our first responders, home heating oil assistance for 
seniors, and nutritious foods for pregnant women and newborns, it makes 
no sense to preserve a $6 billion a year tax break for an industry that 
doesn't need it. If we are serious about the deficit, we have to make 
smart decisions, Ending these subsidies is a long overdue answer to 
getting this country back on track to fiscal sanity, and not in a way 
that hurts middle class families or traditional industries in Maryland.
  Ethanol blenders have hit the trifecta of government support. First, 
the law requires that ethanol be used in gasoline. Second, blenders get 
a 45-cent-per-gallon tax credit. And third, it is protected by a tariff 
which discourages the import of cheaper, more efficient, and more 
environmentally sound types of ethanol. The Feinstein amendment does 
not change the requirement that ethanol be used in gasoline. It simply 
ends the unneeded and lavish subsidy to oil companies that blend the 
ethanol.
  It is time to stop filling up oil industry profits while draining 
taxpayer's wallets. Ending these subsidies will right a wrong in the 
tax code and ensure that middle class families aren't on the hook for 
more giveaways. Let's pass this bill, end these subsidies, and put our 
efforts into additional ways to reduce the deficit.
  Mr. LEVIN. Mr. President, I will vote to oppose both the amendments 
offered today.

[[Page S3870]]

  I share many of the concerns of Senator Feinstein and others in this 
body about the impact of the volumetric ethanol excise tax credit. I am 
particularly concerned that this credit may increase the price that 
Americans pay for food, something few families can afford these days.
  But I cannot support Senator Feinstein's amendment, for three 
reasons.
  First, I fear that her amendment, while addressing tax credits for 
corn-based ethanol, would also remove support for other, non-corn 
sources. While I applaud Senator Feinstein for maintaining support for 
cellulosic ethanol production, we should not reduce support for other 
non-corn sources that have potential to help reduce our dependence on 
imported oil without affecting food prices. For example, companies in 
my state and elsewhere are working on production of biofuels from 
algae. I believe any attempt to address tax credits for corn-based 
ethanol should leave intact support for these non-corn sources.
  Second, I fear that ending this credit now, more than 6 months before 
it is set to expire, would unfairly burden business that have made 
plans with the assumption that the credit would remain in place at 
least until then. These businesses have a right to expect that Congress 
will not pull the rug out from under them.
  Third, I am concerned that by attaching this amendment to an 
important piece of legislation, we endanger passage of that 
legislation. I support the underlying bill, which would reauthorize the 
Economic Development Administration. The EDA is an important resource 
for communities across the country, and at a time when jobs should be 
our top priority, we should support programs with proven records of job 
creation. But by attaching a revenue measure to EDA bill, the House 
will almost certainly ``blue slip'' the bill and thereby doom it.
  I also will oppose the amendment offered by Senator McCain. I believe 
that we should support the creation of infrastructure that will support 
alternative energy development. By prohibiting Federal funding for 
creating infrastructure to support ethanol production and use--
including cellulosic ethanol and other non-corn sources--Senator 
McCain's amendment would make it more difficult for us to develop these 
new sources of energy, sources we need to end our dependence on 
imported fossil fuels.
  Mr. JOHNSON of South Dakota. Mr. President, I rise today to discuss 
two amendments to the underlying bill: amendment No. 411 offered by 
Senator McCain and amendment No. 476 offered by Senators Feinstein and 
Coburn.
  I oppose these amendments. Abruptly pulling support for ethanol, as 
these amendments attempt to do, runs counter to vital efforts to reduce 
dependence on foreign oil. The ethanol industry supports over 400,000 
American jobs, offers consumers a choice at the pump, lowers fuel 
prices, and displaces millions of gallons of foreign oil with a 
homegrown alternative.
  Amendment No. 476, offered by Senators Feinstein and Coburn, would 
eliminate the blender tax credit for the use of ethanol and end the 
tariff on imported ethanol that ensures tax incentives are limited to 
domestically produced renewable fuels. Senator McCain's amendment, No. 
411, would block federal efforts to promote ethanol blender pumps or 
ethanol storage facilities. Last fall, Agriculture Secretary Vilsack 
announced a goal of installing 10,000 blender pumps nationwide over 5 
years to help give consumers a choice at the pump. Senator McCain's 
amendment would end this type of important initiative to promote 
renewable fuel infrastructure.
  While I support responsible efforts to reform and significantly 
reduce the cost of tax incentives for ethanol, we must focus on 
developing our ethanol infrastructure that will facilitate the 
transition toward advanced biofuels and cellulosic ethanol. The 
