[Congressional Record Volume 156, Number 160 (Tuesday, December 7, 2010)]
[House]
[Pages H8049-H8056]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
CONGRATULATING LIU XIAOBO ON NOBEL PEACE PRIZE
Mr. KLEIN of Florida. Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and
agree to the resolution (H. Res. 1717) congratulating imprisoned
Chinese democracy advocate Liu Xiaobo on the award of the 2010 Nobel
Peace Prize, as amended.
The Clerk read the title of the resolution.
The text of the resolution is as follows:
H. Res. 1717
Whereas Liu Xiaobo played a leading role in the 1989
Tiananmen Square demonstration for democratic reform,
insisting on peaceful means and democratic process;
Whereas since 1989, Liu Xiaobo has been a leading figure
promoting democratic reform and respect for human rights,
including by writing hundreds of notable essays on these
subjects;
Whereas between June 6, 1989, and October 1999, Chinese
officials detained Liu Xiaobo 3 times, totaling over 4 years
confinement for his role in Tiananmen Square and continued
promotion of political reform;
Whereas in 2008, Liu Xiaobo was one of the principal
drafters and organizers as well as one of the first signers
of Charter 08, a manifesto that proposed democratic reform in
China;
Whereas, on December 8, 2008, Chinese officials detained
Liu Xiaobo for his role in Charter 08, and found him guilty
of ``inciting subversion of state power'' in 2009 and
sentenced him to 11 years imprisonment;
Whereas since December 2008, thousands of Chinese citizens
from all walks of life have signed Charter 08, and Chinese
officials have detained, placed under house arrest, or
harassed many of them;
Whereas in 2010, many persons from around the world
nominated Liu Xiaobo for the Nobel Peace Prize, including the
14th Dalai Lama, Bishop Desmond Tutu, Vaclav Havel, and 7
members of the United States House of Representatives;
Whereas, on October 8, 2010, the Norwegian Nobel Committee
announced its award of the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize to Liu
Xiaobo for his
[[Page H8050]]
``long and non-violent struggle for fundamental human rights
in China'';
Whereas the Norwegian Nobel Committee noted that, ``the
campaign to establish universal human rights also in China is
being waged by many Chinese . . . through the severe
punishment meted out to him, Liu has become the foremost
symbol of this wide-ranging struggle for human rights in
China'';
Whereas when on October 9, 2010, Liu Xia, Liu Xiaobo's
wife, notified her husband that he had been awarded the Nobel
Peace Prize, he responded by dedicating the prize to ``the
Tiananmen martyrs'';
Whereas Chinese officials responded to the award by placing
Liu Xia under house arrest, harassing and detaining Liu
Xiaobo's friends and supporters, censoring Internet Web sites
and blacking out television broadcasts that reported the
award, and defaming Liu Xiaobo by describing him as a
``criminal'', a ``political tool of the West'', and a
``traitorous operative'';
Whereas Chinese officials have claimed that the
imprisonment of Liu Xiaobo is an internal matter and that the
award constitutes meddling in China's internal affairs; and
Whereas President Barack Obama, the recipient of the 2009
Nobel Peace Prize, has congratulated Liu Xiaobo on the award
and called on Chinese officials to release him from prison:
Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That the House of Representatives--
(1) congratulates Liu Xiaobo on the award of the 2010 Nobel
Peace Prize;
(2) honors Liu Xiaobo's promotion of democratic reform in
China, and the courage with which he has bore repeated
imprisonment by Chinese officials;
(3) states that in honoring Liu Xiaobo, it also honors all
those who have promoted democratic reform in China, including
all those who participated in the 1989 Tiananmen Square
demonstration for democratic reform;
(4) asserts that Liu Xiaobo is a political prisoner, and
that Liu Xia, Liu Xiaobo's supporters, and all signers of
Charter 08 who have been detained, placed under house arrest,
or harassed, are the victims of political persecution;
(5) calls on Chinese officials to release Liu Xiaobo from
prison, and to release Liu Xia, Liu Xiaobo's supporters, and
all signers of Charter 08 from detention, house arrest, and
harassment;
(6) calls on Chinese officials to cease censoring media and
Internet reporting of the award of the Nobel Peace Prize to
Liu Xiaobo and to cease their campaign of defamation against
Liu Xiaobo;
(7) urges President Barack Obama to continue to work for
the release of Liu Xiaobo from prison, as well as the release
of Liu Xia, Liu Xiaobo's supporters, and all signers of
Charter 08 from detention, house arrest, and harassment; and
(8) emphasizes that violations of human rights in general,
and the persecution of Liu Xiaobo, Liu Xia, Liu Xiaobo's
supporters, and all signers of Charter 08 specifically, are
matters of legitimate concern to other governments.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from
Florida (Mr. Klein) and the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) each
will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Florida.
General Leave
Mr. KLEIN of Florida. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all
Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks
and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Florida?
There was no objection.
Mr. KLEIN of Florida. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of this
resolution, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Madam Speaker, this resolution congratulates Chinese democracy
activist Liu Xiaobo on being awarded this year's Nobel Peace Prize and
calls for his immediate release from imprisonment by the Chinese
Government.
I would like to thank the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) for
sponsoring this resolution and bringing it forward to discuss with many
of us, as well as the other six Members of Congress who originally
nominated Mr. Liu for the Nobel Peace Prize.
Mr. Liu was a leader during the 1989 pro-democracy Tiananmen Square
protests and one of the drafters last year of Charter 08, a document
signed by more than 300 Chinese intellectuals and rights advocates that
called for political reform and improvement in China's human rights
policies. As a result of his activism, the Chinese Government charged
Mr. Liu with the phony offense of ``inciting subversion of state
power.'' He was convicted on Christmas day of last year and
subsequently sentenced to 11 years in prison, a sentence that has been
widely regarded as unusually harsh.
This past October, Mr. Liu became the first Chinese citizen residing
in China to win the Nobel Peace Prize and one of three laureates to
have received it while in prison. The Nobel Committee awarded the prize
to Mr. Liu ``for his long and non-violent struggle for fundamental
human rights in China.''
