[Congressional Record Volume 156, Number 150 (Wednesday, November 17, 2010)]
[House]
[Pages H7510-H7512]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
CONDEMNING BURMESE REGIME'S UNDEMOCRATIC ELECTIONS
Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the
resolution (H. Res. 1677) condemning the Burmese regime's undemocratic
upcoming elections on November 7, 2010, as amended.
The Clerk read the title of the resolution.
The text of the resolution is as follows:
H. Res. 1677
Whereas the current military regime, officially known as
the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), known
previously as the State Law and Order Restoration Council
(SLORC), held multi-party elections in 1990;
Whereas despite the threat and pressure by the military
regime to vote for the candidates of the military-backed
National Unity Party (NUP), the people of Burma voted 82
percent of parliament seats for the candidates of the
National League for Democracy (NLD) party, led by formerly
detained leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and allied ethnic
political parties;
Whereas the military regime refused to honor the election
results and arrested and imprisoned both democracy activists
and elected members of parliament;
Whereas the SPDC over a period of 14 years held a National
Convention to draft a new constitution in which the process
was tightly controlled, repressive, and undemocratic;
Whereas the NLD walked out of the convention in 1995
because participants were not allowed to table alternative
proposals or voice disagreement with the military regime;
Whereas the people of Burma, led by democracy activists and
Buddhist monks in August and September 2007, took to the
streets for national reconciliation and the transition to
democracy;
Whereas the military regime brutally crushed the peaceful
protests, killing at least 31 people, leaving nearly 100
missing, and arresting 700 additional political prisoners
bringing the number of Burma's political prisoners to
approximately 2,100;
Whereas the SPDC has ignored the repeated requests of the
United Nations and the international community to release all
political prisoners and end attacks against civilians;
Whereas at the same time, the SPDC assigned a commission to
draft a constitution on October 18, 2007, with 54 handpicked
participants, in an attempt to ignore past election results,
to lock in a process that excludes representatives of ethnic
nationalities and the NLD from political participation, and
to legitimize continued military rule;
Whereas the latest version of the draft constitution seeks
to codify military rule by reserving 25 percent of
parliamentary seats for military appointees, permits the head
of the military to intervene in national politics, and
ensures that key government ministries are held by military
officers;
Whereas amidst the crisis in parts of the country caused by
Cyclone Nargis, the country's military junta staged a
referendum to force through a new constitution, drafted
without input from the opposition;
Whereas the vote for the referendum did not follow a free
and fair democratic process;
Whereas conditions prior to the referendum consisted of
repression, a lack of a free media, and a lack of an
independent referendum commission and courts to supervise the
vote;
Whereas the amnesty provision of the constitution removes
any rights for civil redress for victims of crimes committed
by the military and leaders of the democratic opposition have
refused to accept this constitution;
Whereas the amnesty provision is a blatant attempt to
legitimize the systematic violence in the country for all
junta inflicted crimes;
Whereas the ruling military junta in Burma has one of the
worst human rights records in the world and routinely
violates the rights of Burmese citizens, including the
systematic use of rape as a weapon of war, extrajudicial
killings, arbitrary arrests and detention, torture, as well
as slave and child labor, including child soldiers;
Whereas the previous detention of Aung San Suu Kyi by the
Burmese military regime contravenes Article 9 of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights and has drawn
widespread condemnation from around the world;
Whereas in March 2010, the military regime announced laws
governing the elections, including the Union Election
Commission Law, giving their handpicked members complete
authority to convene the election, along with final
decisionmaking power, regarding election postponement,
rejection, monitoring, forming sub-commissions, formation of
constituencies, compiling list of eligible voters, and
forming of tribunals to judge election dispute;
Whereas articles 4 and 10 of the Political Parties
Registration Law bans all monks, nuns, and leaders of other
religions, government staff, political prisoners and
prisoners, foreigners, and members of and those related to
unlawful associations and insurgent groups from forming and
participating in a political party, further stating that
failure to expel such individuals from your political party
will result in abolishment of the political party;
Whereas article 6 of the Political Parties Registration Law
states that all political parties must pledge to abide and
protect the military regime's undemocratic and fraudulent
2008 constitution;
Whereas the NLD refused to re-register under such unjust
election laws that would have forced them to expel their
leader Aung San Suu Kyi and pledge support for the regime's
undemocratic constitution;
Whereas the military regime's election commission released
severely restrictive political party campaign rules banning
all marches, chanting, and flags and also prohibits any
speeches or publications that criticize the military regime;
Whereas the election commission can de-register any
political party at their discretion;
Whereas it is impossible under the regime's 2008
constitution and 2010 election laws for the election to be
free, fair, inclusive, or democratic; and
