[Congressional Record Volume 157, Number 48 (Tuesday, April 5, 2011)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2116-S2119]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
CONGRATULATING THE UNIVERSITY OF CONNECTICUT BASKETBALL TEAMS
Mr. LIEBERMAN. Madam President, I thank the Chair, and I thank my
friend from California. One might say, in the context of the debates
going on in Congress now, that Senator Blumenthal and I have come to
the floor of the Senate to talk about a governmental program that
really works, that has inspired an entire State, perhaps a nation. I
speak, of course, of the University of Connecticut baseball program.
It is with great joy that I come to the floor of the Senate today to
congratulate the University of Connecticut men's basketball team and
their great coach, Jim Calhoun, on winning the NCAA championship last
night. This has been a remarkable season. A team that started unranked,
a young team in a year that was supposed to be a rebuilding year came
together in a magical way. They had their ups early in the season, they
had their downs as time went on, but the run that began with the Big
East tournament a few weeks ago has, for our State and I think anybody
who follows and loves college basketball, really been inspirational.
I do want to say, in terms of inspiration and I suppose I might say
in the spirit of bipartisanship or at least good sportsmanship, that I
offer congratulations to the Butler Bulldogs on their great run in the
tournament, which also was inspirational. I thank my Indiana colleagues
for their good sportsmanship and for what they described as the best
popcorn in America, made in Indiana--that is part of a friendly wager
they made, Senators Lugar and Coats, with Senator Blumenthal and me--
which we will be pleased to accept and devour.
This has been quite a year. Led by their floor leader, Kemba Walker,
and assisted by an extraordinary group of young athletes, this group of
student athletes demonstrated to all of us what a combination of hard
work, dedication, commitment, and teamwork can achieve. Honestly, I tip
my hat to these ``top dogs'' today of college basketball.
Of course, in my opinion, no matter how good and how much potential
the players on this UConn men's basketball team had, they simply could
not have done it without their great coach and a great man, Jim
Calhoun. This is not the first time I have had the honor to come to the
Senate floor to commend the performance of Coach Calhoun and the UConn
Huskies. In fact, with last night's victory, Jim has etched his name in
basketball glory by winning his third national title. He becomes only
the fifth coach in history to win three national championships, and he
joins the ranks of other greats such as John Wooden and Coach K, Mike
Krzyzewski. He is only one of 8 coaches to run up over 800 career wins.
Over the years, I have watched Jim build upon the athletic program at
UConn, transforming it from an occasionally regional contender to a
regular national powerhouse. His three national championships and seven
Big East championships have put our team, the State team of a
relatively small State, on the college basketball map and set a high
standard of excellence. I think none of this would have happened
without Coach Calhoun's vision, his drive, his caring for players, and
his extraordinary basketball brains.
There is a larger lesson, as there often is in sports. But this was a
team that came into the Big East tournament with most people thinking
the season would end quickly for them. They had will, which is a word
Coach Calhoun uses a lot. They always had the potential and the
ability, but they had the will. I am looking at the Senate pages now,
young people.
There are a lot of people who read these UConn Huskies out at
different times of the season, but they didn't read themselves out of
the competition, and their coach never did. He kept telling them they
had what it took to be champions. They pulled together. They worked
together. They developed their potential to the fullest. They played
and lived like a family. And you might say Coach Calhoun is the loving
father who employs a lot of tough love but draws greatness out of these
players and gives all of us in Connecticut a tremendous sense of pride.
I do not want to finish my statement without also telling Coach Geno
Auriemma and the great players on the UConn women's basketball team how
proud we are of them and how much we thank them for another remarkable
season that was also filled with historic accomplishments, including an
impressive run to the Final Four and a recordbreaking 90-consecutive-
wins streak. The Lady Huskies were led by the all-impressive Maya
Moore, who achieved AP All American honors in each of her 4 seasons at
UConn and scored over 3,000 career points. So I give my congratulations
to Coach Geno Auriemma and to the players on the UConn Lady Huskies,
who also made us proud.