{time} 1530
Mr. Liu's wife visited him in prison shortly after he learned of
winning the prize, and during their visit Mr. Liu reportedly was moved
to tears and said that the prize was ``for the lost souls of June 4.''
Mr. Liu remains locked away in a Chinese cell and thus is not able to
receive the prize in person. The Chinese Government has also placed his
wife under house arrest and is preventing her and Mr. Liu's other
family, friends and supporters from leaving China to attend the awards
ceremony in Norway.
The Chinese Government has denounced the prize as a ``political
tool'' of the West, blocking all media reporting of the news in China
and trying to bully foreign governments from sending representatives to
the awards ceremony later this week. China's boorish and arrogant
behavior over Mr. Liu's award won't produce the global respect and
clout that Chinese authorities so desperately crave, and its tactics
only underscore China's failure to uphold the very principles to which
Mr. Liu has dedicated his life and work and for which he is being
recognized by the Nobel committee.
Today, the United States House of Representatives stands in
solidarity with Mr. Liu and all those who have risked their lives to
promote democratic reform in China. We call on China to immediately
release Mr. Liu from prison and to cease its harassment and detention
of Mr. Liu's wife and supporters.
Madam Speaker, I urge all my colleagues to support this resolution.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I
may consume.
I thank my good friend and colleague from Florida for his eloquent
statement. I thank the Speaker and the majority leader for bringing
this resolution to the floor, and of course to Howard Berman the
chairman and IIeana Ros-Lehtinen for their strong support for it as
well.
Madam Speaker, for far too long the Chinese Government has evaded
virtually all serious scrutiny of its horrific human rights record--
usually by employing bullying tactics, including threats to nations,
multilateral organizations like the U.N., and to individuals. Today the
Chinese Government brutalizes women and children through forced
abortion and coerced sterilization as part of its barbaric one-child-
per-couple policy, which makes brothers and sisters illegal. Today
China crushes all political opposition. It tortures and incarcerates
Falun Gong practitioners, Uyghurs, Tibetan Buddhists and Christians.
Today China violently crushes independent labor unions and has
transformed the Internet into a tool for surveillance and censorship.
I note parenthetically, Madam Speaker, that immediately prior to the
Olympics, the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Wolf) and I visited Beijing,
one of many human rights trips to China. While we were there, we sought
to meet with some of the house church leaders who wanted to meet with
us and pray with us. All but one were arrested and detained, and after
we left that particular pastor was arrested and detained and
interrogated as well.
Madam Speaker, the naming of Liu Xiaobo as the 2011 Nobel Peace Prize
laureate and the Chinese Government's outrageous response to that
naming, including the way they have mistreated his wife but now it's
even worse, and friends can't even travel to Oslo to be a part of the
ceremony, that reaction, of course is the underlying problem. The
actual abuses that are committed, oblige us to sustained scrutiny and
meaningful action. News reports suggest that over one-and-a-half dozen
countries have been so intimidated by Beijing that they won't even send
a delegation to Oslo. I think that's outrageous.
So today I urge my colleagues to adopt H. Res. 1717, expressing
Congress'
[[Page H8051]]
profound respect for and solidarity with Liu Xiaobo and all those who
peacefully advocate for human rights and democracy in the PRC.
Madam Speaker, the resolution honors Liu Xiaobo, who in the 1980s had
a brilliant academic career in front of him in China. When the
Tiananmen Square demonstrations began in 1989, he was actually a
visiting professor in New York City. He effectively gave all of that up
when he flew back to China to join the students demonstrating for
democracy on the square, and even there he insisted that the students
themselves adhere to a democratic process. Liu has been working and
sacrificing for democratic reform ever since--through hundreds of
remarkable essays that he has written and the courage with which he has
borne imprisonment, no less than four times.
My resolution highlights Charter 08, the democracy proclamation that
Liu played a leading role in organizing, drafting, and of which he was
one of the first signers. It is an astonishing document, a worthy heir
of the great models that it is based upon, the U.S. Bill of Rights, the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and Charter 77, the Czech human
rights declaration that in the late 1970s contributed so much to the
rebirth of conscience and respect for the rule of just law in eastern
European captive nations, and ultimately to their peaceful
democratization.
But the Chinese Government saw in this magnificent document only a
crime, as my friend and colleague pointed out earlier, ``inciting
subversion of state power''--whatever that is. The government arrested
Mr. Liu in December of 2008 and in December 2009 sentenced him to 11
years in prison.
Madam Speaker, in February of this year, I led a group of some six
Members in petitioning the peace prize committee to name Mr. Liu and
two other Chinese dissidents for the Nobel Peace Prize. Our nomination
described him as ``a visionary leader,'' remarkable for his patriotism
and civic courage and the generous tone of his work. This man is
absolutely nonviolent.
Though we didn't know it at the time, many other people had the exact
same idea. Mr. Liu was nominated by two Nobel Peace Prize laureates--
the 14th Dalai Lama and Bishop Desmond Tutu--as well as by former Czech
President Vaclav Havel and many members of the Czech and Slovak
parliaments, the Norwegian parliamentarian, and a number of human
rights defenders from around the world and leaders in the fields of
philosophy, literature, philanthropy and finance.
Madam Speaker, H. Res. 1717 underscores and points up the words of
the Norwegian Nobel Committee that said, and I quote: ``The campaign to
establish human rights in China is being waged by many Chinese. Through
the severe punishment meted out to him, Liu has become the foremost
symbol of this wide-ranging struggle for human rights in China.'' The
resolution explicitly states that in honoring Liu Xiaobo, it honors all
those who have promoted democratic reform in China, including all those
who participated in the 1989 Tiananmen Square demonstration. After
Liu's wife told him of the award, he wept and dedicated the prize to
``the Tiananmen martyrs.''
Madam Speaker, the resolution makes it very clear that Mr. Liu Xiaobo
is a political prisoner, emphasizes that ``violations of human
rights,'' including his persecution, ``are matters of legitimate
concern to other governments,'' because we are hearing the tired old
refrain from the government in Beijing that this is purely an internal
matter.