renewable fuels industry, and ethanol in particular, has played an 
important role in addressing our energy needs. Our support of renewable 
fuels to date has brought us to a point where ethanol displaces 
millions of gallons of oil. Unfortunately, this amendment would not 
only hinder our existing ethanol industry, but it would also stall the 
development of the next generation of biofuels like cellulosic ethanol.
  Ethanol also has been shown to reduce prices at the pump. A recent 
study by the Center for Agricultural and Rural Development, CARD, found 
that the increased use of ethanol reduced wholesale gasoline prices by 
an average of $0.89 per gallon in 2010. At a time when high fuel prices 
are having a detrimental impact of the budgets of millions of 
Americans, it is important that we not hastily take steps that will 
further increase those prices.
  Rather than voting to abruptly end the current incentives for 
ethanol, I have worked with colleagues on an alternative proposal that 
would transition from the existing blender credit to targeted 
investments, while also reducing the deficit. This effort, led by 
Senators Klobuchar and Thune, would end the current form of the 
volumetric ethanol excise tax credit and redirect a portion of the 
estimated savings toward deficit reduction and the remaining toward 
renewable fuels infrastructure, a safeguard credit for ethanol should 
oil prices fall below certain points, and continued support for small 
producers and development of advanced biofuels.
  I support efforts to reform incentives that promote our renewable 
fuels industry and reduce the deficit, but I oppose these amendments. I 
hope that my colleagues will continue to discuss further alternatives 
that ensure we continue to have a strong renewable fuels industry.
  I yield the floor and suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I want to speak for a couple of minutes, 
until another speaker arrives on the other side. If I might, I want to 
elaborate on where these discussions are that we have been having with 
regard to getting a result and a solution that I think actually could 
get enacted and become law.
  Since we first had this vote a couple days ago, I have been in 
conversations, along with Senator Klobuchar from Minnesota, Senator 
Coburn, and Senator Feinstein, the sponsors of this amendment, to see 
if there isn't some way we can find something we could actually do that 
would accomplish what probably many of them would like to see 
accomplished but doing it in a way that is not disruptive, that is a 
thoughtful approach to the future of the biofuels industry, and that 
actually does something meaningful in terms of dealing with the debt 
and deficit.
  Those discussions continue. I think we continue to get closer and 
closer to an agreement. I hope my colleagues will continue to talk and 
discuss this matter. We will continue those discussions after the vote 
at 2 o'clock. I say that to let my colleagues know that even though 
this particular vote is going to amend a piece of legislation that 
perhaps isn't going to go anywhere--and certainly this amendment, 
because it is a blue slip and has a constitutional issue, isn't going 
to go anywhere--there are earnest discussions going on that I hope will 
yield a result.
  Again, in my view, there is a better way to do this. Obviously, there 
are people who feel strongly and deeply, and we have heard the emotion 
of this debate over the last few days about this subject. But there is, 
in my view, a right way and wrong way to do this. The right way is to 
do it so that we are not pulling the rug out from under an industry 
after we already put in place policy that they have relied on in terms 
of their investment issues.
  I hope we can get that agreement, and I certainly hope my colleagues 
will bear that in mind. There are a number of Members here who 
obviously are very supportive of the legislation that Senator Klobuchar 
and I introduced earlier this week, and we heard Senator Grassley speak 
to that point and others who are cosponsors.
  We continue to work with the sponsors of the Coburn-Feinstein 
amendment to see if there isn't a path forward that will enable us to 
pass something through the Senate. I wanted to let my colleagues know 
that and apprise them of the status of those discussions. I hope we can 
come to a conclusion that will get a result and not

[[Page S3871]]

simply have a vote that ends up being largely symbolic. We will 
continue to have discussions, and I will continue to keep my colleagues 
apprised of the discussions.
  I yield the floor and suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. REID. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.


                     Amendment No. 476, as Modified

  Mr. REID. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to modify the 
pending Feinstein amendment with the changes at the desk.
  This modification is to correct a drafting error made by legislative 
counsel.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
  Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The amendment, as modified, is as follows:

       At the end, add the following:

             TITLE __--ETHANOL SUBSIDIES AND TARIFF REPEAL

     SEC. _01. SHORT TITLE.

