[Congressional Record Volume 157, Number 14 (Tuesday, February 1, 2011)]
[Senate]
[Pages S412-S414]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
By Mr. CORKER (for himself, Mrs. McCaskill, Mr. Burr, Mr. McCain,
Mr. Alexander, Mr. Isakson, Mr. Chambliss, Mr. Inhofe, and Mr.
Kirk):
S. 245. A bill to reduce Federal spending in a responsible manner; to
the Committee on the Budget.
Mr. CORKER. Mr. President, I am glad to be here today with the
Senator from Missouri, my friend Claire McCaskill. We are introducing a
bill called the Commitment to American Prosperity Act, the CAP Act. It
is a 10-page bill designed to limit spending in Washington and set our
country back on a sustainable fiscal path.
We have cosponsors in Senators Alexander, Burr, McCain, Isakson,
Chambliss, Inhofe, and Kirk. I thank them for joining us in this
effort. I hope many more will do the same.
I spent a lifetime in business, and I came to the Senate not to score
political points, not to be involved in messaging, but to solve our
country's problems. Everyone in this body understands we have
tremendous fiscal and financial issues with which to deal. This morning
I was happy to see 33 Senators meet over at the visitor center from
both sides of the aisle to listen to people involved in the financial
industry talking about the path we are on and what that is going to
lead to as far as the ruination of our fiscal situation and our ability
to borrow money at low rates as we are today. All of us know what that
will mean to our citizens.
There is no one who doesn't understand how problematic our financial
situation is. I know the Congressional Budget Office just said that
this year alone we will have a $1.5 trillion budget deficit. I think
everyone in this body is very aware that we cannot continue on that
path. For that reason, Senator McCaskill and I have crafted a 10-page
bill, a very simple bill. It does a lot, but there are not a lot of
whereases. One of its purposes is to cap spending relative to economy.
Most people understand that when we look at economies in other
countries of the world, people look at the amount of spending their
government does relative to their economic output. Senator McCaskill's
husband is a businessman. When he looks at the amount of debt he has in
his company, he looks at that in relation to revenues and the amount of
income he has and his ability to pay the debt. That is the way the
world looks at the health of countries.
For the last 4 years--this is the post-entitlement period--our
country has been spending 20.6 percent of our GDP or economic output at
the Federal level. Everybody knows that right now we are way above that
number, at over 24 percent. So again, not to try to create some
messaging tool but to solve this problem, Senator McCaskill and I have
joined to say we need to get back to the norm over a 10-year period, on
a glide path that takes us back to fiscal health and to that 20.6
percent of our economy being spent at the Federal level.
The legislation calls for multiyear averaging so we can make sure
that economic differentials don't create volatility, so we know exactly
what those targets are in advance, so we can go about our work in
appropriations in a methodical and thoughtful way. In addition, it
creates something called sequestration. That means if Congress does not
have the courage, which we recently have not shown, to do the things it
needs to do to make those cuts to live within this glide path we have
laid out, then sequestration will take place. The Office of Management
and Budget, 45 days after the end of the year, if we have not done
those things
[[Page S413]]
we need to do to make sure we are on this glide path, will, on a pro
rata basis, take money out of the accounts of both mandatory and
nonmandatory spending. In addition, if there is an emergency that comes
up, it would take a two-thirds vote by both Houses of Congress to
overcome those spending limits.
To my knowledge, this is the first time in the entitlement era that
we have ever tried to put in place a total spending limit on
government. Many of us talk about discretionary spending. All of us
know that discretionary spending is less than a third of all Federal
spending. All of us know that if we don't redesign the entitlement
programs that are about two-thirds of our spending at the Federal
level, then there is no way for us to deal appropriately with this
issue. So for this reason, this bill would kick in, if it is
implemented, in 2013, giving us time to redesign the entitlement
programs, especially Medicare and Social Security, so that we know they
are here for future generations, so we know that seniors have the
benefits they need.
This is the first time we would be putting everything on the table in
a comprehensive way as we look at the Federal budget. Simply, this bill
will cause us to live within our means.
The problem we find ourselves in today is not a Republican problem or
a Democratic problem. Both parties have contributed to the situation.
What this bill would require us to do is to set priorities. It would
mean that we would have to ensure that programs are being run as
effectively and efficiently as possible. I know our main cosponsor,
Senator McCaskill, has spent a lot of time looking at waste and abuse
within the Federal Government. One of the best things about this bill
is, if we want to limit spending relative to the country's economic
output, it is obviously easier to do so if the economy is growing. So
what that would mean is that both parties would be joined at the hip to
put in place policies that promote economic growth.
I thank Senator McCaskill for her courage in stepping forth with me
and others on this bill. It is my hope that we will have people from
both sides of the aisle who will join us in this effort. Again, this is
being put forth as a serious bill. It is a bill that has no ideology
base, simply a bill to solve a problem. We are going to a 40-year
average of spending relative to our country's gross domestic product.