Similarly, the resolution calls on the Chinese Government to cease
censoring media and Internet reporting of the award and cease defaming
Mr. Liu as a ``political tool of the West'' and as a ``traitorous
operative.'' These are ridiculous charges, but they go to the heart of
the issue that Mr. Liu himself analyzed in his 2005 essay called ``The
CPC's Dictatorial Patriotism,'' the dictatorial government's fallacious
equation of itself with the Chinese nation, so that whoever opposes the
dictatorship is treated as an enemy of the state.
Finally, I will conclude with Liu Xiaobo's closing statement in his
2009 trial, only a small part of it. It is very rich and I hope all
will read it. I will put it in the Record. This shows his gentleness of
soul. He said:
``But I still want to say to this regime, which is depriving me of my
freedom, that I stand by the convictions I expressed in my June 2
Hunger Strike Declaration 20 years ago--I have no enemies and no
hatred. None of the police who monitored, arrested and interrogated me,
none of the prosecutors who indicted me, and none of the judges who
judged me are my enemies. Hatred can rot away at a person's
intelligence and conscience.
Enemy mentality will poison the spirit of a nation, incite cruel
mortal struggles, destroy a society's tolerance and humanity, and
hinder a nation's progress toward freedom and democracy. That is why I
hope to be able to transcend my personal experiences as I look upon our
nation's development and social change, to counter the regime's
hostility with utmost goodwill, and to dispel hatred with love.''
To his wife, he said:
``My dear, with your love I can calmly face my impending trial,
having no regrets about the choices I've made and am optimistically
awaiting tomorrow. I look toward to the day when my country is a land
with freedom of expression, where the speech of every citizen will be
treated equally well.''
{time} 1540
This man is a moral giant, absolutely worthy of the Nobel Peace
Prize, and he is the future of China.
I Have No Enemies: My Final Statement
(By Liu Xiaobo)
Closing Statement in Court. Translation by HRIC, based on a translation
by J. Latourelle, December 23, 2009
In the course of my life, for more than half a century,
June 1989 was the major turning point. Up to that point, I
was a member of the first class to enter university when
college entrance examinations were reinstated following the
Cultural Revolution (Class of '77). From BA to MA and on to
PhD, my academic career was all smooth sailing. Upon
receiving my degrees, I stayed on to teach at Beijing Normal
University. As a teacher, I was well received by the
students. At the same time, I was a public intellectual,
writing articles and books that created quite a stir during
the 1980s, frequently receiving invitations to give talks
around the country, and going abroad as a visiting scholar
upon invitation from Europe and America. What I demanded of
myself was this: whether as a person or as a writer, I would
lead a life of honesty, responsibility, and dignity. After
that, because I had returned from the U.S. to take part in
the 1989 Movement, I was thrown into prison for ``the crime
of counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement.'' I also
lost my beloved lectern and could no longer publish essays or
give talks in China. Merely for publishing different
political views and taking part in a peaceful democracy
movement, a teacher lost his lectern, a writer lost his right
to publish, and a public intellectual lost the opportunity to
give talks publicly. This is a tragedy, both for me
personally and for a China that has already seen thirty years
of Reform and Opening Up.
When I think about it, my most dramatic experiences after
June Fourth have been, surprisingly, associated with courts:
My two opportunities to address the public have both been
provided by trial sessions at the Beijing Municipal
Intermediate People's Court, once in January 1991, and again
today. Although the crimes I have been charged with on the
two occasions are different in name, their real substance is
basically the same--both are speech crimes.
Twenty years have passed, but the ghosts of June Fourth
have not yet been laid to rest. Upon release from Qincheng
Prison in 1991, I, who had been led onto the path of
political dissent by the psychological chains of June Fourth,
lost the right to speak publicly in my own country and could
only speak through the foreign media. Because of this, I was
subjected to year-round monitoring, kept under residential
surveillance (May 1995 to January 1996) and sent to
Reeducation-Through-Labor (October 1996 to October 1999). And
now I have been once again shoved into the dock by the enemy
mentality of the regime. But I still want to say to this
regime, which is depriving me of my freedom, that I stand by
the convictions I expressed in my ``June Second Hunger Strike
Declaration'' twenty years ago--I have no enemies and no
hatred. None of the police who monitored, arrested, and
interrogated me, none of the prosecutors who indicted me, and
none of the judges who judged me are my enemies. Although
there is no way I can accept your monitoring, arrests,
indictments, and verdicts, I respect your professions and
your integrity, including those of the two prosecutors, Zhang
Rongge and Pan Xueqing, who are now bringing charges against
me on behalf of the prosecution. During interrogation on
December 3, I could sense your respect and your good faith.
Hatred can rot away at a person's intelligence and
conscience. Enemy mentality will poison the spirit of a
nation, incite cruel mortal struggles, destroy a society's
tolerance and humanity, and hinder a nation's
[[Page H8052]]
progress toward freedom and democracy. That is why I hope to
be able to transcend my personal experiences as I look upon
our nation's development and social change, to counter the
regime's hostility with utmost good will, and to dispel
hatred with love.
Everyone knows that it was Reform and Opening Up that
brought about our country's development and social change. In
my view, Reform and Opening Up began with the abandonment of
the ``using class struggle as guiding principle'' government
policy of the Mao era and, in its place, a commitment to
economic development and social harmony. The process of
abandoning the ``philosophy of struggle'' was also a process
of gradual weakening of the enemy mentality and elimination
of the psychology of hatred, and a process of squeezing out
the ``wolf's milk'' that had seeped into human nature.\1\ It
was this process that provided a relaxed climate, at home and
abroad, for Reform and Opening Up, gentle and humane grounds
for restoring mutual affection among people and peaceful
coexistence among those with different interests and values,
thereby providing encouragement in keeping with humanity for
the bursting forth of creativity and the restoration of
compassion among our countrymen. One could say that
relinquishing the ``anti-imperialist and anti-revisionist''
stance in foreign relations and ``class struggle'' at home
has been the basic premise that has enabled Reform and
Opening Up to continue to this very day. The market trend in
the economy, the diversification of culture, and the gradual
shift in social order toward the rule of law have all
benefitted from the weakening of the ``enemy mentality.''