       This title may be cited as the ``Ethanol Subsidy and Tariff 
     Repeal Act''.

     SEC. _02. REPEAL OF VEETC.

       (a) Elimination of Excise Tax Credit or Payment.--
       (1) Section 6426(b)(6) of the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 
     is amended by striking ``December 31, 2011'' and inserting 
     ``the later of June 30, 2011, or the date of the enactment of 
     the Ethanol Subsidy and Tariff Repeal Act)''.
       (2) Section 6427(e)(6)(A) of such Code is amended by 
     striking ``December 31, 2011'' and inserting ``the later of 
     June 30, 2011, or the date of the enactment the Ethanol 
     Subsidy and Tariff Repeal Act''.
       (b) Elimination of Income Tax Credit.--The table contained 
     in section 40(h)(2) of the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 is 
     amended--
       (1) by striking ``2011'' and inserting ``the later of June 
     30, 2011, or the date of the enactment of the Ethanol Subsidy 
     and Tariff Repeal Act'', and
       (2) by adding at the end the following:


``After such date.................................       zero    zero''.
 


       (c) Repeal of Deadwood.--
       (1) Section 40(h) of the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 is 
     amended by striking paragraph (3).
       (2) Section 6426(b)(2) of such Code is amended by striking 
     subparagraph (C).
       (d) Effective Date.--The amendments made by this section 
     shall apply to any sale, use, or removal for any period after 
     the later of June 30, 2011, or the date of the enactment of 
     the Act.

     SEC. _03. REMOVAL OF TARIFFS ON ETHANOL.

       (a) Duty-Free Treatment.--Chapter 98 of the Harmonized 
     Tariff Schedule of the United States is amended by adding at 
     the end the following new subchapter:


                                               ``SUBCHAPTER XXIII
                                                Alternative Fuels
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
                                                                        Rates of Duty
                                            --------------------------------------------------------------------
 Heading/Subheading    Article Description                         1
                                            ----------------------------------------------           2
                                                    General                Special
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
9823.01.01            Ethyl alcohol          Free                   Free                   20%''.
                       (provided for in
                       subheadings
                       2207.10.60 and
                       2207.20) or any
                       mixture containing
                       such ethyl alcohol
                       (provided for in
                       heading 2710 or
                       3824) if such ethyl
                       alcohol or mixture
                       is to be used as a
                       fuel or in producing
                       a mixture of
                       gasoline and
                       alcohol, a mixture
                       of a special fuel
                       and alcohol, or any
                       other mixture to be
                       used as fuel
                       (including motor
                       fuel provided for in
                       subheading
                       2710.11.15,
                       2710.19.15 or
                       2710.19.21), or is
                       suitable for any
                       such uses...........
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

       (b) Conforming Amendments.--Subchapter I of chapter 99 of 
     the Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the United States is 
     amended--
       (1) by striking heading 9901.00.50; and
       (2) by striking U.S. notes 2 and 3.
       (c) Effective Date.--The amendments made by this section 
     apply to goods entered, or withdrawn from warehouse for 
     consumption, on or after the later of June 30, 2011, or the 
     date of the enactment of this Act.

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. All time is yielded back. The question is on 
agreeing to the Feinstein-Coburn amendment No. 476, as modified.
  Mr. REID. Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
  There is a sufficient second.
  Under the previous order, the amendment requires 60 votes for its 
adoption.
  The clerk will call the roll.
  The bill clerk called the roll.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Sanders). The result was announced--yeas 
73, nays 27, as follows:

                      [Rollcall Vote No. 90 Leg.]