Whereas the November 7 election was marked by widespread
fraud, voter intimidation, cheating, and irregularities
reported throughout the country: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That the House of Representatives--
(1) denounces the one-sided, undemocratic, and illegitimate
actions of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC)
that seek to legitimize military rule through a flawed
election process;
(2) denounces the military regime's dissolution of the
National League for Democracy and insists that no government
in Burma can be considered democratic or legitimate without
the participation of Aung
[[Page H7511]]
San Suu Kyi, the National League for Democracy, and ethnic
nationalities and the full restoration of democracy, freedom
of assembly, freedom of movement, freedom of speech, freedom
of the press, and internationally recognized human rights for
all Burmese citizens;
(3) insists that Burma's military regime begin an immediate
transition toward national reconciliation, and the full
restoration of democracy, freedom of assembly, freedom of
movement, freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and
internationally recognized human rights for all Burmese
citizens;
(4) demands the immediate and unconditional release of
detained Buddhist monks and all other political prisoners and
prisoners of conscience;
(5) calls on the Administration to not support or recognize
the military regime's elections as legitimate;
(6) calls on the Burmese junta to change the current flawed
constitution by permitting members of the democratic
opposition and ethnic minorities to participate in
government;
(7) calls for full accountability of those responsible for
human rights violations;
(8) urges support for a credible and robust international
inquiry to investigate the Burmese regime's war crimes,
crimes against humanity, and system of impunity; and
(9) calls for the Administration to fully implement the Tom
Lantos Block Burmese JADE Act of 2008 by nominating the
Special Representative and Policy Coordinator on Burma and
imposing appropriate financial sanctions to facilitate the
priorities expressed in paragraphs (1) through (8).
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentlewoman from
California (Ms. Watson) and the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Manzullo)
each will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from California.
General Leave
Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may
have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to
include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentlewoman from California?
There was no objection.
Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution
and yield myself such time as I may consume.
On November 7, 2010, Burma held its first election in 20 years. This
should have been an important milestone for the 55 million people of
that impoverished nation, but instead, it was more of the same. The
ruling junta fixed the process to ensure its continuing domination, and
the vote was marred by widespread fraud and intimidation.
This important resolution condemns the military regime's blatantly
undemocratic effort to legitimize its rule through a sham election
process.
In 1990, Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy, referred
to as the ``NLD party,'' handily won free and fair elections, but the
junta refused to honor the results and, instead, arrested and
imprisoned democratically elected members of parliament and democracy
activists.
{time} 1750
More recently, in 2007, thousands of ordinary Burmese citizens and
Buddhist monks led a series of peaceful demonstrations calling for more
openness and respect for human rights, only to be brutally crushed by
the regime. Today, there are more than 2,200 political prisoners and
prisoners of conscience languishing in Burmese prisons in the worst
possible conditions.
The junta claims that the Burmese constitution of 2008 is part of a
``roadmap to democracy,'' but in reality, that bogus document maintains
power in the hands of military appointees, permits the head of the
military to intervene in national policy, and ensures that key
government ministries are held by junta officials. Under this
framework, true democracy is impossible.
The regime's recent decision to release Aung San Suu Kyi, the iconic
leader of Burma's democracy movement, is a transparent attempt to
divert attention from its fraudulent election.
The international community must speak with one voice to condemn the
results of the November 7 election; press the Burmese junta to respect
basic human rights and allow freedom of expression and freedom of
association; call for the release of political prisoners; and support
national reconciliation between the junta, Aung San Suu Kyi, and ethnic
leaders.
We must also continue to press for a robust international inquiry
into the regime's crimes against humanity and war crimes, and do
everything we can to end the systemic use of rape as a weapon of war,
extrajudicial killings, torture, and child labor.
Mr. Speaker, I urge all my colleagues to support this bipartisan
resolution.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. MANZULLO. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Today, I rise in strong opposition to the recent sham election that
took place in Burma on November 7. As the sponsor of this important
resolution, I want to lend a public voice for many people yearning to
see democracy take real root in Burma.
The purpose of the election is crystal clear: to entrench the
military junta's rule under a cloak of democracy. Notwithstanding the
release of Aung San Suu Kyi, the junta's actions cannot be an excuse to
draw the curtain closed on so many people in Burma who yearn for the
fresh breath of freedom.
While claiming the pro-junta party won 80 percent of the vote in the
sham election, the Burmese regime clearly demonstrated its adherence to
Chairman Mao's famous dictum that ``political power comes from the
barrel of a gun.''