I am going to yield the floor in a minute to my colleague, Senator
Blumenthal. It strikes me that this is the first time I have had the
chance to celebrate here when my former colleague, Senator Chris Dodd,
is not here. The first time we celebrated together on the floor, I
ended my remarks with the UConn cheer. Afterward, Senator Dodd, then
the senior Senator, gave me a hard time as to whether I would make a
good cheerleader and whether it was a decorous thing to do on the floor
of the Senate. I told him at the time that it could have been worse--I
could have just done the UConn Huskies' ``woof.''
But now I am the senior Senator, and may I conclude by simply saying
U-C-O-N-N, UConn, UConn, UConn. National champs. I know my ending needs
a little work, and I will be working on that from now until next year
when we hopefully secure another championship.
I yield the floor to Senator Blumenthal.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Connecticut.
Mr. BLUMENTHAL. I thank the senior Senator from Connecticut for that
very eloquent tribute to our team. I am not going to try to match the
cheer this year but perhaps next. And I thank him for providing such a
model of support for the University of Connecticut, truly a government
program that works but also, obviously, one that is completely
nonpolitical, bipartisan--perhaps providing another lesson for us here.
I am very honored to rise in celebrating this remarkable
accomplishment. This majestic and momentous victory culminates a kind
of magical journey for this team. They defied the odds. They disproved
the doubt and the doubters, and they stared down adversity with real
grit and grace. Remember that they rallied after losing 4 out of 5 of
their last regular season games and then had an extraordinary streak of
11 straight wins to win the Big East and then the NCAA championship.
They were relentless and courageous in believing in themselves
throughout that very tough battle. At some point, as someone said, this
team forgot how to lose--again, a life lesson for many of us.
As in every remarkable triumph, this one had a team effort and it had
stars. Kemba Walker was perhaps the most notable among them, and he won
awards that recognized his remarkable individual effort, but there were
also freshmen who were important--I say that as a freshman Senator--
Jeremy Lamb and Roscoe Smith.
As important as any player, as my colleague has recognized, was Coach
Calhoun, who really demonstrated again the reason he is a champion and
a hero to Huskies fans throughout the State of Connecticut and the
Nation.
[[Page S2117]]
He gave his team strength at the critical time, and he drew that
strength from his own life experiences. Just last Sunday, he recalled
his day, shortly after his father's death, when he was pumping gas and
cutting stone and collecting metal in a shipyard in Massachusetts. He
is a fighter, he is a leader, and the UConn basketball program has come
a long way under his leadership.
Many recall the days when they had no championships and certainly no
winning teams. The program began in 1901, with a season that consisted
of a single game against Windham High School, and it was 98 years until
Coach Calhoun won them their first championship and now their third. He
won that championship because of the great playing of those teams and
the players who have gone on to performances that are remarkable in
other leagues.
I also wish to join in paying tribute to Geno Auriemma and the Lady
Huskies. They came very close, heartbreakingly close, to another
championship. Maya Moore and every member of that team deserves our
gratitude and admiration.
There is no doubt that both teams--both of them--have a bright
future. I look forward to being here again next year and celebrating
another Huskies victory, hopefully by both the women's and the men's
teams.
I yield the floor, and I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The clerk will call the roll.
The assistant bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. DURBIN. I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum
call be rescinded.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, it is so
ordered.
Mr. DURBIN. Madam President, Paul Ryan is a Congressman from
Janesville, WI. I know it because it is right across the border from
Illinois. I have relatives and friends who live in the area. I like
Paul. I served with him on the Bowles-Simpson deficit commission. We
spent a lot of time together. He is a very bright person, and he has
been given a big assignment in the House of Representatives as chairman
of the Budget Committee. He and I have different views of the world and
of politics, but I respect him very much for his intelligence.
He has laid out a budget plan for House Republicans that is very
specific in the goals he has set for America. There are some aspects on
which Paul and I agree. We agree on the fact that we are facing a
deficit crisis. We cannot continue to borrow 40 cents for every dollar
we spend. It is unsustainable. We borrow the money from countries such
as China. China is a nation that is hard charging and competing with
the United States, and they are one of our major creditors. That is a
delicate position to be in, when a country that one is competing with
for jobs and economic growth also happens to be its banker, its
creditor. That is the case. We can't sustain that. As we watch our
national debt increase, we understand we have to take serious measures
to deal with it.