                                YEAS--73

     Akaka
     Alexander
     Ayotte
     Barrasso
     Baucus
     Begich
     Bennet
     Bingaman
     Blumenthal
     Boozman
     Boxer
     Brown (MA)
     Burr
     Cantwell
     Cardin
     Carper
     Coburn
     Collins
     Coons
     Corker
     Cornyn
     Crapo
     DeMint
     Enzi
     Feinstein
     Gillibrand
     Graham
     Hagan
     Hatch
     Heller
     Hutchison
     Inhofe
     Inouye
     Isakson
     Johnson (WI)
     Kerry
     Kyl
     Landrieu
     Lautenberg
     Leahy
     Lee
     Lieberman
     Manchin
     McCain
     McConnell
     Menendez
     Merkley
     Mikulski
     Murkowski
     Murray
     Nelson (FL)
     Paul
     Pryor
     Reed
     Reid
     Risch
     Rockefeller
     Rubio
     Sanders
     Schumer
     Sessions
     Shaheen
     Shelby
     Snowe
     Tester
     Toomey
     Udall (CO)
     Udall (NM)
     Vitter
     Warner
     Webb
     Whitehouse
     Wyden

                                NAYS--27

     Blunt
     Brown (OH)
     Casey
     Chambliss
     Coats
     Cochran
     Conrad
     Durbin
     Franken
     Grassley
     Harkin
     Hoeven
     Johanns
     Johnson (SD)
     Kirk
     Klobuchar
     Kohl
     Levin
     Lugar
     McCaskill
     Moran
     Nelson (NE)
     Portman
     Roberts
     Stabenow
     Thune
     Wicker
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. On this vote, the yeas are 73, the nays are 
27. Under the previous order requiring 60 votes for the adoption of 
this amendment, the amendment is agreed to.


                       Vote on Amendment No. 411

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the question is on 
agreeing to the McCain amendment No. 411.
  Mrs. HUTCHISON. Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second? There is a 
sufficient second.
  Under the previous order, this amendment will require 60 votes.
  The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk called the roll.
  The result was announced--yeas 41, nays 59, as follows:

                      [Rollcall Vote No. 91 Leg.]

                                YEAS--41

     Alexander
     Ayotte
     Barrasso
     Blumenthal
     Boozman
     Brown (MA)
     Burr
     Chambliss
     Coburn
     Collins
     Corker
     Cornyn
     Crapo
     DeMint
     Enzi
     Graham
     Hatch
     Heller
     Hutchison
     Inhofe
     Isakson
     Johnson (WI)
     Kyl
     Lee
     Lieberman
     Manchin
     McCain
     McConnell
     Murkowski
     Paul
     Portman
     Risch
     Rockefeller
     Rubio
     Sessions
     Shelby
     Snowe
     Toomey
     Vitter
     Webb
     Wicker

                                NAYS--59

     Akaka
     Baucus
     Begich
     Bennet
     Bingaman
     Blunt
     Boxer
     Brown (OH)
     Cantwell
     Cardin
     Carper
     Casey
     Coats
     Cochran
     Conrad
     Coons
     Durbin
     Feinstein
     Franken
     Gillibrand
     Grassley
     Hagan
     Harkin
     Hoeven
     Inouye
     Johanns
     Johnson (SD)
     Kerry
     Kirk
     Klobuchar
     Kohl
     Landrieu
     Lautenberg
     Leahy
     Levin
     Lugar
     McCaskill
     Menendez
     Merkley
     Mikulski
     Moran
     Murray
     Nelson (NE)
     Nelson (FL)
     Pryor
     Reed
     Reid
     Roberts
     Sanders
     Schumer
     Shaheen
     Stabenow
     Tester
     Thune
     Udall (CO)
     Udall (NM)
     Warner
     Whitehouse
     Wyden
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. On this vote, the yeas are 41, the nays are 
59. Under the previous order requiring 60 votes for the adoption of 
this amendment, the amendment is rejected.

[[Page S3872]]

  Under the previous order, the motions to reconsider the previous two 
votes are considered made and laid upon the table.
  The majority leader.
  Mr. REID. There will be no more rollcall votes this week. We will 
work on next week's schedule later today. I ask unanimous consent that 
the Senators from Massachusetts, Mr. Kerry and Mr. Brown, be recognized 
for up to 10 minutes each, and following that time I be recognized.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  The Senator from Massachusetts.