Even in the political arena, where progress is slowest, the
weakening of the enemy mentality has led to an ever-growing
tolerance for social pluralism on the part of the regime and
substantial decrease in the force of persecution of political
dissidents, and the official designation of the 1989 Movement
has also been changed from ``turmoil and riot'' to
``political disturbance.'' The weakening of the enemy
mentality has paved the way for the regime to gradually
accept the universality of human rights. In [1997 and] 1998
the Chinese government made a commitment to sign two major
United Nations international human rights covenants,\2\
signaling China's acceptance of universal human rights
standards. In 2004, the National People's Congress (NPC)
amended the Constitution, writing into the Constitution for
the first time that ``the state respects and guarantees human
rights,'' signaling that human rights have already become one
of the fundamental principles of China's rule of law. At the
same time, the current regime puts forth the ideas of
``putting people first'' and ``creating a harmonious
society,'' signaling progress in the CPC's concept of rule.
I have also been able to feel this progress on the macro
level through my own personal experience since my arrest.
Although I continue to maintain that I am innocent and that
the charges against me are unconstitutional, during the one
plus year since I have lost my freedom, I have been locked up
at two different locations and gone through four pretrial
police interrogators, three prosecutors, and two judges,
but in handling my case, they have not been disrespectful,
overstepped time limitations, or tried to force a
confession. Their manner has been moderate and reasonable;
moreover, they have often shown goodwill. On June 23, I
was moved from a location where I was kept under
residential surveillance to the Beijing Municipal Public
Security Bureau's No. 1 Detention Center, known as
``Beikan.'' During my six months at Beikan, I saw
improvements in prison management.
In 1996, I spent time at the old Beikan (located at
Banbuqiao). Compared to the old Beikan of more than a decade
ago, the present Beikan is a huge improvement, both in terms
of the ``hardware''--the facilities--and the ``software''--
the management. In particular, the humane management
pioneered by the new Beikan, based on respect for the rights
and integrity of detainees, has brought flexible management
to bear on every aspect of the behavior of the correctional
staff, and has found expression in the ``comforting
broadcasts,'' Repentance magazine, and music before meals, on
waking and at bedtime. This style of management allows
detainees to experience a sense of dignity and warmth, and
stirs their consciousness in maintaining prison order and
opposing the bullies among inmates. Not only has it provided
a humane living environment for detainees, it has also
greatly improved the environment for their litigation to take
place and their state of mind. I've had close contact with
correctional officer Liu Zheng, who has been in charge of me
in my cell, and his respect and care for detainees could be
seen in every detail of his work, permeating his every word
and deed, and giving one a warm feeling. It was perhaps my
good fortune to have gotten to know this sincere, honest,
conscientious, and kind correctional officer during my time
at Beikan.
It is precisely because of such convictions and personal
experience that I firmly believe that China's political
progress will not stop, and I, filled with optimism, look
forward to the advent of a future free China. For there is no
force that can put an end to the human quest for freedom, and
China will in the end become a nation ruled by law, where
human rights reign supreme. I also hope that this sort of
progress can be reflected in this trial as I await the
impartial ruling of the collegial bench--a ruling that will
withstand the test of history.
If I may be permitted to say so, the most fortunate
experience of these past twenty years has been the selfless
love I have received from my wife, Liu Xia. She could not be
present as an observer in court today, but I still want to
say to you, my dear, that I firmly believe your love for me
will remain the same as it has always been. Throughout all
these years that I have lived without freedom, our love was
full of bitterness imposed by outside circumstances, but as I
savor its aftertaste, it remains boundless. I am serving my
sentence in a tangible prison, while you wait in the
intangible prison of the heart. Your love is the sunlight
that leaps over high walls and penetrates the iron bars of my
prison window, stroking every inch of my skin, warming every
cell of my body, allowing me to always keep peace, openness,
and brightness in my heart, and filling every minute of my
time in prison with meaning. My love for you, on the other
hand, is so full of remorse and regret that it at times makes
me stagger under its weight. I am an insensate stone in the
wilderness, whipped by fierce wind and torrential rain, so
cold that no one dares touch me. But my love is solid and
sharp, capable of piercing through any obstacle. Even if I
were crushed into powder, I would still use my ashes to
embrace you.
My dear, with your love I can calmly face my impending
trial, having no regrets about the choices I've made and
optimistically awaiting tomorrow. I look forward to [the day]
when my country is a land with freedom of expression, where
the speech of every citizen will be treated equally well;
where different values, ideas, beliefs, and political views .
. . can both compete with each other and peacefully coexist;
where both majority and minority views will be equally
guaranteed, and where the political views that differ from
those currently in power, in particular, will be fully
respected and protected; where all political views will
spread out under the sun for people to choose from, where
every citizen can state political views without fear, and
where no one can under any circumstances suffer political
persecution for voicing divergent political views. I hope
that I will be the last victim of China's endless literary
inquisitions and that from now on no one will be incriminated
because of speech.
Freedom of expression is the foundation of human rights,
the source of humanity, and the mother of truth. To strangle
freedom of speech is to trample on human rights, stifle
humanity, and suppress truth.
In order to exercise the right to freedom of speech
conferred by the Constitution, one should fulfill the social
responsibility of a Chinese citizen. There is nothing
criminal in anything I have done. [But] if charges are
brought against me because of this, I have no complaints.
Thank you, everyone.
Translator's Notes
1. Writers in China today often refer to indoctrination
with the ideology of class struggle as ``drinking wolf's
milk,'' and the ideology of the Cultural Revolution era as
the ``wolf's milk culture,'' which had turned humans into
wolf-like predatory beasts.
2. China signed the International Covenant on Economic,
Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) in 1997, and ratified it
in 2001. It signed the International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights (ICCPR) in 1998, but has not yet ratified
the covenant.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. KLEIN of Florida. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the
gentleman from Oregon (Mr. Wu).
Mr. WU. Madam Speaker, I rise today to support House Resolution 1717,
congratulating imprisoned Chinese democracy advocate Liu Xiaobo on the
award of the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize. I thank my colleague and good
friend Congressman Chris Smith for introducing this resolution.