This morning, in a bipartisan meeting of Senators with the President,
we had the chairman of the Senate Budget Committee, Kent Conrad,
describe our current situation. At this point in time, about 14 percent
of our gross domestic product is coming into the government in revenue,
which is the lowest percentage in 60 years, and expenditures represent
about 24 percent of our gross domestic product. That 10 percent
difference between revenue and expenditure equals deficit. We have to
reach a point where we are prepared to cut spending and make changes
that will lead to a more stable economy and deal with our deficit
honestly.
There were two State legislators who wrote a letter to the New York
Times several weeks ago that caught my attention, a Democrat and
Republican. They were talking about their State challenge, and they
said: We have come to the conclusion that we can't cut our way out of
it, and we can't tax our way out of it. We have to think our way out of
it. We have to focus on changes in State government policy that reduce
waste and inefficiency and move us toward a more solid position.
I think the same lesson applies in Washington. We have to be thinking
about what we need to do to move forward so our children and
grandchildren don't inherit the deficit we now face, a deficit which,
of course, is growing by the day.
I always like to give a little historical perspective so people
understand where we are and how we arrived. I ask people to think back
to the year 2000, if they can. In the year 2000, President William
Jefferson Clinton was leaving office, and President George W. Bush was
coming into office. Snapshot: What was the state of America then? The
snapshot would tell us that we had a national debt in the year 2000 of
$5 trillion. The accumulated net national debt of America when
President Clinton left office was $5 trillion. We were in our third
year of generating a surplus; that is, more money coming into the
government than being spent. The surplus was being put into the Social
Security trust fund and buying more years of solvency for the trust
fund.
President Clinton, as he left office, handed the keys to the White
House to President Bush and said: This coming fiscal year, 2001, you
will have a $120 billion surplus. Welcome to Washington.
Now, fast-forward 8 years later. The year is 2008. President George
W. Bush is leaving office, handing the keys to the White House to
President Barack Obama. What was the national debt? It was $5 trillion
when President Bush came into office, and as he left the projected debt
for the next year was $11 trillion. In 8 years President Bush had more
than doubled the national debt, and we were witnessing record deficits.
He said to President Obama: Here is next year's budget. Incidentally,
it is $1.2 trillion in deficit.
How did this reversal occur in only 8 years? It occurred because the
policies of the Bush administration called for waging two wars and not
paying for them and doing something that had never been done in U.S.
history by any President: tax cuts in the middle of a war. A war is
over and above the ordinary expenses of government. If we cut revenues
at the same time, it makes it impossible to balance the budget. In
fact, it drove us to record-high deficits. That is what President Obama
inherited, an $11 trillion national debt and a deficit for the first
year in office of $1.2 trillion and losing hundreds of thousands of
jobs to unemployment as he was being sworn in.
Fortunately, the recession we face has slowed down and started to
stabilize. As of last Friday, we are seeing the lowest unemployment
rate in 2 years. We are coming out of this slowly, but we are coming
out of it. We are making a recovery.
The point we made in the deficit commission--and it needs to be
repeated--is, as we chart a glidepath to bring us out of deficit, let's
get the recession behind us. Let's get the 14 million unemployed
Americans back to work. We will not balance the budget with 14 million
Americans unemployed. These are people who need the basic necessities
of life and are not working and paying taxes. That creates a drain on
the Treasury. We need to move toward restoring jobs, creating good-
paying jobs as part of our overall agenda.
That is the lead-in to Congressman Paul Ryan proposing a budget
resolution on his side of the rotunda. He released it today. As we take
a look at this resolution, where it leads, we see that Congressman Ryan
claims that he will reduce the deficit by $4 trillion over the next 10
years compared to the President's budget, but he achieves this solely
through spending cuts. His cuts are focused. Instead of looking at all
of the spending of government, he takes a small amount out of the
Pentagon spending, some $78 billion. In light of the Pentagon budget,
that is a nick, a fractional amount. I want America to be safe. I want
our security to never be in question, but we waste a lot of money at
the Pentagon with contracting out and with things we should not buy. We
could save a lot of money there.
