[Congressional Record Volume 157, Number 66 (Friday, May 13, 2011)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E896-E898]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                THE FUTURE OF TAIWAN'S NATIONAL SECURITY

                                 ______
                                 

                            HON. DAN BURTON

                               of indiana

                    in the house of representatives

                          Friday, May 13, 2011

  Mr. BURTON of Indiana. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to discuss the 
future of Taiwan. I have been a long-time supporter of Taiwan and hope 
that my colleagues and I will continue to improve relations not only 
between the United States and Taiwan but between Taiwan and the 
international community. All Americans should be proud that Taiwan and 
the United States have enjoyed a strong and durable relationship. 
Taiwan is one of our largest trading partners and the cultural 
exchanges between our two peoples are as vibrant as they have ever 
been. Taiwan has stood shoulder to shoulder with the United States to 
combat the scourge of global terrorism; and the people of Taiwan have 
always given generously in our greatest times of need with monetary 
contributions to the Twin Towers Fund, Pentagon Memorial Fund and 
through offer of humanitarian assistance to victims of Hurricane 
Katrina. Taiwan and the United States are not merely allies; we are 
friends and partners in the truest sense of the words.
  But, I think it would be fair to say that Taiwan's future is 
uncertain. Just yesterday, Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou took part 
in a video conference with the Center for Strategic and International 
Studies to discuss Taiwan's vision for the future of the Republic of 
China's National Security. I include a copy of President Ma Ying-jeou's 
speech into the Congressional Record. And I urge my colleagues to read 
the remarks because whatever the future holds of Taiwan, I believe that 
the people of Taiwan deserve to have a voice in shaping that future.

          Building National Security for the Republic of China

       President Hamre, distinguished guests, ladies and 
     gentlemen, good morning!
       It gives me great pleasure to be addressing my friends at 
     the Center for Strategic and International Studies once 
     again. We last met two years ago on the occasion of the 30th 
     Anniversary of the Taiwan Relations Act, a milestone in the 
     history of the Republic of China on Taiwan. And this year, 
     after a long journey of blood, toil, tears and sweat, the 
     Republic of China is achieving a greater milestone, its 
     centennial anniversary. This year also marks the third year 
     of my presidency. Therefore, it is time I shared with you how 
     I am building three lines of defense for the ROC's national 
     security, so as to ensure its longevity for many more 
     centuries to come. These three lines of defense are 
     institutionalizing the Cross-Strait rapprochement, enhancing 
     Taiwan's contributions to international development and 
     aligning defense with diplomacy.


    The First Line of Defense: Institutionalizing the Cross-Strait 
                             Rapprochement

       The Cross-Strait rapprochement that began three years ago 
     continues to bear fruit and increase regional peace and 
     stability. We witness this in so many aspects of our society. 
     The arrival of nearly three million mainland Chinese visitors 
     has created a tourism boom in Taiwan almost 10 times than 
     before. The increase in Cross-Strait trade also boosted 
     Taiwan's total trade volume to a record high of 526 billion 
     US dollars in 2010. Since the Cross-Strait Judicial Mutual 
     Assistance Agreement was signed in

[[Page E897]]

