[Congressional Record Volume 157, Number 21 (Thursday, February 10, 2011)]
[House]
[Pages H609-H610]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
CBC BUDGETARY PRIORITIES
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from
Illinois (Mr. Davis) for 5 minutes.
Mr. DAVIS of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, as we prepare to debate the
budget, and as we have already begun to debate, it is a budget that in
many instances and in many ways spells gloom and doom for people who
have been expecting and looking for some opportunity to move our
government and our country forward.
In order to really understand how we got to where we are, I think it
is important for us to remember that President Clinton left President
Bush with a 10-year projected surplus of $5.6 trillion in 2001.
{time} 1030
Whereas President Bush on January 20, 2009, left President Obama with
a $1.2 trillion deficit. And let's keep in mind that this was the
deficit on day one of the Obama administration, weeks before the
President enacted a single piece of legislation and the American
Recovery and Reinvestment Act.
The failed economic policies of the Bush administration led to this
enormous deficit: the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts totaled $1.3 trillion over
10 years, in which most of the tax relief went to the top 1 percent of
income earners; a Medicare prescription drug benefit with a 10 year
cost of nearly another $1 trillion that was not offset; two overseas
war that are near a cost of $1 trillion; a $700 billion bailout of Wall
Street banks.
And all of these unpaid-for policies were compounded by the worst
economic recession in 70 years that began in 2007, which led to huge
shortfalls in Federal tax revenue and increased reliance on
unemployment insurance and other Federal social safety net programs.
In order to get these huge deficits under control, we have some tough
decisions to make. We have some very serious and some difficult
decisions as we attempt to balance the budget and as we attempt to
continue to promote and project economic recovery.
I have always been told that you can measure the greatness of a
society by how well it looks after its young, how well it looks after
its old, and how well it looks after those who cannot look after
themselves effectively. So as we begin to talk about cuts, where I come
from, I have been told that if all that you do is cut, cut, cut, all
that you are going to get is blood, blood, blood; and, of course, the
blood of the people will be on the hands of those who have the knives.
So as we cut, let's look seriously at the Community Services
Administration, the one little program, one little agency, one little
area that still provides resources to fund programs like those
established during the OEO War on Poverty days, when we took a good
look at poverty and what was causing it.
As we begin to cut, let's understand that health is essential for
wealth, so let's make sure that we don't tamper with what I consider to
be one of the most effective ways of providing primary health care to
large numbers of poor people in this country, the community health
centers, that provide primary care to more than 20 million low-income
Americans without regard in many instances to their ability to pay.
And let's understand that our prison system has become the largest in
the world. More than 2 million people are incarcerated, so let's not
cut or decimate the little justice programs that we are funding to help
these individuals try and successfully reintegrate back into society.
So, I thank you, Mr. Speaker, and I urge that when we cut, let's make
good cuts, and not those that cut the poor.
How much longer can we afford to extend the Bush-era tax cuts? The
President and Congress extended all of them through 2012 at a two year
cost of $800 billion. A ten year extension of all these tax cuts will
cost $3.8 trillion--$3 trillion of which are the popular middle-class
tax cuts.
Earlier this week, the Congressional Budget Office released its
latest projections of the Social Security Trust Fund. It was previously
projected to go into a cash deficit in 2017, but now CBO has projected
that the trust fund is now running a deficit. The trust is expected to
be exhausted in 2037.
We can no longer operate under the assumption of the last decade,
that we can increase spending and reduce taxes without having to pay
for it.
The last Congress took important steps to restore some important
tools that were used to produce the first budget surplus in more than a
generation in the late 1990s, such as Statutory Pay-As-You-Go--meaning
if Congress wants to increase mandatory spending, we have to offset it
by reducing spending elsewhere in the budget or increase taxes to cover
the increase.
Unfortunately, the new Republican Majority has changed House rules
gutting PAY-GO's effectiveness in the Congressional budget process. The
so-called CUT-GO rule prohibits offsetting any new mandatory spending
with a revenue increase. This makes it nearly impossible to offset any
new spending or tax cuts with revenue increases and will require only
spending cuts.
In another unprecedented change, the House last week voted to give
the House Budget Committee Chairman the sole responsibility for setting
discretionary spending levels for the remainder of Fiscal Year 2011.
The House of Representatives as a whole will be deprived of the right
to vote up or down the Budget Chairman's levels.
We have to remember that what we do with Federal budget touches
everyone. Our fiscal problems are very complex and they need to be
addressed, but there is no simple, one-size-fits-all solution.
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