China is an appropriately proud nation, with more than 5,000 years of
recorded history, a history filled with great achievements. Chinese is
perhaps the world's oldest, continuously used written language. More
recently, the nation has achieved near universal literacy and has fed
its 1.3 billion people most adequately. And most recently, China has
achieved human space flight, joining the international community of
space-faring nations.
And on this Friday, another first, the first Nobel Peace Prize. But
inexplicably, this achievement has been met by this Chinese Government
with opposition and outright hostility. This is an incomprehensible
failure of national pride and patriotism. I call upon this Chinese
Government to be on the right side of history. I know that Chinese
history will some day vindicate Liu Xiaobo, as it has done with other
great figures in Chinese history.
In the city of Hangzhou, which is near Suzhou, my ancestral home
where my family has lived for 500 to 600 years, Hangzhou was the
capital of the Southern Song Dynasty and the scene of conflict between
the Song Dynasty and northern tribes. In that city is a memorial park
to honor a general of the Song Dynasty, Yue Fei, who is now
[[Page H8053]]
considered a national hero. He was executed by a jealous emperor. And
today, his statue, he stands upon that jealous emperor's neck tall and
proud.
History has a way of setting things right. By failing to honor the
fundamental rights guaranteed by its own constitution, the current
Chinese Government not only fails the Chinese people, but it is also
failing to live up to China's 5,000-year history as one of the great
civilizations on this planet. People like Liu Xiaobo are the future of
China. Let us honor him today and every day as this struggle continues.
Why is Liu Xiaobo, a prolific writer and a longstanding advocate for
peaceful democratic reform in China, in prison today, unable to attend
the ceremony in Oslo? This year, the world's spotlight will be on the
Nobel Peace Prize ceremony, and that spotlight will shine upon an empty
chair. I and others from this body will be there, and we hope to
underscore both the universality of the struggle for freedom and the
singularity not only of the great achievement but also of the Chinese
Government's unpatriotic, incomprehensible reactions to Mr. Liu's
historic recognition.
Madam Speaker, it is time for change. With proper recognition and
proper action, China can take another important step and evolve
peacefully toward its future. The alternative will be a harsh judgment
of history.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the
gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Wolf), who is cochair of the Tom Lantos
Congressional Human Rights Commission and a great advocate of human
rights all over the world, including and especially in China.
(Mr. WOLF asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. WOLF. I want to thank my good friend and distinguished colleague
Congressman Chris Smith of New Jersey for introducing this important
resolution which congratulates Chinese democracy advocate Liu Xiaobo on
the award.
Congressman Smith--and I think all the colleagues in this House on
both sides should know--is one of the greatest human rights advocates
in the Congress, and his leadership on this issue and on human rights
and religious freedom is really, I think, one of the finest that I have
ever served with since I have been here in Congress. I also want to say
parenthetically, why hasn't the Church in the West and in the United
States also spoken out on some of these more profound issues of human
rights and religious freedoms? The silence of the Church in the West is
quite disturbing.
On Friday, the award ceremony will be held with an empty chair, as my
colleague Mr. Wu said, as a solemn reminder that this year's Nobel
laureate remains languishing in prison. Chinese authorities have placed
his wife under house arrest to ensure that she will not be able to
accept the prize on his behalf.
Since 1901, only three other Nobel Prize winners have been prevented
from attending the ceremony to accept the prize. In 1935, Carl von
Ossietzy, a German peace activist, was prevented from receiving the
prize by the Nazi government. In 1975, Andrei Sakharov, a Russian
nuclear scientist, was barred from leaving the Soviet Union to accept
the prize. And in 1991, Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of Burma's
democracy movement, was not allowed to leave the country by the brutal
ruling military junta.
China should be ashamed and embarrassed to be in the company of Nazi
Germany, the Soviet Union, and Burma. Instead, the Chinese Government
has launched a diplomatic campaign to encourage other nations to
boycott Friday's ceremony. In a public statement, China's vice foreign
minister threatened that ``if they make the wrong choice, they have to
bear the consequences.'' The 18 countries that have sided with China
and will not attend Friday's ceremonies are Afghanistan, Colombia,
Egypt, Russia, Kazakhstan, Cuba, Morocco, Iraq, Iran, Pakistan, the
Philippines, Saudi Arabia, Serbia, Sudan--the genocide Government of
Sudan--Tunisia, Ukraine, Venezuela, and Vietnam.
And when their lobbyists come up here next year begging for help,
remember, they were not willing to go to Oslo even to stand up for
human rights. Here we are giving the Moroccan Government $697 million
in the Millennium Challenge grant, and they won't even go to Oslo.
These countries, which are among the world's worst human rights
abusers, will join China in its shameful boycott.
This year's Nobel Prize winner is representative not just of Dr. Liu,
but of the thousands of Chinese prisoners that remain languishing in
prisons and labor camps due to their political and religious beliefs.
Chinese authorities continue to crack down on the Protestant house
church Christians, Catholics, Tibetan Buddhists, Muslim Uyghurs, and
members of the Falun Gong.
In passing this resolution, the U.S. Congress sends an important
message to the dissidents of China and all those who are being
persecuted around the world. The people of the United States stand with
those who sit in their jail cells day after day, week after week, year
after year in their quest for freedom.
Robert F. Kennedy once said: ``Each time a man stands up for an
ideal, or acts to improve the lot of others, or strikes out against
injustice, he sends forth a tiny ripple of hope'' and ``those ripples
build a current which can sweep down the mightiest walls of oppression
and resistance.''
The awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to Dr. Liu has sent out that
ripple of hope that cannot be stopped. And I believe that in my
lifetime--and remember, the Berlin Wall fell like that--in my lifetime,
the Chinese people will know the true freedom, and I will look forward
to celebrating that day.
I thank Mr. Smith again for his leadership on this and so many other
issues.