     2009, a joint crackdown on Cross-Strait crimes by the police 
     forces of both Taiwan and mainland China has seen more than 
     100 fugitives repatriated to Taiwan, up 50% from before, and 
     has cut cases of fraud in Taiwan by more than a quarter. And 
     in education, more than 5,600 mainland exchange students 
     studied in Taiwan's universities in 2010, paving the way for 
     another 2,000 students to arrive in the fall semester this 
     year. We have also seen a surge in Taiwanese companies with a 
     heavy investment presence in mainland China returning to list 
     their companies on the Taiwan Stock Exchange, rather than on 
     the Hong Kong Stock Exchange, a dramatic reversal of previous 
     practices.
       I owe much of my administration's success to our new 
     approach to Cross-Strait relations. The new way of thinking 
     revolves around moving beyond the outdated mode of 
     unilateralism that previously characterized, and also 
     hindered, relations between the two sides. As the renowned 
     diplomatic historian Paul Schroeder concluded in his study of 
     the events that led up to the Congress of Vienna peace era, 
     ``One must have change of thought, before one can have change 
     of action.''
       Before I came to office, we had all witnessed the spread of 
     instability, unpredictability and especially insecurity in 
     Cross-Strait relations. I had long recognized that Cross-
     Strait relations required a new mindset, one that would 
     emphasize the commonalities, take advantage of our shared 
     interests, capitalize on our mutual opportunities and de-
     emphasize our political disagreements. Former KMT Chairman 
     Lien Chan undertook some of the first steps towards 
     instilling this new mindset when he embarked on his ``Journey 
     of Peace'' to the mainland in 2005. His speech at Peking 
     University, calling for the two sides to join together to 
     ``beat swords into plowshares,'' captured the essence of this 
     new idea. The decades-old rivalry between Taiwan and mainland 
     China was thus given a rare window of opportunity for change.
       After I came to office in 2008, I worked hard to accelerate 
     this change. All around me, the world was changing at 
     breakneck speed while the ill-founded policies of the last 
     decade were threatening to sideline Taiwan in the Asia-
     Pacific region. I knew I had to break out of the Cross-Strait 
     deadlock for the sake of Taiwan's economic future and 
     national security. Hence, I championed a ``three-no'' policy 
     of ``no unification, no independence, and no use of force'' 
     under the ROC Constitution. This has changed the fundamental 
     structure of, and created a ``virtuous cycle'' for, Cross-
     Strait relations.
       I then adopted the ``92 Consensus'' as the cornerstone for 
     the Cross-Strait negotiations. The 92 Consensus, meaning 
     ``one China, respective interpretations'', has proven crucial 
     to paving the way forward. It was under this Consensus that 
     the six rounds of Chiang-Chen Talks were able to take place, 
     and the two sides were able to achieve so many practical, 
     indeed incredible, breakthroughs. By ``putting Taiwan first 
     for the benefit of the people,'' we and Beijing have thus far 
     signed 15 agreements that tackle the issues of greatest 
     concern to the people in Taiwan. At the same time, my 
     administration managed to institutionalize convenient, 
     predictable and stable channels for Cross-Strait 
     communications. It was only through this groundwork that the 
     next milestone--of signing an Economic Cooperation Framework 
     Agreement (ECFA) last year--could be realized and its 
     benefits fully exercised. One econometric study has even 
     shown that the ECFA will eventually add 4.4% to our GDP, once 
     the dynamic gains of structural adjustments have time to be 
     fully implemented. And that is not even including other 
     potential spillover benefits as a result of an improved 
     services, trade and investment environment.
       It is also my belief that increased exchanges across the 
     Strait will lead to increased exchanges with other countries, 
     for both sides. This will enhance mutual understanding 
     between Taiwan, the mainland and other countries, which will 
     in turn help Cross-Strait relations evolve even further. That 
     is, the virtuous cycle in Cross-Strait relations has positive 
     consequences for the international community, which then adds 
     even greater momentum to improvements in Cross-Strait 
     relations. For example, due to the diplomatic truce between 
     the two sides of the Strait, the number of diplomatic allies 
     that Taiwan has remained constant at 23, compared to a loss 
     of six allies by the previous administration. Taiwan has also 
     joined the Government Procurement Agreement (GPA) and become 
     an observer in the World Health Assembly (WHA) after a hiatus 
     of 38 years. Taiwan has expanded its visa waiver programs 
     from 53 to 113 countries and regions--with the United States 
     as a notable exception, as well as working-holiday 
     arrangements for young people from 2 to 6 countries.
       This just shows what can be achieved by merely changing the 
     way one thinks. This I believe is also the essence of good 
     governance: never to interfere, but to build the necessary 
     structures that encourage the right conditions for growth in 
     society. And it is through this process 
     of institutionalization that we created explicit or 
     implicit principles, norms, rules, and procedures around 
     which the expectations of both sides can converge. This 
     very convergence has created predictability and mutual 
     understanding in our relations, leading to stability 
     across the Taiwan Strait and in the region as a whole. The 
     idea of institutionalizing the Cross-Strait rapprochement, 
     therefore, is not only to reduce the possibility of 
     miscalculation but, more importantly, to increase the cost 
     of reversing this trend.


    The Second Line of Defense: Enhancing Taiwan's Contributions to 
                       International Development