                          Hockey Championship

  Mr. KERRY. Mr. President, before Mayor Menino ques the Duckboats for 
the victory parade on Saturday, I want to take a moment with my 
colleague on the Senate floor to celebrate an extraordinary victory by 
the Boston Bruins. After a grueling 39 years of so many ups and downs, 
heartbreaking misses and almosts, the Stanley Cup is coming back to 
Boston. That is thanks to the extraordinary grit of a special hockey 
team, a team that had remarkable character. I have to say--and I say 
this, I hope, cautiously because I know pride comes before a fall. 
Nevertheless, we in Massachusetts are blessed with an embarrassment of 
riches right now because last night's heart-stopping 7th game victory 
against the Vancouver Canucks is now allowing us to celebrate our 
seventh championship for our city in the last decade. Again, I know 
pride comes before the fall, but sweeping the Yankees a weekend ago and 
now winning this isn't too bad.
  As a lifelong hockey fan and a guy who still tries to get around the 
rink occasionally when my hips allow me to do that, the Bruins' win 
last night was one of the sweetest ever. That is partly because it was 
in such a long time coming, but it is also because of the determination 
this team showed in getting there. Not since 1972 have the Bruins 
brought home a coveted Stanley Cup; and not since the 1970 championship 
of the legendary Bobby Orr's flying goal has there been so much for 
Boston hockey fans to cheer about.
  This Boston Bruins team made history not just in the championship but 
in the way they got there. They are the first team in NHL history to 
win a game 7 three times in the same postseason. They did it with a 
kind of hard-nosed, selfless, remember-the-fundamentals, play the 
basics, gritty kind of teamwork that we in Boston admire so much.
  During the Bruins' run to the championship, we got to witness a very 
special kind of pride and encouragement that came from our city. It was 
a black and gold Bruins jersey on the statue of Paul Revere, and before 
game 7 everybody got to see our injured forward, Nathan Horton, pouring 
a bottle of Boston water onto the Vancouver ice. This team couldn't and 
wouldn't lose at home, and last night Horton's magic water turned 
Vancouver into our home ice. Today all of New England is home to the 
world's champion, the Boston Bruins.
  I have to say with last night's victory, yet another Bruin legend was 
born, goalie Tim Thomas. In seven spectacular games, again and again, 
Tim turned back Vancouver and held the Canucks to eight goals the 
entire series. In the final shutout, Tim had 37 saves. So it was more 
than appropriate that he was named the playoff's Most Valuable Player. 
I would say what Curt Schilling was to the 2004 Red Sox as Tim Thomas 
is to the Bruins today.
  This Stanley Cup win is a victory for everyone in Massachusetts who 
has ever laced up a skate and braved the black ice on frozen ponds 
early in the morning, for every parent who has packed their kids into a 
minivan at 4 in the morning to get to practice. For everyone who 
remembers their heart skipping a beat when Bobby Orr sailed through the 
air in victory, for everyone who never stopped rooting for this team 
over a four-decade drought, we hear our own voices and the words of Tim 
Thomas last night when he proclaimed:

       You've been waiting for it a long time, but you've got it. 
     You wanted it, you got it. We're bringing it home.

  Just as it was for the Red Sox for a long time, some people said this 
day was never going to come. Just as it was for the Red Sox, and a 
curse that we no longer hear much about, some even blamed fate for the 
drought. But after last night, Mr. President, Boston proved once again: 
Never underestimate an underdog. So, final score: Bruins 1, Fate, 0.
  I am proud to offer my congratulations to the Bruins players, the 
coaches, and the front office for a great series, for a great season, 
and for being great champions. This team never quit. They never lost 
focus. They believed in themselves as individuals. Above all, they 
believed in themselves as a team. So we cannot wait for Saturday when 
we will see the city of Boston's reflection in the polished silver and 
nickel of Lord Stanley's Cup. Welcome back to Boston.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Massachusetts.
  Mr. BROWN of Massachusetts. Mr. President, I am honored to be able to 
speak as well with my friend and colleague, Senator Kerry, to celebrate 
this victory. I was 11 years old when it last happened. I come to the 
floor to recognize the Boston Bruins and their thrilling season and 4-0 
victory in game 7 over Vancouver in the Stanley Cup finals.
  I enjoy not being an avid skater like Senator Kerry. I am amazed at 
the way they go all out and then just slam each other up against the 
boards and actually get up. I find that amazing. Obviously, they are 
bringing the Cup back, as Senator Kerry said, for the first time since 
1972.
  We actually have a couple of Boston fans with us today. As my 
colleagues know, it is also the home of the Beanpot tournament and some 
of the best college hockey in the country.