Mr. KLEIN of Florida. Madam Speaker, as we've been discussing, this
is a travesty of great magnitude. The Chinese Government has shown over
and over again its lack of respect and dignity for human life. And,
certainly, for someone who has such great respect in the academic
community and worldwide as a leader in the views of nonviolence to be
locked up and put away when the rest of the world recognizes the
importance of his respect and his leadership in this important endeavor
is obviously more than disgusting.
{time} 1550
But we have an opportunity, obviously, today to create a resolution
and speak on behalf of the United States and our people about what we
believe are human rights and the respect that should be given someone
who has been given the Nobel Peace Prize.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the
gentleman from California (Mr. Rohrabacher), ranking member of the
Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on International Organizations, Human
Rights, and Oversight. He too has been outspoken on behalf of the
dissidents in China.
Mr. ROHRABACHER. Madam Speaker, let me first suggest that I am
honored to be here in the presence of Chris Smith, who has done so
much, and Speaker Pelosi, who over the years, over these last two
decades while I have been in Congress, have proven to me over and over
again that they are the type of moral and honest people that I emulate
and would seek to strive to meet your standards. So thank you very much
for the leadership both of you have shown, and nowhere is that more
evident than when it comes to our relations with China.
I rise in strong support of H. Res. 1717, which urges President Obama
to work for the release of Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Liu Xiaobo, as
well as the release of all the heroic signers of Charter 08. They are
now in detention and house arrest for being so courageous to put their
name on a democratic document.
There is nothing so low in the arena of global politics as officials
of a regime who order the arrest and imprisonment of a Nobel Prize
winner. Such oppressors deserve a prize of their own, a prize for
arrogance and brutality. This year's prize would then go again to the
Chinese leadership, who have awarded themselves this prize of infamy.
More perplexing than gangsters acting like gangsters are American
Government officials who insist on treating the communist dictatorship
as if it
[[Page H8054]]
is morally equivalent to democratic government, thus worthy of respect,
of trust and cooperation. For 30 years, our State Department has pushed
a policy of open doors, of trade and commerce with Communist China. And
we have, of course, shared our technology with Communist China,
invested in Communist China. We have closed factories here and opened
them up in China. We have trained their young people and equipped them.
And we were told that if we so outreached, that our goodwill would then
civilize the brutal thugs in the Communist Chinese Party.
Now that all of our jobs and factories have been sent to Communist
China, they still repress their people, even Nobel Prize winners. Yet
we must watch out how heavily we criticize. They might turn down our
requests for loan extensions, or our CEOs might feel threatened that
their factories that they put over there might be expropriated.
Madam Speaker, we need to raise our voices for freedom in China and
the imprisoned Nobel Prize winner. But more importantly, we need to
identify the Chinese regime as a militaristic dictatorship that
threatens everything we hold dear, threatens the peace of the world,
and threatens all freedom-loving people in the world, and then act
accordingly. Therefore, I rise in support of this resolution, joining
with Speaker Pelosi and Congressman Smith and my other colleagues who
know if we do not stand for these truths that our country supposedly
believes in, it will come back and hurt us later.
Therefore, I rise in support and urge my colleagues and the American
people to wake up and stop treating China like as if we treat them well
and ignore their crimes against humanity that they will change. That
may be what you do when you are complaining to a democratic government
and you suggest that they made a mistake, they are doing something
wrong, yes, and then follow through with goodwill gestures. That is
seen as weakness on the part of dictatorships. And it is about time
that America stands strong and be seen as a courageous voice throughout
the world for freedom, democracy, and peace, and especially as we send
that message to the people of China.
Mr. KLEIN of Florida. Madam Speaker, I would like to acknowledge and
thank the Speaker of the House for her leadership in the fight for
human rights throughout the world, and I yield 1 minute to the Speaker
of the House.
Ms. PELOSI. I thank the gentleman from Florida for yielding and thank
him for giving us this opportunity to talk about Liu Xiaobo on the
floor of the House today. I especially want to thank Chris Smith, the
gentleman from New Jersey, Frank Wolf, Dana Rohrabacher, three Members
whom I heard speak on the subject, and I know many others have, David
Wu, who is with us on this side, for their commitment to democratic
freedoms in China.
Madam Speaker, Mr. Smith, Mr. Rohrabacher, and Mr. Wolf and I have
been working on this issue for decades. Even before Tiananmen Square,
many of us met with our former colleague, now gone from us, Tom Lantos,
to meet with His Holiness the Dalai Lama. I think that was in 1987. A
couple years later, we saw what happened in Tiananmen Square. And at
that time, as advocates for human rights throughout the world, we were
advocating for human rights in China as well. For a long time, we had
that debate.
We were joined then by our colleague David Wu and others in this
important statement that said, if we are advocating for human rights
throughout the world, which this Congress has done over and over again,
we lose all moral authority to talk about human rights in the rest of
the world if we do not talk about human rights in China, despite the
commercial interests we have in China, despite a number of other issues
that had been called to our attention. And so the news that the Nobel
Committee had awarded the Nobel Peace Prize to Liu Xiaobo came as good
news to those of us who had been calling attention to this issue for a
very long time.
Congressman Smith was instrumental in nominating Liu Xiaobo for the
Nobel Prize. He has been a fighter. He and Frank Wolf, how many times
did you go to China, visit the prisons and the rest? On this score, Mr.
Rohrabacher has been relentless. And so for us, this is a very
important occasion, not only that he is receiving the Nobel Prize, but
that this Congress is recognizing that prize as well.
The Nobel Prize has been called the most prestigious prize in the
world. It is appropriate that in 2010, Chinese democracy advocate Liu
Xiaobo joins the illustrious group of former recipients.
On Christmas Day 2009, Chinese authorities sentenced Liu Xiaobo to 11
years in prison for inciting subversion of state power. It was a harsh
sentence that disrespects the rule of law and the freedom of Chinese
citizens to express their opinions, which is even guaranteed in the
Chinese constitution. Liu Xiaobo is still in prison today, and his wife
has been put under house arrest.
Liu Xiaobo was one of the original signers of Charter 08, an online
petition calling for new policies to improve human rights and democracy
in China. Mr. Liu wrote, ``The most fundamental principles of democracy
are that people are sovereign, and that the people select their own
government.''