       Although the incredible breakthroughs achieved in Cross-
     Strait relations have ensured a brighter future for Taiwan 
     and the region, Taiwan's national security is also heavily 
     dependent on how it contributes to the international 
     community. I envision Taiwan contributing on two primary 
     fronts: the economy, and foreign relations. In terms of the 
     economy, Taiwan already has the infrastructure and conditions 
     in place to attract the best talent and become East Asia's 
     next commercial center. Without a doubt, the expansive 
     business and personal networks Taiwan has built up throughout 
     the region over the last 60 years are an invaluable asset. 
     Its historical ties and cultural and language affinity with 
     the mainland give it a competitive edge in the vast Chinese 
     mainland market. At the same time, Taiwan also has a special 
     partnership with Japan, as we share many cultural traits, 
     common interests, ideas and even the same fashion sense. 
     Therefore, many Japanese and Taiwanese businessmen have 
     decided to work together to enter the mainland Chinese 
     market. And this type of win-win partnership can be 
     successfully repeated with other countries.
       Taiwan is located at the geographical center of East Asia, 
     and could not be in a better position for tapping into 
     business opportunities in the region. Any businessman or 
     multinational company based in Taiwan has convenient access 
     to the whole Asia-Pacific region. With direct air and sea 
     links, Taiwan is connected to all major cities in the Chinese 
     mainland, from the coastal metropolises of Shanghai and 
     Beijing, to the fast developing cities in the Chinese 
     hinterlands. At the same time, all other major cities in the 
     region--such as Tokyo, Seoul, Singapore, New Dehli, or 
     Sydney--are well within reach.
       Taiwan is also endowed with many ``soft-power'' attributes 
     that make it an ideal place for both domestic and 
     multinational companies. Its democracy and rule of law ensure 
     that the rights of individuals and companies, including 
     intellectual property rights, are guaranteed. The country's 
     modern and comprehensive transportation, healthcare and 
     education infrastructure ensures that those who live here 
     enjoy access to very good quality services. We also have a 
     highly educated, innovative and skilled labor force just 
     waiting for foreign companies to tap into. We have created an 
     enviably safe society where anyone out at night walking their 
     dogs or buying food at the grocery store can feel safe. And 
     improvements are happening all the time, making our society a 
     better place to live and do business in. Against a backdrop 
     of stable Cross-Strait relations, Taiwan's regional 
     connections, geographic advantages and soft-power attributes 
     make it poised to ride the next wave of opportunities in the 
     region, and to help others do the same if they choose to join 
     us.
       With respect to foreign relations, there is also a lot of 
     value that Taiwan can add to the global community. And as a 
     maturing democracy, I believe Taiwan must learn to fully 
     shoulder its own responsibilities in the world. In fact, 
     Taiwan's national security is inseparably tied to its role as 
     a responsible stakeholder. Our nation's political and 
     economic survival depends entirely on how well we uphold the 
     peace and stability of the international system. This is the 
     same system that is making Taiwan prosperous, and allowing 
     our government and people to connect with the rest of the 
     world in ways that are enriching our nation even further. So, 
     Taiwan certainly has a vested interest in putting a stop to 
     improper diplomatic practices and in adopting a foreign aid 
     policy that is more in line with international standards and 
     norms. This is exactly what we have been doing over the last 
     three years. Humanitarian work has especially become an 
     important platform for Taiwan's contributions to the 
     international community. Taiwan's democracy and economic 
     prosperity have combined to give rise, to a vibrant society 
     of numerous non-profit organizations. In almost every major 
     disaster that has occurred in the world recently, Taiwan has 
     been an important contributor, whether providing financial 
     aid to help rebuild homes in Sichuan, or giving life-
     sustaining medical aid to Haitian children. We were also one 
     of the first to arrive with emergency relief supplies and 
     rescue teams when Japan was struck by the triple disaster of 
     an earthquake, tsunami and nuclear incident. Deeply saddened 
     by the devastation, my wife and I were personally on hand to 
     answer calls from donors at a major fundraiser in Taiwan last 
     March. An equivalent of 27 million US dollars was raised that 
     night. My administration had also pledged another 3 million 
     US dollars. In fact, Taiwan ended up donating more than 200 
     million US dollars in total, which is Japan's biggest donor 
     so far. But, as you may know, our humanitarian contributions 
     in that crisis extended beyond Japan. Our China Airlines was 
     chartered to help fly out scores of US expatriates to Taipei 
     before they headed back home to the United States. This 
     second defense line aims to give Taiwan a higher moral ground 
     in international politics.


  The Third Line of Defense: Aligning Taiwan's Defense with Diplomacy

       From securing the Cross-Strait rapprochement to enhancing 
     Taiwan's contributions in

[[Page E898]]