Congressman Ryan's budget does not address that. He leaves,
unfortunately, that aspect of the budget untouched, largely; $78
billion over 5 years is hardly an effort to try to reduce waste and
efficiency in the Department of Defense.
Then he turns to the domestic discretionary budget. That represents
12 percent of the overall budget. That has health care, education,
medical research, things of that nature, in it. That is where he makes
the biggest cuts in the coming 5 and 10 years.
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When it comes to the revenue side of the equation, should, for
example, those who are well off, millionaires, pay higher taxes? No.
The budget proposed by Congressman Ryan reduces the top marginal rate
for individuals and corporations to 25 percent, from 39.6 percent,
producing an enormous windfall with that reduction to the wealthiest
individuals and corporations, even as spending for programs that
benefit low-income families, such as Pell grants for students and low-
income families to go to college, are being slashed under his budget.
Because the tax plan is revenue neutral, the plan must by definition
include tax increases for lower income Americans to pay for the tax
cuts which Congressman Ryan's budget gives to the wealthiest 2 percent.
Is that the key to our future? Cutting taxes for the wealthiest
people, raising taxes for lower and middle-income families? I don't
think that is fair. Those of us who love this country and feel blessed
that we were given a chance to live here and do well should accept the
reality that we pay back something to this great country and keep it
safe and growing in the right direction. Congressman Ryan's budget
resolution goes in the opposite direction, cutting taxes for those who
have been well off, those who are well-to-do.
What troubles me the most about the Ryan budget resolution is what it
does to health care. We cannot seriously address the deficit and debt
without addressing the cost of health care. As the Presiding Officer
knows, we spent a lot of time debating that over the previous 2 years.
We came up with a plan to try to at least reduce the rate of growth in
health care costs. I think we achieved some good things. We tried to
bring more people into coverage when it came to health care and fewer
people showing up at hospitals with no insurance, no payment, actually
having their medical bills transferred to everyone else.
Chairman Ryan released a budget proposal for fiscal year 2012 that
would repeal the health reform law which we passed and was signed by
the President. It would end the Medicare and Medicaid Programs as we
know them today. His proposal balances the budget, unfortunately, at
the expense of those who can least afford it: low-income families,
seniors, and people with disabilities.
First, Chairman Ryan proposes repealing the entire Affordable Care
Act. That means all the consumer protections and benefits put in place
by that law would disappear. What does it mean to the average family?
Right now we changed the law so young Americans can stay on their
parents' health insurance policies until age 27. Having lived through
this experience of putting kids through college, it is a real worry.
One's son or daughter graduates from college, they no longer have
health insurance through the ordinary means, either through college or
through the family, and now they are on their own looking for a job. If
you are like most parents, you worry. They are one diagnosis, one
accident away from serious medical bills. You want them to have the
best care.
I can't tell my colleagues how many times I asked my son and
daughter: Do you have health insurance now that you are finished with
college?
Dad, I feel great. I am healthy.
I wish we could all be so confident. We changed the law so that young
people could stay under their parents' health insurance plans until age
27. That is reasonable.
The Ryan Republican budget resolution would repeal that. I don't
think that is helpful.
We also have what is called the doughnut hole in Medicare where
seniors receive payments for prescription drugs. There is a gap in
coverage called the doughnut hole. We start filling that in so seniors
have seamless coverage so they can have the prescriptions they need to
stay healthy, independent, and strong, out of the hospital, out of the
nursing home, in the life they want to lead. Unfortunately, that effort
would be repealed by the Ryan Republican budget resolution.
In addition, we put in the law a provision that people with
preexisting conditions wouldn't be denied health insurance. Initially,
we protect children. If you have a child who is diabetic, has a history
of cancer or some other disease, it might be next to impossible to buy
health insurance. We protect that family and say children under the age
of 18 cannot be discriminated against because of a preexisting
condition. The Ryan proposal would eliminate that protection as well.
It also means that health care delivery system reforms put in place
by the law, things such as bundling payments to medical providers and
reducing reimbursements to hospitals with high rates of infection would
go away.
