[Congressional Record Volume 157, Number 36 (Thursday, March 10, 2011)]
[Senate]
[Pages S1537-S1541]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
Belarus Resolution
Mr. LIEBERMAN. Mr. President, I rise to speak in support of a
bipartisan resolution that has been submitted by our colleague, Senator
Durbin, and of which I am proud to be a cosponsor, which concerns the
situation in the country of Belarus.
As the winds of democratic change have been sweeping now across North
Africa and the Middle East ousting autocratic rulers who have been long
entrenched there, it is important for us to remember there is still one
remaining dictatorship in Europe, and that is in the country of
Belarus.
In the 20 years since the fall of the Soviet Union, Belarus's
neighbors to the north and west have become successful, prosperous
democracies. But, tragically, while Poland, Lithuania, and Latvia have
broken the chains of tyranny and joined the flagship institutions of
the Euro-Atlantic world, NATO, and the European Union, Belarus and its
people have been left behind--held back by its despot ruler Alexander
Lukashenko, who has ruled his country through repression and rigged
elections for nearly two decades.
Some in the United States and Europe had hoped in recent years that
Lukashenko might be prepared to open up Belarus and change his ways.
These hopes, however, came to an abrupt end on December 19 of last year
when Belarus held Presidential elections. As it quickly became clear
that the votes in those elections were neither free nor fair, thousands
of Belarusian people took to the streets of Minsk in protest, and the
Lukashenko regime responded with violence and brutality.
This resolution would put the Senate on record in response to the
crackdown launched in Belarus on December 19--a crackdown, I add, that
continues in significant ways to this day.
More than 600 people were swept up by Belarusian security forces on
election day and its immediate aftermath--among them journalists, civil
society representatives, political activists, and several opposition
Presidential candidates. It is hard to believe this kind of behavior
still exists in this world today. The detained continue to be denied
access to family, lawyers, medical treatment, and open legal
proceedings, while their relatives and attorneys endure harassment by
Lukashenko's security forces.
This resolution will do several significant things. First, it will
send a strong and clear message to Lukashenko that his actions are
unacceptable and will carry significant costs. It tells him we do not
consider the December 19 election to be legitimate and that he is,
therefore, not the legitimately elected leader of Belarus, and that
there should be new elections that are free, fair, and meet
international standards. I would add that the European Parliament
passed a resolution not long ago that says precisely the same thing
that I have just said here in the Senate.
Perhaps even more important, this resolution will send a message to
the people of Belarus who were struggling to secure their fundamental
freedoms.
[[Page S1540]]
It tells the dissidents there that we have not and will not forget them
or their cause; that we remember their names, in fact, and we will
stand in solidarity with them until they achieve their goal, which is a
free and democratic Belarus.
Last month, Senator McCain and I and others traveled to Vilnius,
Lithuania, where we met with Belarusian students and opposition
military leaders. This was an extremely powerful experience for all of
us. We heard directly from them about the repression taking place in
their home country. The substance of the resolution Senator Durbin has
written and submitted, with cosponsorship by several of us, reflects
what the Belarusians we met with in Vilnius told us, as well as what we
heard here in Washington from other dissidents from that country.
The resolution specifically calls for the immediate and unconditional
release of all political prisoners in Belarus. It also urges a
tightening of the sanctions against Lukashenko, and we are urging the
Obama administration to offer the strongest possible material and
technical support for Belarusian civil society, and that includes, of
course, the political opposition.
This resolution is broadly bipartisan in its sponsorship and reflects
what I think is a wide consensus in the Senate about the situation in
Belarus today. I know there are some who may look at the resolution and
say it is merely symbolic, who say there is nothing we can do to help
the people who are living such repressed and unfree lives in Belarus,
and that we should simply accept the reality of Lukashenko's
dictatorship after all these years. But if the historic events in
Tunisia and Egypt have taught us anything about our foreign policies,
it is that the United States does best when we stand with our values
and with the people who share them--and that what appear to be even the
most impregnable regimes can fall with remarkable speed.
Obviously, I cannot say exactly when Belarus will be free, but I have
no doubt that someday it will be free. I am confident the future of
Belarus belongs not to Lukashenko and his cronies but to the people of
that great country--to the dissidents who are in jail, to the students
we met in Vilnius last month, to the civil society activists who are
being harassed by the KGB as we speak. It belongs to the people in
Belarus who want a future of democracy and economic opportunity, not
Soviet-style repression.
This resolution--put together, again I say with thanks, by Senator
Durbin--puts the Senate on the side of the people of Belarus and
against the Lukashenko regime that is oppressing them. I hope we can
come together and swiftly pass this bipartisan measure.
I thank the Chair, and I yield the floor to the Senator from Iowa.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Iowa.
Mr. GRASSLEY. Mr. President, soon we will be voting on another
nominee for district court. We continue our rapid pace in which the
Senate has been confirming President Obama's judicial nominees. This
vote will mark the 11th judicial nominee to be confirmed this Congress.
That is more than double the number confirmed in the 108th Congress,
which only saw five confirmations at this point. Obviously, actions
speak louder than words. So far, our actions have had concrete results.