  The Bruins made history last night by becoming the first team in the 
NHL to win three deciding game 7s in a single playoff run, twice 
rebounding from being down two games to none. For Bruins fans, 
including myself and everybody I was with last night, we were very 
excited about the victories over the rivals from Montreal and then 
Philadelphia, Tampa, and finally Vancouver. It made for a memorable 
month.
  Being the big underdog before the series began, the Bruins played 
inspired hockey to win Lord Stanley's Cup, and they did it as a team. 
They played outstanding defense against one of the best offensive teams 
in the NHL. Bostonians will never ever forget the sight of Captain 
Chara standing 6 feet 9 inches tall, which I find truly amazing, 
accepting the Stanley Cup and lifting it high above the ice. Chara led 
the incredible defensive effort in that series.
  It was also an unforgettable moment for NHL veteran Mark Recchi. 
Playing in his final NHL game last night, Recchi capped a great career 
the way most professional hockey players can only dream about--with the 
Stanley Cup in his hands moving around the ice. Last night, he said it 
was one of the best groups of players he has ever played with. For 
those of us who watched, we can attest that it was one fun team to 
watch. It was a lot of fun. Everyone was so excited, regardless of 
whether they were a Bruins fan, just to see the intensity with which 
the series was played.
  It was a mixture of youth and experience, hard physical play and 
great scoring touch that helped put together this run. Brad Marchand, a 
Bruins rookie, has become a household name also with hockey fans after 
scoring an impressive 11 goals throughout the playoffs, setting the 
record for the most playoff goals by a Boston rookie and tying for 
second most in NHL history.
  Patrice Bergeron, coming back from an injury that cost him two games 
earlier in the playoffs, scored the first goal in game 7 that set the 
tone. As Senator Kerry said, our clutch goalie, Tim Thomas, took home 
the Conn Smythe Trophy as the most valuable player during the playoffs. 
I didn't know a body could move like that, quite frankly. He was the 
consummate professional, literally unbeatable, with shutouts in games 4 
and 7.
  Behind the bench, as my colleagues know, Coach Claude Julien led the 
``Bs'' with quiet confidence, even as his team faced daunting deficits 
and the devastating loss of forward Nathan Horton in game 3 of the Cup 
finals. The home team had won each of the first three games, so while 
he couldn't play, Horton was there to, as was referenced, take some 
Boston water and put it on the ice to make it our home ice. This is 
vindication for team president Cam

[[Page S3873]]