We are not trying to do things differently than in the past. Both of us
know we have not had the courage in recent times to live within our
means, to set priorities as they need to be set. This bill is something
that will take us toward that end.
We have a very monumental vote that will be taking place a little bit
later in the year regarding the debt ceiling. All of us know it would
be irresponsible not to be responsible prior to that debt ceiling vote.
We offer this bill as a responsible way to put us on a glide path
toward a place that is reasonable for this country, giving us time to
redesign the programs that need to be redesigned. It is my hope this
bill or something of its nature will pass prior to the debt ceiling
vote. It is also my hope that we will go ahead and vote on actual cuts
to the Federal budget prior to that time so we can show markets around
the world and the American people that we have the ability to work
together to solve what I think is our most pressing domestic issue and
that is getting our fiscal house in order.
I again thank Senator McCaskill. She has been a leader on fiscal
issues since she has been here.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Missouri.
Mrs. McCASKILL. Mr. President, like my colleague, I appreciate the
work he has done on this issue. We have been talking about this for a
number of weeks. Our staffs have been hammering out the details.
I will be candid. As I left my office, some members of my staff said:
OK, good luck walking that plank. We will see how it works out for you.
Because this is politically risky, what the Senator and I are trying to
do. As I was riding over here on the tram to make this speech, I got a
text message from one of my kids. All of a sudden it became clear to me
what this is like. This is like saying no when you are a parent. It is
so easy to say yes to your kids. When they want something, when they
want to do something we think is risky, the easiest thing in the world
to do is to say yes.
When they want money, when they want to have a new car, when they
want to borrow your car, when they want to go spend the night at a
friend's you do not know very well, when they want to stay out later,
when they want this, that, when they want to go to the mall, it is so
easy to say yes. It does not take a lot of time. It makes them happy.
You feel good. But there is always that voice in your head that says:
If I am going to be a good parent, sometimes it is more important to
say no.
Well, we have a bunch of people in Congress who have made a lifetime
career of saying yes. I understand it. We run for office around here.
We want everyone to be happy with us. We want everyone to love us. We
do not want to disappoint anyone. We do not want there to be
controversy about the decisions we make. So how do we avoid the
controversy? We say yes. We say yes. And we have said yes and yes and
yes until we find ourselves at this point in our history where our
unwillingness to say no, our unwillingness to embrace controversy and
political risk, has led us to an economic brink, a place where if we do
not do something that is going to make some people angry, that is going
to cause some negative ads to be run against us, then we are not doing
our job as stewards. That is all we are here. We are passing through.
We are not entitled to these jobs. We borrowed these jobs. They belong
to the American people, and we have a responsibility as stewards to say
no now, to say no.
I remember when I used to tell my kids: It is so much easier for me
to tell you yes. And they would say: Well, it is easier for you. It was
easier for me. I would say: The right thing to do is for me to say no.
And they would say: Well, that is not easier for us.
That is beginning to be what is happening around here. I have noticed
some of my colleagues on the other side of the aisle saying: We are
going to cut, cut, cut, cut. Now it is all bubbling up, with all the
people saying: No, you can't cut our subsidy; No, you can't cut the oil
company subsidy; you can't cut a farm program; you can't cut this; you
can't cut that. Everyone is coming out of the woodwork to protect the
spending that is embraced by our bad habit of saying yes.
So that is why this bill is necessary. This is like telling Congress:
You have to be better parents, and if you cannot muster the courage to
say no, these cuts are going to happen anyway. It is like a discipline
for us. And I do not go here lightly. I do not go here without
understanding the political risks involved. But I go here because I
deeply believe it is necessary for our country. We cannot get control
of the deficit if we do not control spending.
Let me talk for a minute about debt and deficit because as I go out
and talk to people, there are a lot of people who use those two terms
interchangeably. They do not understand. There is a big difference
between the debt and the deficit. The deficit is like your monthly
budget and not having enough money to come in to meet your monthly
expenses. We talk about the deficit on an annual basis: How much money
is the government bringing in and how much money is going out. When
more is going out than coming in, we have a deficit.
What happens to that deficit every year? It goes on our debt. It is
like a family's mortgage. But instead of us paying down the mortgage
every year, we keep adding to the mortgage every year. That is why we
now have a $1.4, $1.5 trillion deficit this year. We are going to spend
that much more than we take in this year. We have $14 trillion in debt.
That is the long-term mortgage our country has right now that we owe
someone that we have to pay. So we have to get hold of this debt.
I want to compliment the President of the United States because the
short-term spending stuff is important. And I want to compliment
Senator Sessions. He and I have worked on short-term spending caps for
over a year. But now it is time for us to look at long-term discipline
and what we can do to get our country on a glide path where we no
longer are precariously on the edge of not being the strongest economic
power in the world.
[[Page S414]]
Our deficits are unsustainable and our debt is out of control. This
bill takes a very measured approach, gives us time to figure things
out. It is not like the ridiculous proposal over in the House where we
are going to cut $2.5 trillion this year. Anybody who thinks that is
going to happen, I have a tutu you need to wear down the hall tomorrow.