Charter 08 now has over 10,000 signatories, many of whom have been
harassed and intimidated by the Chinese authorities. The courageous
efforts by the signatories of Charter 08 to express themselves in the
face of arrest and detention are truly an inspiration around the world.
One of the things that we have done in the past decades is to make
sure that those who have been arrested for expressing their views,
whether they be religious or political, are not forgotten. One of the
techniques of imprisonment is to tell those who have been arrested that
on the outside nobody even remembers you, nobody cares that you are
here; they have forgotten you and all that you have done. And, of
course, with the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize, what greater
spotlight could there be placed on freedom of expression in China?
{time} 1600
The awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize for the first time to a Chinese
citizen is a momentous occasion for the Tiananmen democracy movement.
Liu Xiaobo was arrested in Tiananmen Square in 1989. At the time, he
was on a hunger strike to protest martial law and support peaceful
negotiations with Chinese students. He spent many years in Chinese
prison camps for only expressing his right to free expression.
The Nobel Peace Prize is not only a testament to Liu Xiaobo, but
Chinese dissidents, many, many Chinese dissidents, who have sacrificed
so much in pursuant of freedom and democracy in China.
Today, the House of Representatives is congratulating Liu Xiaobo on
the Nobel Peace Prize and sending a clear message of support for human
rights and democracy in China. We do this in recognition of the
importance of the relationship between China and the United States,
that we have many issues where we have common ground or where we should
seek common ground, but all of that is better served by the candor in
our friendship and not ignoring sore spots.
We continue to call for Liu Xiaobo's immediate and unconditional
release and for the Chinese Government to listen to the many Chinese
citizens who are calling for human rights and freedom in China.
Once again, I thank Congressman Smith for his leadership over the
many years and for nominating Liu Xiaobo and helping to bring this
resolution to the floor, and I thank Mr. Klein for his leadership as
well.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Madam Speaker, I yield myself 30 seconds.
First of all, I want to thank our distinguished Speaker of the House,
Nancy Pelosi, for her very eloquent defense of the human rights
defenders in China, especially for Liu Xiaobo. I also wish to thank her
for these many decades, in which we have worked side by side, along
with Frank Wolf and others, and I thank her for that and for scheduling
this resolution to come to the floor today.
I yield 2 minutes to my good friend and colleague, the gentleman from
Pennsylvania (Mr. Pitts).
Mr. PITTS. Thank you, Congressman Smith, for your leadership on this
issue.
Madam Speaker, here is a picture of Liu Xiaobo, a modern-day human
[[Page H8055]]
rights hero who is suffering and languishing in prison as we speak.
This resolution celebrates the fact that the Chinese dissident Liu
Xiaobo has been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize and notes with sadness
the fact that he remains in prison because of his commitment to freedom
and human rights. He has been a true hero, defending those who cannot
defend themselves and lending a voice to those who have no voice.
He has worked tirelessly to protect human rights but has been
repeatedly detained, sent to reeducation through labor camps, placed
under house arrest, harassed, and monitored by the Chinese Government.
For years, he has withstood the brutal intimidation tactics of the
Chinese Government and has continued to fight for freedom.
In 2008 he helped draft Charter 08, calling for greater freedom of
expression, respect for human rights, and free elections. Because of
his role in drafting and circulating the charter, he was arrested and
sentenced to 11 years in prison, a term he continues to serve.
Liu's long, arduous, and peaceful struggle for human rights has made
him most deserving of this award, and we act today to recognize and
honor his life's work. But we also take this opportunity to call on the
Chinese Government to respect the basic human rights of its people and
to release Liu from prison.
Unfortunately, the Chinese Government's response to the Nobel Prize
Committee's decision was shameful. News about the award was censured,
and the Foreign Ministry issued a statement calling Liu a criminal. His
wife was placed under house arrest, and events commemorating the award
were raided.
In addition, China has declined to attend the Nobel Peace Prize
ceremony for the award, and now it's being boycotted.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Madam Speaker, how much time remains on both
sides?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from New Jersey has 30 seconds
remaining, and the gentleman from Florida has 11 minutes remaining.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. I yield the gentleman from Pennsylvania an
additional 30 seconds.
Mr. PITTS. The countries of Kazakhstan, Morocco, Egypt, and Iraq are
boycotting. That's shameful. It's my hope that, as the resolution says,
the Government of China will release him from prison and the President,
when the President of China comes next month, will raise this issue
vigorously and urge him to be released.
Mr. KLEIN of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman
from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) to close.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. I thank my good friend.
Mr. Speaker, just let me close with a statement of Liu Xiaobo
himself. Remember, this was stated at his trial in 2009. He said, in
pertinent part: I hope that I will be the last victim of China's
endless literary inquisitions and that from now on no one will be
incriminated because of speech.
He went on to say: Freedom of expression is the foundation of human
rights, the source of humanity, and the mother of truth. To strangle
freedom of speech is to trample on human rights, stifle humanity, and
suppress truth.
He went on to say: There is nothing criminal in anything I have done.
If charges are brought against me because of this, I have no
complaints.
Liu Xiaobo had bogus charges leveled against him, and today he
endures 11 years in prison. Today, the Congress stands with the
oppressed, all of the oppressed in China, but including and especially
Liu Xiaobo.
We stand with him and we stand against the oppressor. We are united
Democrats, Republicans, liberals, moderates, and conservatives in
saying that human rights matter, and we thank the Nobel Peace Prize
Committee for naming this outstanding moral leader one of the greatest
moral leaders of our time as the 2011 laureate.
Mr. KLEIN of Florida. I would like to thank the gentleman from New
Jersey for his very eloquent presentation, and all the speakers today,
including the Speaker of the House. This is a statement of the American
people, a statement of all of us from whatever background we come,
about the importance of human rights and the recognition that all of us
fight for human rights, no matter what the situation, politically or
otherwise.