Neely, a Bruins great for so many years; Peter Chiarelli, the general 
manager who put this great team together; and owner Jeremy Jacobs and 
his team as well.
  With the Bruins' Stanley Cup victory, the city of Boston can, in a 
classy manner, celebrate this victory, as we have done before. As 
Senator Kerry also pointed out, we are very blessed in Massachusetts 
and in New England to have the Patriots, Red Sox, and Celtics to round 
out a decade that includes many world championships. Upon the arrival 
of the Stanley Cup in Boston today, the Bay State has hosted all four 
major championship trophies since 2005. As we all know, since 2002, the 
Patriots have won the Lombardi Trophy three times, the Red Sox have 
captured the World Series Trophy twice, and the Celtics have earned the 
O'Brien NBA Title Trophy once. That is an unprecedented run in sports 
history.
  No longer left out, the Bruins can join a highly decorated group of 
teams that has never been matched. I didn't come down to the floor to 
brag about Boston's reputation as the home of the greatest champions in 
professional sports. No, I have to say that the evidence is pretty 
compelling on its own.
  So with great pride as the junior Senator from Massachusetts, today I 
also honor the 2011 Boston Bruins for their remarkable season and 
commend them for their relentless pursuit of Lord Stanley's Cup. 
Another championship banner will hang from the rafters of the TD Bank 
Garden, and I am very optimistic it will not be the last one for 
Boston, the hub of hockey.
  I thank the Chair.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mrs. McCaskill). The Senator from 
Massachusetts.
  Mr. KERRY. Madam President, before our time expires, listening to my 
colleague from Massachusetts, he reminded me about Captain Chara, the 
defenseman who raised the Stanley Cup last night, the tallest person 
ever to play in the National Hockey League. So that reminds me that, 
therefore, we are also making history because never has the Stanley Cup 
been held so high over the ice.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Nevada.
  Mr. REID. Madam President, I am happy to be here to listen to my 
friends talk about hockey, and I will talk for just a minute about 
hockey. I was raised in the desert. When I came back as a Member of 
Congress, I wanted my boys to watch a hockey game. I wanted to watch 
one. I had never watched one. So we went to a hockey game. I tell my 
colleagues, it is a game you have to learn something about. For me, 
with no hockey experience, it was pretty difficult. They are on the ice 
just a few minutes and then off, back and forth, and it is hard to keep 
track of it. But I did have the opportunity twice to watch the great 
Gretzky and that was a great experience.
  One of my most difficult, scary experiences of my life: There was a 
time when--well, they still do--Las Vegas had a minor league hockey 
team. I was asked to go out in the middle of that ice and drop a puck. 
I don't do very well, as demonstrated when a few weeks ago I slipped 
and fell and dislocated my shoulder on regular dirt. So to walk out on 
that ice was something that was frightening to me, and I have never 
forgotten that. So to have those men rushing up and down those rinks 
the way they do is truly astounding. My only heroism in hockey was my 
own heroism in convincing myself I should go out there.
  Mr. President, our staffs have been working diligently for days now 
to find a path that would allow the Senate to complete action on the 
jobs bill which is now on the floor. They have worked so hard on this 
bill because it is legislation to reauthorize the successful Economic 
Development Administration, which has been so important to this country 
since 1965. It is not an Obama piece of legislation. It was started by 
Lyndon Johnson, and every President since then, Democratic and 
Republican, has wrapped their arms around this legislation because it 
is so good for our country.
  The Economic Development Administration has created jobs where they 
are most needed--in economically distressed communities. In just the 
last 5 years, for $1.2 billion of investment, we have created 314,000 
jobs. The merits of reauthorizing this job-creating administration are 
so very clear. EDA works with businesses, universities, and leaders at 
the local level, so it creates jobs from the bottom up. For every $1 we 
invest as a government, we get $7 in return. It helps manufacturers and 
producers compete in the global marketplace, and it is a great 
investment. Every $1 from EDA, as I have indicated, attracts $7 in 
private sector investment. That is a pretty good return.
  Because of this agency's success and because each Senator is on 
record talking about the importance of creating jobs, including Senator 
Boxer in her capacity as the chair of that most important committee, 
the Environment and Public Works Committee, she has produced this bill. 
She has shown me statements by virtually every Senator in this Chamber 
about the merits of this bill--Democrats and Republicans alike. So this 
is the kind of bill that should pass on a bipartisan basis, if not 
unanimously, and it has passed in the past unanimously. In the past, 
that is what would have happened. We would have done this so quickly--
but no more.
  Now we find ourselves struggling just to bring it up for a vote. I 
heard the Republican leader this morning speak earlier about the state 
of play on the EDA bill. He said we have gotten this done. We have this 
to do and this to do and this to do.
  Here is a brief review for our colleagues, so far, of what we have 
had on this bill. We have already had votes, again, on matters totally 
unrelated to this bill, including swipe fees, regulatory reform, 
ethanol--three votes on that. We have 70 amendments that have been 
filed. We have pending now a number of amendments relating to the debt 
limit, to Wall Street reform, health reform, Davis-Bacon, and 66 others 
that could be pending.
  In addition, Senators have filed amendments that are related to 
immigration reform, the border fence, E-Verify, the estate tax, right-
to-work laws, gainful employment regulation, a series of amendments 
dealing with endangered species, light bulbs and other energy-efficient 
provisions. There has been not a single amendment that has anything to 
do with this bill, not a single thing that is germane to this bill.
  So I am going to continue to work with the Republican leader and 
hopefully find a way to complete action on this extremely important 
bill. But it seems, so far, to be a never-ending process. It is 
filibuster by amendment--amendment after amendment after amendment--
amendments that have nothing to do with the legislation.
  We can't continue this. This process has to end so we can pass this 
bill, let the private sector create jobs the American people need, and 
let the Senate move on to other pressing matters. I hope we can work 
something out, but in the meantime, I have no alternative as the leader 
of this Senate but to file cloture on this bill.