That is a ridiculous proposal. That is impossible to do. But this bill
is possible and responsible. This puts us on a glide path to say to the
American people that our spending is going to be capped at a certain
percentage of our economic activity in this country. That is possible,
and it is responsible, and we should do it.
Who is to blame? Let's be honest about how we got here. The biggest
factor in our deficits the last 2 years is our poor economy. I know, I
know; you would think it is the stimulus. You would think it is TARP.
It is not. Political cheap shots but not true. The biggest fiscal hole
we are facing is because of the poor economy.
The biggest increase in spending in the last 2 years? You would think
it was the auto bailouts or you would think it was the bank bailout or
you would think it was the stimulus. It was not. Do you know what the
biggest increase in spending was over the last 2 years? Unemployment
benefits because of our bad economy. That was the biggest increase in
spending over the last 2 years. Our fiscal hole has grown primarily
because of a bad economy over the last 2 years.
But there also have been bad decisions by both parties over the last
decade. When Clinton left office, our debt--he may have been running a
surplus in terms of the deficit, but our debt was $5.7 trillion. When
Bush left office, he had doubled it from $5.7 trillion to $10.6
trillion. And today it is $14 trillion.
Over the past decade, we have had two wars we did not bother to pay
for, a brandnew Medicare entitlement--brand spanking new--that was not
means tested. We are buying Warren Buffett's prescription drugs. Go
figure. Like we are busted and we are buying multihundred-million-
dollar billionaires prescription drugs, and we did not bother to pay
for it. We have had increases in discretionary spending by both parties
that increased our deficit and exceeded inflation.
I want to talk a minute about the boogie man of the TARP and the
stimulus. I am so sick of that being blamed. It is so wrong and
factually incorrect. We have tax cuts that go on forever that have
contributed to this. We have wars that we are fighting that have
contributed to this. We have entitlement programs that are not paid
for. But the stimulus was a one-time expenditure. It is not something
that goes on. It has no tail.
Anyone who understands economics and understands the balance sheet of
the U.S. Government knows this problem was not the stimulus. One-third
of the stimulus was tax cuts. The last time I looked, unpaid-for tax
cuts were the way of the world. One-third of the stimulus was tax cuts.
Another third of it, almost, was unemployment benefits. That is not the
problem. And TARP? Let's be honest. It was a genius decision in many
ways because it stabilized our financial sector, and it has cost us a
mere fraction of the money that was used on a temporary basis to make
sure our economy did not twist down the drain, as it was likely to do
had President Bush not intervened with his economic team to ask us on a
bipartisan basis to do something that was in the best interest of our
Nation.
We can move on as to who is to blame because now we have to talk
about tomorrow's problems. I am proud the President is dealing with
short-term spending by his freeze. I am proud he is working on earmarks
and all of the other things that are a symptom of the disease around
here. But our challenge is long-term spending. In the long term,
spending is going to drive the debt up even higher. Medicare and
Medicaid cuts are going to double by 2021. Social Security is going to
increase by 70 percent by 2021.
We have to look at those issues and make sure on a bipartisan basis
we do what is responsible. We have to make sure these programs--
Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security--are stable and secure for my
children and their children. If we cannot agree even on the modest
measures such as the 3-year discretionary spending cap Senator Sessions
and I have been pushing for over a year, I question whether we have the
discipline to do the hard work. Getting control of spending is very
hard, but we have to do it, and we have to do it now.
First and foremost, we need to focus on eliminating the waste and
mismanagement. That is what drives Americans crazy. It drives people
crazy that we are spending money on duplicative programs and we are not
even checking to see if they work. It drives them crazy when the
Federal Government runs huge deficits and we are paying out $55 billion
in improper payments at Health and Human Services and $12 billion of
improper payments by Treasury to people who do not even qualify.
It drives Americans crazy when we do not make the reforms our
auditors recommend. The Defense Department has 1,200 suggestions that
have been made by our government auditors about how it can manage its
money and its programs better, and they have not acted on almost 1,200
of them. It drives people crazy we are running deficits when we have
Departments such as the Agriculture Department and Homeland Security
that get failing management grades for 8 straight years. And it drives
people crazy when we are running deficits and we are passing
appropriations bills with $15 billion worth of earmarks.
I have been working hard to try to clean up all this waste. We have
been working on contract management. I have never requested an earmark.
I voted against every omnibus appropriations bill that has come to the
floor since I have been a Senator, and I have worked hard for the last
year with Senator Sessions to cap spending. Now I look forward to
working hard with Senator Corker and many of my friends in the
Republican Party to work on the Corker-McCaskill bill to put a cap long
term on spending in the Federal Government.
As I say, this is a bold step. It has risks. And if this bill is
distorted and twisted, it could cost me my Senate seat. I will say that
again. If this bill is distorted and twisted, it could cost me my
Senate seat. But it is a price I am willing to pay. It is a price I am
willing to pay for my country and, more importantly, it is a price I am
willing to pay for my grandchildren.
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