To make matters worse, just as rigged election results were being
reported, junta troops engaged in shoot-outs with ethnic minority
forces in border areas, sending tens of thousands of refugees fleeing
into Thailand. Artillery fire even flew over the border, injuring
refugees, Thai civilians, and Thai soldiers on the Thai side. Shelling
your peaceful neighbor is no way for any government to conduct an
election.
And while we all laud the release of the acclaimed Nobel Peace Prize
Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, no one should be fooled into thinking that
the Burmese junta leopard has changed its spots. The junta has treated
Aung San Suu Kyi like its political yo-yo, letting her out and then
pulling her back in whenever it has served the regime's political
whims. Having gotten her out of the way during the critical runup to
the bogus elections, the regime has now decided it is time to place her
again in the world spotlight.
But we cannot for one moment forget that there are an estimated 2,500
other political prisoners, including brave monks and ordinary citizens
from the Saffron Revolution 3 years ago, who still languish in the
Burmese gulag. Until these others are free, Aung San Suu Kyi and Burma
are indeed truly not free.
In 2008, I led the effort, along with my friend from New York,
Representative Joe Crowley, to award the Congressional Gold Medal to
Aung San Suu Kyi. We must never forget the strength and hope that she
represents. We must never be fooled into believing that this time there
really will be change in Burma.
A flawed election process cannot hide the fact that until a sincere,
transparent dialogue of political transformation is begun with the
opposition, there can be no true democracy and rule of law in Burma.
One need only recall that Hitler and Stalin had elections also, and
they were just as meaningless.
This raises the whole question of the value of engagement with a
regime which hunts down refugees and shells its neighbor in the
aftermath of bogus elections. The administration clings to the
desperate hope that talking to dictatorial thugs with no preconditions
will lead to a world of peace and harmony. The Burmese junta and their
bogus elections demonstrate the naive assumption behind this approach
to foreign policy.
The release of Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi from house
arrest, however, still leaves one Peace Prize laureate behind bars.
That is the recent Prize recipient, Chinese dissident Liu Xiaobo. It
seems high time for the rulers in Beijing to follow the example of
their Burmese buddies and immediately release Mr. Liu. Governments
which fear lone voices of conscience like Aung San Suu Kyi and Mr. Liu
can never be truly secure, no matter how much voter fraud they conduct
to prop up their regimes.
I strongly and enthusiastically urge my colleagues to stand up for
democracy and freedom in the proud ancient land of Burma and to
wholeheartedly support this resolution.
[[Page H7512]]
I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New
Jersey, Rush D. Holt.
Mr. HOLT. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlelady from California.
I rise to express strong support for House Resolution 1677, offered
by Mr. Manzullo, and I rise to denounce the flawed, undemocratic
election that took place in Burma earlier this month. For nearly half a
century now, the liberties of the Burmese people have been held hostage
by successive military rulers. The regime refused to honor the results
of open elections held in recent decades and then forced the acceptance
of a new, illegitimate constitution in a sham referendum. Last week,
the junta once again chose to disregard the will of the Burmese people
by staging a fraudulent election.
When I first visited Burma decades ago, I learned what a difference a
misguided regime could make. Burma had been a vibrant country known as
the ``rice bowl of Asia.'' Burma had had a rich history, fertile land,
abundant resources, and a productive population. In the years following
the coup in the early 1960s, the authoritarian regime impoverished a
nation and brutalized a people. The generals have rejected the choices
of the Burmese citizens, imprisoned or killed political dissidents, and
failed to address humanitarian suffering caused by their own
mismanagement and by tragic natural disasters. The United States has a
duty to stand firmly against the military's human rights abuses and to
work for justice, reconciliation, and the rule of law in Burma.
I join with those around the world celebrating the recent release
from house arrest of Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, who
has led the nonviolent struggle for democratic reforms in Burma, at
great personal sacrifice, for over three decades. The outpouring of
support and affection for her is a clear signal that the spirit of
liberty endures among the Burmese people. Yet we must be mindful of
history's lessons. The military junta will not tolerate actions that
threaten its iron grip on power. That is why the United States must
continue to pressure the regime to end its repressive practices and to
accept an immediate transition toward a more democratic government that
respects human rights and respects the aspirations of the Burmese
people.
I urge my colleagues to support this resolution.
{time} 1800
Mr. MANZULLO. I yield back the balance of my time.
Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker I have no further requests for time, and I
yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Heinrich). The question is on the motion
offered by the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Watson) that the House
suspend the rules and agree to the resolution, H. Res. 1677, as
amended.
The question was taken.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds
being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.
Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX and the
Chair's prior announcement, further proceedings on this motion will be
postponed.
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