                             Cloture Motion

  Madam President, I send a cloture motion to the desk.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The cloture motion having been presented under 
rule XXII, the Chair directs the clerk to read the motion.
  The legislative clerk read as follows:

                             Cloture Motion

       We, the undersigned Senators, in accordance with the 
     provisions of rule XXII of the Standing Rules of the Senate, 
     hereby move to bring to a close debate on S. 782, a bill to 
     amend the Public Works and Economic Development Act of 1965 
     to reauthorize that act, and for other purposes.
         Harry Reid, Barbara Boxer, Frank R. Lautenberg, Thomas R. 
           Carper, Sherrod Brown, Sheldon Whitehouse, Robert P. 
           Casey, Jr., Christopher A. Coons, Jon Tester, Benjamin 
           L. Cardin, Tom Udall, Jeanne Shaheen, Debbie Stabenow, 
           Patty Murray, Kent Conrad, Richard J. Durbin, Joe 
           Manchin III.


                                REIP Act

  Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, today I rise to engage the Senator from 
South Dakota in a colloquy to discuss the Reduce Excessive Interest 
Payments Act, the REIP Act, which is a stand-alone bill that the junior 
Senator from Georgia and I introduced in March, and which we offered as 
an amendment, Senate Amendment No. 407, to S. 782, the pending 
legislation. The REIP Act protects homeowners from paying additional 
interest on their Federal Housing Administration-backed mortgages once 
they have repaid the loan's principal.

[[Page S3874]]

  At present, FHA allows lenders to charge interest on a mortgagor's 
loan through the end of the month, even if the mortgagor pays the loan 
off at the beginning of the month, to cover the contractual obligation 
to pay investors in mortgage backed securities for the full month. 
Mortgagors with conventional mortgages or with Veterans Administration-
backed mortgages stop accruing interest once the principal is repaid, 
despite there being a similar contractual obligation to pay such 
investors. I have deep concerns about the impact these excess interest 
payments have on FHA borrowers, who typically have limited resources, 
but may end up paying more interest on their loans than other 
borrowers. While some might argue that this is merely an issue of 
educating the borrowers to encourage them to repay their principal at 
the end of the month, I am skeptical about whether the FHA mortgagors, 
who often repay their loans through selling their homes or refinancing 
their mortgages, have much ability to choose the day on which their 
transaction closes and the principal is repaid.
  I understand that the Banking Committee and the Department of Housing 
& Urban Development, HUD, are willing to work with Senator Isakson and 
me and our staffs to further understand this issue and make sure that 
FHA policies regarding interest charges protect borrowers to the extent 
possible. Is that right?
  Mr. JOHNSON of South Dakota. Yes, that is correct. My understanding 
is that HUD has been working to determine the impact of a change in how 
interest is accrued on FHA loans and the Department is committed to 
working with the junior Senator from Maryland on this issue. At the 
Banking Committee, my staff and I will also continue to study the issue 
and work with the Senator's staff and various stakeholders to discern 
the impact that such a change would have on interest rates and on the 
mortgage-backed securities market. With help from the Department and 
the junior Senators from Maryland and Georgia, we will move this 
process forward to bring about the best outcome for FHA borrowers.
  I want to assure the junior Senator from Maryland that I share his 
concern for FHA borrowers and am committed to pursuing policies that 
protect borrowers while also ensuring robust real estate and mortgage 
markets. I thank my colleague for bringing this issue to the attention 
of the Senate and I look forward to working with him.
  Mr. CARDIN. I thank the distinguished Senator from South Dakota for 
his consideration, and I compliment him for the excellent work he has 
done thus far in working to strengthen the real estate market and the 
economy in general during the economic downturn. I am sure the Senator 
will be pleased to learn that HUD committed to me and my staff that it 
would deliver within the next 2 to 3 weeks an analysis of how many 
borrowers are affected by the current interest policy and are required 
to pay excess interest. The last data published are from 2000 to 2003 
but indicate what is at stake. Total excess interest payments from that 
period, according to the National Association of Realtors, amounted to 
more than $1.3 billion. If hundreds of thousands of FHA borrowers could 
save hundreds of millions of dollars in excess interest payments each 
year, those savings could provide an economic stimulus in communities 
across the Nation that would not cost taxpayers anything. Additionally, 
in the next 60 to 90 days, HUD will complete a study on the impact of 
changing interest calculations on its systems, and those of large and 
small lenders, and share those results with the Banking Committee and 
me.
  Mr. President, with these assurances and commitments from the 
chairman and from HUD firmly in place, I will withdraw the amendment I 
offered on behalf of myself and the junior senator from Georgia, Senate 
Amendment 407, at the appropriate time.

                          ____________________