[Congressional Record Volume 157, Number 65 (Thursday, May 12, 2011)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2915-S2917]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
FINANCIAL HEALTH
Mr. SESSIONS. Madam President, I want to share a few thoughts on a
very important matter, the financial health of the United States. We
had a nice meeting with the President earlier today. The Republican
Senators virtually all were there, shared their thoughts, and the
President responded. All in all it was a good exchange. Those are the
kinds of meetings where I do not talk about what is said in detail and
quote anyone.
I was asked by a number of reporters what happened and what did you
say about it. I guess my conclusion is that not much happened. No
commitments were made that I could see, that indicated the President
had made any
[[Page S2916]]
change in the budget he had submitted or the speech he gave somewhat
amending his budget a few weeks ago.
He did not make any changes in the plan I am seeing out there. He was
open, discussed it, maybe something will happen. What is the status of
the Senate's business? This is the Senate. The Senate has serious
responsibilities. The Budget Act was designed to ensure that Congress
passes a budget, because it was learned over the years--it goes back to
the 1970s--that a budget is important for a country. Families have
them, businesses have them. You need a budget.
Congress was having trouble passing a budget. So they passed the
Budget Act that allowed a budget to become law without 60 votes in the
Senate, but they could be passed with 50 votes. As we know, there are
54 Democrats in the Senate--and more, I guess, than that with
Independents who caucus with the Democrats. So this is the situation we
are in.
The President complied with the Budget Act, a week late, by
submitting his budget, and his budget failed to meet the requirements
of our time to a very significant degree. Every witness we have had in
our budget committee--I am the ranking Republican on it--has indicated
and told us, many in great detail and with passion, we are on an
unsustainable course; you cannot continue to borrow 40 cents of every
dollar and try to fund a government borrowing that kind of money.
We will hit a budget deficit this year of $1.5 trillion, the largest
in the history of America. In 4 years, the President will have doubled
the entire debt of the United States based on the trillion-dollar
deficits he has had each year. So this is not an acceptable path for us
to be on.
We had hearings in the Budget Committee about the critical issues we
face. We considered and had testimony from the fiscal commission that
President Obama appointed--Erskine Bowles and Alan Simpson, we had
Rivlin-Pete Domenici. Senator Domenici, retired now, was Budget
chairman at one point in time in the Senate. Alice Rivlin, OMB Director
for President Clinton, is a wizard herself with numbers. They proposed
some real changes in the debt trajectory we are on. I thought after
that, and based on the comments of Senator Conrad, our chairman, and
the strong witnesses we heard who called on us to make significant
changes in what we were doing that we would move forward with a budget
that would be a good bit stronger than the one President Obama
submitted.
Indeed, President Obama's budget was not serious. President Obama's
budget took the current spending line for 10 years, that the
Congressional Budget Office said we are on, and it made it worse. It
made the deficit worse, $2 trillion worse than the current plan we were
on--totally unacceptable.
He proposed in his budget increasing the Department of Education
funding by 10.5 percent; increasing the Energy Department funding 9.5
percent; increasing State Department funding 10.5 percent; proposed
increasing the Transportation Department 62 percent.
In a time when inflation is 2 percent, we are having those kinds of
increases and we say we are submitting a budget that recognizes we are
on an unsustainable course and we have got to change. Well, it was
unacceptable. I was very disappointed about it. I think even the man he
appointed to head the debt commission, Erskine Bowles, said they have
come nowhere close to what is necessary to avoid our fiscal nightmare.
We were told by our Budget chairman, Senator Conrad, whom it has been
a pleasure to work with, that we would have a budget markup beginning
this Monday. He told us that last week. Well, it did not happen on
Monday. Then maybe it was going to be Tuesday. Maybe it was going to be
Wednesday. Then all of a sudden the President invited the Democrats
over Wednesday and the Republicans to the White House Thursday and
everything is off.
I asked my staff, have we received a notice that we are going to have
a Budget Committee hearing next week? The answer is no. So what do we
say about that?