     international development, I now come to the last but equally 
     significant part of the ROC's national security: aligning 
     Taiwan's defense with diplomacy. I have two priorities. 
     First, I want to continue to build up Taiwan's credibility 
     and trust with our closest allies, especially the United 
     States. To be a trustworthy partner, Taiwan must be keenly 
     aware of how its actions in the international system affect 
     the interests of the big powers. This means ``never rocking 
     the boat'' and ``full consultation.''
       Second, Taiwan has the resolve to defend itself. My 
     administration wants to enhance Taiwan's defense capability 
     on a newly designed volunteer military system. This is a huge 
     undertaking, as we need to overcome difficulties in training, 
     organization, finance and military doctrines. However, we are 
     confident that we will succeed in building a small but strong 
     military force. Complementary to our defense capability is 
     Taiwan's democratic values, rule of law, and an advanced 
     civil society, which could make Taiwan an indispensable 
     reference for socio-economic development in the Chinese 
     mainland. This is, it could be said, a soft-power approach to 
     national defense.
       Given the high stakes that America has invested in the 
     region, I am sure the US, of all countries, can appreciate my 
     administration's commitment to being a responsible 
     stakeholder. For example, President Barack Obama expressed 
     earlier this year his support for the progress that has been 
     made to reduce Cross-Strait tensions, and in particular how 
     its continuation will be in the interests of the region and 
     the United States. However, for Cross-Strait relations to 
     continue advancing, the US must help Taiwan level the playing 
     field. Negotiating with a giant like the Chinese mainland is 
     not without its risks. The right leverage must be in place, 
     otherwise Taiwan cannot credibly maintain an equal footing at 
     the negotiation table. This is why I continue to urge the US 
     to provide Taiwan with necessary defensive weaponry, such as 
     the F-16 C/Ds and diesel-powered submarines, to keep its 
     aerial and naval integrity intact, which is key to 
     maintaining a credible defense. As Secretary of Defense 
     Robert Gates wrote in Foreign Affairs last year, the US can 
     best help itself by ``helping others defend themselves.'' At 
     the same time, American presence in the very system it helped 
     create decades ago is crucial to that system's survival. In 
     the end, only a strong US commitment, backed by its 
     credibility in East Asia, can guarantee the peace and 
     stability of this region.


                           Concluding remarks

       In conclusion, a country's overall strategy for security 
     requires a sound political foundation in the domestic 
     setting. My approach to Taiwan's national security is based 
     on my administration's unwavering identification with the 
     Republic of China and its Constitution. This is a common 
     denominator for our vibrant democracy, which has a wide 
     spectrum of political views ranging from those who prefer de 
     jure Taiwan independence, to those who enjoy the status quo 
     and to those who favor reunification with mainland China. Any 
     deviation from or equivocation on this common denominator 
     will only cause unnecessary uncertainties and risks in 
     Taiwan's domestic politics, Cross-Strait relations and 
     international politics. Given that the stakes for all the 
     countries in East Asia and for Taiwan's future development 
     are high, I am confident my approach to the ROC's national 
     security is already at an optimum.
       My friends in America, the future of the region holds 
     enormous opportunities, but also many potential pitfalls. 
     Changes in both Taiwan and the mainland's domestic politics 
     could derail much of what has been achieved. Intransigence, 
     overconfidence or unilateral pursuit of national interests 
     could lead to a losing scenario for all relevant parties. So 
     it will be essential to keep track of these moving pieces in 
     the future. For my part, the process of transforming Taiwan 
     into a valuable member of the global community, and thus 
     ultimately enhancing its own security, will continue full-
     steam ahead under my administration. The same-old ``no 
     frills, no surprise''diplomacy will also continue to be the 
     operational code for my administration's conduct of foreign 
     policy. That said, I hope this year will mark the start of a 
     new 100 years that will be known as the century when the 
     Taiwan-US partnership achieved its greatest accomplishments.
       Thank you!

                     President Ma's Closing Remarks

       Dear friends and colleagues, as the famous American poet 
     Robert Frost once wrote, ``I took the road less travelled by, 
     and that has made all the difference.'' The past three years 
     have witnessed unprecedented breakthroughs and positive 
     developments in Taiwan and the region. Yet for the road 
     ahead, we still need to be patient and careful in our 
     political rhetoric, in the signals we send, in the gestures 
     we make, and in the reputation we cultivate. I draw 
     reassurance from the positive developments that continue to 
     unfold across the Strait and in the international community, 
     and I have full confidence in my administration's roadmap. On 
     a deeper level the improvement of Cross-Strait relations in 
     the past three years reflects the result of something 
     fundamentally more significant: the comprehensive overhaul of 
     Taiwan's strategic approach to the world. An approach that 
     has coupled Cross-Strait relations, the economy and foreign 
     relations together in such a way as to fully maximize 
     Taiwan's potential value in the global community. Taiwan has 
     to transform itself into a peacemaker, a contributor of 
     humanitarian aid, a center for innovation and business 
     opportunities, a major promoter of cultural exchange and the 
     standard bearer of Chinese culture. As the Republic of China 
     reaches its centennial anniversary, I believe my 
     administration's grand strategy will make the Republic more 
     secure, more prosperous for many, many years to come. I also 
     firmly believe America's friendship will be an inseparable 
     part of the Republic of China's future, as it has been in the 
     past one hundred years.
       Thank you!

                          ____________________