These changes are designed to lower health care costs, but the Ryan
proposal would eliminate them. His plan is simply cost-shifting, not
cost saving, because we had scored by the Congressional Budget Office--
a bipartisan agency--a savings of $120 billion in the first 10 years
from our health care reform. So instead of reducing the deficit,
Chairman Ryan's proposal will increase the deficit by at least $210
billion by repealing health care reform.
Next, Chairman Ryan proposes converting Medicaid into a block grant
program. He says this will help the States rein in costs with more
flexibility. In fact, it just shifts the costs to States, low-income
beneficiaries, and medical providers. When we look at the dollar
amounts, he would be reducing Medicaid reimbursement back to the States
by 28 percent.
Who are some of the beneficiaries of Medicaid in Illinois, in
Pennsylvania, and New Hampshire? Well, the beneficiaries include a lot
of elderly people living in nursing homes. These are folks who no
longer have a savings account to turn to. They have a Medicare payment
and a Medicaid payment, and that is it. If we reduce the reimbursement
under Medicaid, unfortunately, many of them cannot stay in the nursing
homes and convalescent centers in which they now live. So we have to
think carefully about the way we deal with Medicaid.
By my estimation, my staff's estimation, the $770 billion cut in
Medicaid with the Ryan budget proposal is about a 28-percent cut in
reimbursement for Medicaid in the years to come.
That is not the worst part. The worst part, I am afraid, is Chairman
Ryan proposes ending Medicare as we know it. Back in the 1960s, the
creation of Medicare was the answer to the prayers of many senior
citizens. They had Social Security, which provided them with a basic
monthly payment that might help them maintain their independence and
continue on if their pension or savings did not cover life's expenses,
but then came medical expenses. With Medicare we said: If you will pay
in through payroll taxes through a lifetime, when you retire you will
be covered with Medicare insurance.
Story after story has been told in my family and others of people who
found themselves not Medicare eligible but without health insurance. I
had a brother--a late brother--who had heart issues. He retired as a
member of management from Boeing aircraft and then had a massive heart
attack and surgery, and then his health insurance was canceled before
he reached age 65. He was worried, worried he would have to dip into
savings if he ever had to go back to the hospital. Fortunately for him,
he did not have another problem until he reached Medicare eligibility.
So Medicare ends up being a lifeline for many seniors; otherwise,
they would see their savings exhausted which they planned to use for
the rest of their lives and their security.
Chairman Ryan proposes ending Medicare as we know it and, instead,
giving seniors subsidies to enroll in private health insurance plans.
This might save some Federal funds, but that is because the Federal
subsidy would not cover the full cost of private plans that are as good
as Medicare.
I am glad to see Senator Bill Nelson of Florida on the Senate floor.
My guess is, Medicare is a pretty important issue in Florida, and I
think he probably has some strong feelings about this issue.
But what Chairman Ryan has proposed in the House budget resolution
would mean seniors would lose the guaranteed benefits they have today.
How much of a cut in benefits? Well, he is very explicit: 60 percent, a
60-percent cut in Medicare benefits for senior citizens. How is that
going to work? How are we going to find ourselves in a situation where
private health insurance companies are somehow going to provide 60
percent more in services for the
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current cost? It is not likely to happen. This will not bring down
overall health spending, incidentally. It just pushes the costs on to
seniors and makes them sicker when they finally show up at the
hospital.
In fact, Medicare provides health care for seniors at a price less
than the same benefits cost in the private market. It is a popular
program because it works.
The point I would like to make--and I see my colleague here; and I
will yield the floor to him--is, I share Chairman Ryan's concern about
the deficit and concern about health costs. But if we are going to be
honest and deal with this, as I said at the outset, we cannot cut our
way out of this problem. We cannot tax our way out of this problem. We
have to think our way out of this problem. We have to find approaches
that more effectively use the wonderful medical resources in this
country at a savings.