The Budget Act says the Senate and the House should commence budget
action April 1. We have not done that. It says a budget should be
passed by April 15. The Senate has not done that. The Republican House
has. The Republican House has proposed a historic budget. They have
passed it. They passed it on time. It will reduce spending by about $6
trillion. That would actually reduce taxes also and get the rates down
to help encourage more economic growth, and put us on a path to fiscal
sanity, not only this decade, but in the decades to come, because it
dealt with some of the exploding entitlement programs such as Medicare.
What resulted from that? Well, Mr. Ryan, a brilliant young
Congressman who has worked on budget issues for many years, is the most
knowledgeable person probably in America about the details and the
financial condition of America. They attacked him as though he did
something wrong. The Democratic Senators and the President are spending
their time attacking the one person who stood up and produced a budget
that can be defended. He is prepared to defend it anywhere, anytime. He
goes to townhall meetings. He has stood before the press. He has issued
statements. He has explained what his budget is. It may not be perfect,
but it is a change. It would put us on a path to financial stability.
And what has the Senate done? Complained about his budget. Well, it is
time this Senate produces a budget.
Let me say this: Today, 743 days have passed since the Senate has
passed a budget. Now, let me ask, if we took a poll of the American
people, how many of the American people would say the Senate shouldn't
pass a budget? We have a whole act that requires one to be passed and
brought up and voted on. What happened last year? The Budget Committee
did produce a budget. It came to the floor, and the Democratic leader,
Senator Reid, just didn't have time to bring it up. Why? Well, you
know, there is a vote-arama. We don't like vote-aramas. What is a vote-
arama? Everybody gets to file an amendment, and Senators are supposed
to vote. It has to be brought up and passed. It is passed by a simple
majority. Why? Because we want to accelerate the debate and make sure a
budget is passed because a nation that intends to be serious about its
financial stability needs a budget, does it not? This began in the
1970s.
So we are now beginning to wonder, will the committee even pass a
budget? Is Senator Conrad not even going to have a committee markup and
produce a budget? Is the Democratic Senate not even going to move one
out of committee? At least it moved one out of committee last year. And
if the committee does meet and does move a budget, is Senator Reid
prepared to stand up, like Congressman Ryan, lay his budget down before
the American people, and defend it before the world? Oh, well, we need
to have talks. We have talks going on. The Vice President is having a
meeting. The President is inviting everybody over.
Why don't we move forward with our budget process, I ask? Why don't
we? Well, why not? We read in one of our local newspapers that cover
the Senate--I think it was The Hill--Senator Conrad had a hard time
with his Democratic colleagues. His budget, which I very much was
afraid wouldn't contain spending enough, but certainly I felt it would
be better than the budget President Obama had submitted, was discussed
with his Democratic colleagues last week in their conference, and it
didn't go well, we are told. So this week he came back again,
apparently, and produced another budget.
According to the report, Senator Sanders--probably the most
aggressive and articulate advocate for greater government spending and
activism in the Senate--seemed to be very happy that he changed the
budget, and it had $2 trillion in tax increases, they said, and $2
trillion in spending reductions. That is supposed to be balanced. But
that is not what the debt commission said. The debt commission--which I
didn't agree with, really--said we should have at least $3 worth of
spending reduction for every $1 in tax increases.
Then we have another report. I think it was in the CQ publication
that does work around here and digs up information. They said it looks
as if there are going to be fewer spending reductions. It looks as
though it is going to be about $2 trillion in tax increases and only
$1.5 trillion in reduced spending. So it is less than even 1-to-1.
[[Page S2917]]
Well, I think if I were the majority leader, I wouldn't really feel
comfortable about bringing such a budget as that before the American
people and standing right down here and defending such a weak response
to the fiscal crisis we are now in. Of course, that budget is
irresponsible if that is so. I don't think the American people will be
happy with it. I certainly will oppose it with all the strength in my
body if that is the nature of it.
Well, why don't you know, Sessions?