Mr. HOLT. Mr. Speaker, I rise as a cosponsor and strong supporter of
House Resolution 1717. For over two decades, Liu Xiaobo has been a
tireless advocate for human rights and democratic self-government for
the people of China. In 1989, he left a temporary appointment in the
United States to participate in the Tiananmen Square pro-democracy
protests. After the army crackdown, he was instrumental in negotiating
a non-violent resolution to the standoff. Liu continued to promote
reforms in China during periods of imprisonment that followed Tiananmen
Square. He was one of the primary authors of Charter 08, a declaration
of human and civil rights for the Chinese people that was published on
December 10, 2008. In 2009, the Chinese government sentenced Liu to
eleven years in prison for ``inciting subversion of state power.''
I applaud the Norwegian Nobel Committee for recognizing Liu Xiaobo
with the 2010 Nobel Prize for Peace. Liu is a brave spokesman for the
billions of Chinese citizens who are denied their individual liberties
in favor of ``state power.'' His nonviolent struggle and sacrifice
follows in the venerable tradition of Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther
King Jr., and he richly deserves this honor. Liu is the first Chinese
citizen to receive a Nobel Prize. Sadly, however, his continued
imprisonment by the Chinese government will prevent him from accepting
his prize in person. I hope that the Government of China soon will
realize that Liu Xiaobo and others who engage in nonviolent activism on
behalf of universal human rights are not dissidents to be swept under
the rug. They are noble and constructive members of society whose goal
is a more just world. I join with my colleagues in congratulating Liu
Xiaobo and calling for his immediate release, along with all political
prisoners and prisoners of conscience in China and around the globe.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, this morning I was proud to participate in
a press conference in honor of Mr. Liu Xiaobo, the 2010 Laureate of the
Nobel Peace Prize. I was joined by my fellow co-Chair of the Tom Lantos
Human Rights Commission, Congressman Frank Wolf, as well as
Representatives Joseph Pitts, Chris Smith (NJ), Ileana Ros-Lehtinen,
David Wu and Robert Aderholt. Representatives from human rights
organizations also made statements in support of Mr. Liu, including
Sophie Richard with Human Rights Watch; T. Kumar with Amnesty
International; Paula Schriefer with Freedom House; Todd Stein with the
International Campaign for Tibet; Clothilde de Le Coz with Reporters
Without Borders; and Harry Wu, well-known Chinese human rights
activist.
I would like to submit the statement that I made this morning in
support of Liu Xiaobo's non-violent advocacy on behalf of democratic
and human rights in China and his having been awarded this well-
deserved honor.
Good morning, ladies and gentlemen:
Today I proudly stand shoulder to shoulder with my
colleagues in Congress and so many distinguished human rights
defenders and congratulate Liu Xiaobo on being awarded the
2010 Nobel Peace Prize.
When the Norwegian Nobel Committee announced its decision
on October 8th, it renewed its past proud history of awarding
this prestigious award to outstanding individuals and groups
who embody incredible courage and humanity in the face of
severe suppression, to bravely stand up for their fellow
citizens, for truth, democracy and human rights--despite the
likely consequences.
The Nobel Committee in its announcement specifically cited
that it awarded the Peace Prize to Mr. Liu because of ``his
long and non-violent struggle for fundamental human rights in
China.''
When the award ceremony takes place this Friday in Oslo,
Norway, on December 10th, International Human Rights Day, Mr.
Liu will be serving yet another day of the 11-year sentence
he received last December for alleged `subversion of State
power.'
If the Chinese government had to explain what exactly is
the alleged `subversion,' it would of course be hard pressed.
Mr. Liu's entire life has been dedicated to the peaceful
reform of his country, a country that yearns for greater
space for democracy and human rights. That is exactly why
the People's Republic of China does not explain its
blatant abuse of judicial power, or allow judicial review
or meaningful court proceedings in the first place.
Instead, China immediately embarked on a massive
international campaign to pressure the Nobel Committee not to
award the Prize to Mr. Liu as the first Chinese recipient of
the Nobel Peace Prize, and pressed foreign governments not to
attend the ceremonies in Oslo. We remember how China
responded in a similar fashion when His Holiness, the Dalai
Lama, won the award, and when Uyghur human rights and
democracy leader Rebiya Kadeer was nominated for the Peace
Prize.
China's arm reaches far, and the PRC, unfortunately, has
been able to exert pressure on a handful of countries. The
United States, however, must be a beacon of hope. I call on
President Obama--as a Peace Prize recipient
[[Page H8056]]
himself--to send a high level delegation to Oslo as a very
clear signal to the world that the U.S. stands full square
for human rights and democracy, and that we stand with Liu
Xiaobo and the Chinese human rights and democracy movement.
China also cracked down harshly on any attempts to
celebrate Mr. Liu's achievements in his country, and has so
far prevented Mr. Liu's wife, Liu Xia, from traveling to
Oslo, as well as most of China's democracy activists and
scholars who were invited by Mr. Liu's family.
The speeches in Oslo will no doubt highlight Mr. Liu's
incredible courage and peaceful convictions. We will hear
about his leadership as a writer, literary critic, professor
and human rights activist; his role during the 1989 pro-
democracy protest in Tiananmen Square, where he negotiated on
behalf of student demonstrators, that he served as President
of the Independent Chinese PEN Center since 2003, and the
prominent leadership role he played in the drafting of one of
the most important Chinese reform documents, Charter 08.
This Friday, Mr. Liu will take his rightful place among
those human rights giants who were also imprisoned when they
were awarded the Nobel Peace Prize--Germany's Carl von
Ossietzky in 1935 and Burma's Aung San Suu Kyi in 1991.
But what Mr. Liu needs most is not the ornate medal, or
even the cash prize which goes with the award, but our
ongoing commitment to stand with him and the goals and
aspirations he represents. That is our job as law makers,
NGOs, the public, and the international community--today,
tomorrow, in Oslo, and most importantly, beyond December
10th.
Mr. KLEIN OF Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my
time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Langevin). The question is on the motion
offered by the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Klein) that the House
suspend the rules and agree to the resolution, H. Res. 1717, as
amended.
The question was taken.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds
being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.
Mr. KLEIN of Florida. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and
nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX and the
Chair's prior announcement, further proceedings on this motion will be
postponed.
____________________