We have to reward value when it comes to health care as opposed to
volume. We have to make certain those who are ripping off current
programs see that activity come to an end. If we work together on a
bipartisan basis, we can achieve that. I hope we can do it on a
bipartisan basis because it is the only way that will work. Trying to
impose this by one party, whether it is in the continuing resolution or
in the long-term budget resolution, is not likely to achieve the goals
most Americans hope we achieve as Members of the Senate and Congress.
Mr. NELSON of Florida. Will the Senator yield for a question?
Mr. DURBIN. I am happy to yield.
Mr. NELSON of Florida. The Senator has pointed out very accurately
the analysis of this most recent proposal by the chairman in the House
of Representatives. If I recall, did we not address cutting some $400
billion out of Medicare over the next decade in the health care reform
bill that was passed last year?
Mr. DURBIN. That is exactly right, I say to the Senator from Florida,
and there were people who were critical of us and said we were,
unfortunately, cutting Medicare benefits, which we were not. The
Senator may recall that one of the first amendments on the floor--it
may have been from Senator Bennet of Colorado, if I am not mistaken--
said we are going to protect Medicare benefits, but we are going to try
to cut the waste out of the current Medicare Program--the duplication
and the overcharging that is going on--so seniors will not pay in terms
of health care, but the taxpayers will not be held responsible for
something that is not serving them well.
Mr. NELSON of Florida. Will the Senator respond to another question?
Mr. DURBIN. I would be happy to.
Mr. NELSON of Florida. Is it true that in the proposal from the
chairman in the House of Representatives, he would take the Medicaid
Program--which, generally, is a split, something like 55 percent
Federal money, with 45 percent State money, for the health care for the
poor and the disabled--that his proposal is he would give this as a
block grant to the States for the Governors and the State legislatures
to decide how they were going to distribute it?
Mr. DURBIN. Yes, I say to the Senator from Florida, that is my
understanding. But it also includes a 28-percent reduction in the
amount of money the Federal Government is going to pay into this. So in
your State, and mine, too, a lot of elderly people live in nursing
homes and depend on Medicaid. Without Medicare and Medicaid, they could
not stay there. If you cut by 28 percent the reimbursement under
Medicaid, I wonder what is going to happen to those people.
Mr. NELSON of Florida. Would the Senator believe the experience of
the State of Florida: When they tried to put all Medicaid into
insurance companies--otherwise known as HMOs, health maintenance
organizations--those organizations pulled out of serving the poor in
rural counties, and yet that is a proposal in front of the State
legislature of Florida at this very moment?
Mr. DURBIN. I would say to the Senator from Florida, representing a
State as diverse as his, with rural areas and major urban centers,
there are some areas where private health insurance companies are not
going to do business because it is not profitable. So when Chairman
Ryan says we will just try to shift all of this responsibility to the
private health insurance market, I am afraid many Americans--those in
rural areas, maybe some with preexisting conditions because he is
repealing the Affordable Health Care Act too--are going to find
themselves without health insurance coverage.
Mr. NELSON of Florida. And a further question to the Senator from
Illinois: Would he characterize the proposal by the chairman in the
House of Representatives on Medicare as not only cutting the payments
to Medicare but the way Medicare is being delivered by altering that
into the private sector?
Mr. DURBIN. I say in response--and this will be my last response
because I have to run to a meeting--but the interesting point about
Chairman Ryan's proposal is the money does not go to the senior
citizens under Medicare; the money goes to the insurance company. Think
about that: a voucher to an insurance company, and the hope is they
would provide the coverage you need.
Medicare, I want to tell you, is like Social Security, one of those
programs that people have confidence in. They know the coverage and
they know what has happened. Since the 1960s, under President Johnson,
when we initiated Medicare, seniors live longer, they are healthier,
they are strong, and they are independent. That is what you get with
good quality health care. When you start making 60 percent cuts in
Medicare benefits, such as Chairman Ryan's House Republican budget
proposal, you run the risk that a lot of people will not get the good
coverage they have today in Medicaid and Medicare.
Mr. NELSON of Florida. I say in conclusion--and I thank the Senator
for yielding--all you have to do is ask a senior citizen do they like
their Medicare or would they prefer to have it done by an insurance
company, and I think you will get a resounding answer.
Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Casey). The Senator from Alaska.
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