Well, I haven't been told. We asked. The Republican members of the
committee wrote the chairman and asked that any budget numbers that are
produced be produced 72 hours in advance of the hearing so we can study
it, offer amendments, or substitute as we choose to do. We have been
basically told we will get the budget resolution the chairman intends
to file the morning it starts. When we commence the hearing to mark up
the budget, we will be getting the copy of what they propose to bring
forward. We really think that is not a healthy way to do business on a
matter this important.
This period in history represents the most significant long-term
threat to American financial stability that we have seen maybe ever.
Sure, we had a tough time during World War II and the debt went up, but
we could see, when the war was over, the strength of our workforce, and
the economy grew. We came right out of that and got that situation
under control quickly. But now we are in a situation in which our
Nation is aging. The number of people working is down. The number of
recipients of Medicare and Social Security is up. We have to figure out
a way to honestly deal with that without in any way placing our seniors
at risk and other people who benefit from government programs.
It is going to take some change. It is first going to take change in
wasteful Washington spending. All our discretionary spending needs to
be looked at, and we also are going to have to look at the long-term
prospects for our financial future, as our creditors--those who are
loaning us this money we are borrowing--are getting uneasy. They are
not too comfortable with what we are doing.
I believe any President of any party who desires the mantle of a
leader, desires to demonstrate a commitment to a firm footing for our
financial future, should come forth with a plan as part of the budget
process and lay it out so the American people can see it.
I am becoming very concerned, once again, even though 743 days have
passed since a budget has cleared this Senate, that we may not get one
this year. What an event. That, to me, is unthinkable. How
irresponsible could we be to go another year under these circumstances?
For example, the Congressional Budget Office has analyzed the
President's proposal for the future, and that scoring of the
President's budget concludes a couple of things. Last year, the
interest we paid on the money this Nation has borrowed was $200
billion. In 10 years, under the President's plan, the Congressional
Budget Office said the amount of interest that would be paid in 1 year
is $940 billion. That is bigger than the Defense Department. That is
bigger than Medicare. It will be the largest single item in the entire
budget. It is unthinkable. We get no benefit from that whatsoever
except the money we borrowed to live off of.
We are passing huge debts off to our grandchildren. The expert
economists and financiers who testified before the Budget Committee
said: Don't think you can just assume the problem falls on your
grandchildren. They said we could have a crisis much sooner than that.
Mr. Bowles and Mr. Simpson issued a statement to us when they
testified that said we are facing the most predictable debt crisis in
American history. We asked: Could we have an idea of when such a crisis
could hit us? And Mr. Bowles, chosen by President Obama to head the
commission, said 2 years, maybe a little earlier, maybe a little later.
Alan Simpson said: I think it could be 1 year.
Well, we hope we don't have some new debt crisis. We hope the people
who have been loaning us money don't get so nervous, as they have done
in Greece, that our interest rate surge puts this economy in a
dangerous condition and damages our country. I hope that is not
happening within 2 years or 1 year. Wouldn't that be a disaster for us?
How do we prevent it? We take action now that changes the debt
trajectory of our country and sends a message to the whole world: We
get it. We know we can't continue on this path, and we are changing.
And the way our Congress and government is set up, the way that change
occurs is through the adoption of a budget.
I remain very disappointed that while the House has produced a
historic budget on time--by April 15--we have not even begun to mark up
a budget in the Senate. That is irresponsible. And we need to know and
the American people need to know that the majority leader, if a budget
is passed out of committee--and certainly it should be--will move it to
the floor and bring it up for vote and amendment and debate, and then
it goes to the House and conference, they hammer out the differences,
and we adopt a budget that can help put this country on a sound
financial path and avoid the kind of crisis so many experts have warned
us could occur.
I thank the Chair. I see my fabulous colleague, Senator Hatch, the
ranking Republican member of the Finance Committee and my former
chairman of the Judiciary Committee. I was honored to serve with him.
I thank the Chair and yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Utah.
Mr. HATCH. Madam President, I thank my dear colleague for his kind
remarks. I appreciate them.
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