The Judiciary Committee met this morning and reported six more
judicial nominees. That puts the total at 22 nominees reported
favorably so far. We continue to hold hearings every 2 weeks and have
heard from 31 nominees currently pending before the Senate. As I have
said in the past, we will continue to move consensus nominees through
the confirmation process. However, we will continue to do our due
diligence in evaluating the nominees. What we will not do is put
quantity confirmed over quality confirmed. These lifetime appointments
are too important to the Federal Judiciary and the American people to
allow rubberstamping.
Just this past Monday, the Senate confirmed three district court
judges. In his statement for the record, the chairman of the committee,
Senator Leahy, stated:
Nearly one out of every eight Federal judgeships is vacant.
This puts at serious risk the ability of all Americans to
have a fair hearing in court.
However, what the chairman neglected to mention is the fact that
President Obama has not put forth a nominee for every vacancy the court
currently faces. In fact, of the 95 judicial vacancies, the Senate only
has 45 nominees. That is 53 percent of vacancies without a nominee from
the White House.
Today, we vote on a nominee to sit on the Western District of North
Carolina court. While this is an important vacancy, and a vacancy we
need to fill, it is not a judicial emergency. However, there is a
judicial emergency in the Eastern District of North Carolina. That
seat, which has been vacant since 2005, does not have a nominee
currently pending. President Bush nominated Thomas Alvin Farr to that
seat twice, but he was never afforded a hearing, let alone an up-or-
down vote. I am happy this side of the aisle is not repeating the same
regrettable treatment Mr. Farr received.
With regard to Mr. Cogburn, the nominee we will be voting on, the
American Bar Association has rated him ``majority well qualified,
minority qualified.'' He received his B.A. from the University of North
Carolina at Chapel Hill and his juris doctorate from Cumberland School
of Law. Mr. Cogburn has practiced law in many capacities. Through his
work in private practice, he has worked on a wide range of issues,
including criminal litigation, personal injury, civil litigation, and a
significant amount of mediation.
As an assistant U.S. attorney for over a decade, Mr. Cogburn gained
substantial appellate experience. While there, he also served as drug
task force attorney and chief assistant U.S. attorney. Mr. Cogburn also
holds judicial experience. He was appointed to serve an 8-year term as
a U.S. magistrate judge by the U.S. District Court for the Western
District of North Carolina.
After careful evaluation, the Judiciary Committee reported this fine
nominee by voice vote on February 3, 2011. I congratulate Mr. Cogburn
and his family on this important lifetime appointment and his
willingness to continue in public service.
I yield the floor, and I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The assistant editor of the Daily Digest proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. ENSIGN. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mrs. McCaskill). Without objection, it is so
ordered.
Mr. ENSIGN. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that all time be
yielded back in order to start the voting.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. ENSIGN. I ask for the yeas and nays.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second? There appears to
be a sufficient second.
The question is, Will the Senate advise and consent to the nomination
of Max Oliver Cogburn, Jr., of North Carolina, to be United States
District Judge for the Western District of North Carolina?
The clerk will call the roll.
The assistant editor of the Daily Digest called the roll.
Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from California (Mrs. Boxer)
and the Senator from New Mexico (Mr. Udall) are necessarily absent.
Mr. KYL. The following Senators are necessarily absent: the Senator
from Texas (Mrs. Hutchison) and the Senator from Oklahoma (Mr. Inhofe).
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Are there any other Senators in the Chamber
desiring to vote?
The result was announced--yeas 96, nays 0, as follows:
[Rollcall Vote No. 38 Ex.]
YEAS--96
Akaka
Alexander
Ayotte
Barrasso
Baucus
Begich
Bennet
Bingaman
Blumenthal
Blunt
Boozman
Brown (MA)
Brown (OH)
Burr
Cantwell
Cardin
Carper
Casey
Chambliss
Coats
Coburn
Cochran
Collins
Conrad
Coons
Corker
Cornyn
Crapo
DeMint
Durbin
Ensign
Enzi
Feinstein
Franken
Gillibrand
Graham
Grassley
Hagan
Harkin
Hatch
Hoeven
Inouye
[[Page S1541]]
Isakson
Johanns
Johnson (SD)
Johnson (WI)
Kerry
Kirk
Klobuchar
Kohl
Kyl
Landrieu
Lautenberg
Leahy
Lee
Levin
Lieberman
Lugar
Manchin
McCain
McCaskill
McConnell
Menendez
Merkley
Mikulski
Moran
Murkowski
Murray
Nelson (NE)
Nelson (FL)
Paul
Portman
Pryor
Reed
Reid
Risch
Roberts
Rockefeller
Rubio
Sanders
Schumer
Sessions
Shaheen
Shelby
Snowe
Stabenow
Tester
Thune
Toomey
Udall (CO)
Vitter
Warner
Webb
Whitehouse
Wicker
Wyden
NOT VOTING--4
Boxer
Hutchison
Inhofe
Udall (NM)
The nomination was confirmed.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the motion to
reconsider is considered made and laid upon the table. The President
shall be immediately notified of the Senate's action.
____________________