Congressional Record, Volume 156 Issue 128 (Wednesday, September 22, 2010)

[Congressional Record Volume 156, Number 128 (Wednesday, September 22, 2010)]
[House]
[Pages H6870-H6875]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]

THE COMPREHENSIVE PEACE AGREEMENT IN SUDAN

The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of
January 6, 2009, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne) is
recognized for 60 minutes as the designee of the majority leader.
Mr. PAYNE. Madam Speaker, I rise today with Majority Leader Steny
Hoyer to ring the alarm on the current situation in Sudan and
underscore our support for a timely, free, and fair referendum on the
independence of south Sudan and Abyei in January 2011.
Let me begin by thanking the majority leader for calling this
critical, important Special Order and for his continued leadership on
this issue, having led codels to Sudan, having had periodic meetings
with administration officials, bringing in persons from Sudan, south
Sudan, in his continuing push for peace. And so, once again, I commend
Majority Leader Steny Hoyer.
I was elected to Congress in 1988 and was sworn into office in 1989,
the same year that Omar al-Bashir came to power in a coup in Sudan. I
have closely followed the situation in Sudan ever since then, and I
must say that I'm extremely concerned about what is happening now. The
continuing and emboldened intransigence of the Bashir regime threatens
to unravel the peace that was won 5 years ago and spark a return to
conflict.
On January 9, 2005, members of the United States Government,
including myself, witnessed the signing of the Comprehensive Peace
Agreement in Nairobi, Kenya. The Comprehensive Peace Agreement ended
the ghastly 21-year civil war between the north and the south of Sudan,
a war that claimed the lives of 2 million southerners and displaced
more than 4 million; a war in which the Bashir regime used aerial
bombings against innocent, defenseless children, women, men, disabled
people, and elderly; a war that nearly destroyed the entire region of
south Sudan. But what was so great about the people of south Sudan--
they could not destroy the spirit of the people of the south.
The Comprehensive Peace Agreement, championed by the late Dr. John
Garang, who led the struggle in the south, outlined a path to secure
lasting peace, a 6-year interim period, during which Khartoum would
have an opportunity to show the people of south Sudan that it was
capable of change, that it was capable of including the south into a
comprehensive plan to run the Government of Sudan.
However, at the end of the 6-year period, which is on January 9,
2011, about 6 short months from now, the Comprehensive Peace Agreement
promised an opportunity for the people of the south to determine
whether the regime in Khartoum had changed enough that they wanted to
remain a part of Sudan or whether they wanted to secede. Dr. John
Garang wanted to see a unified Sudan, but, as you know, his untimely
death in a plane crash ended his dream.
The people in the marginalized area of Abyei, the region that holds
in the soil of Sudan oil wealth, would decide if they would remain and
keep their special administrative status in the north or become a part
of the south. That has to be determined. It should have been determined
even before January 9 of 2011.
The CPA laid out very clear benchmarks to be met for those
referendums to take place and also included detailed instructions for
power sharing and oil revenue. Still to date, these details have not
been worked out. Now, today, Khartoum threatens to pull out of the
agreement as Bashir's regime has refused to cooperate on key measures
that must be put into place. Khartoum has repeatedly played games,
stalled, held up and obscured so many critical steps in fulfilling the
CPA, so much that today it is unclear whether the referendum in January
can actually be held freely and fairly.
Must I remind the House that this is the regime that carried out the
first genocide to be declared by Congress when it was in progress?
Nearly half a million Darfurians have lost their lives as a result, and
more than 2 million Darfurians have been displaced.
While Darfur is no longer on the front pages of newspapers, the
people still suffer. Last week, chief prosecutor of the International
Criminal Court, Luis Moreno Ocampo, was at my Brain Trust at the
Congressional Black Caucus Foundation's Annual Legislative Conference
and called it a silent genocide that is happening in Darfur. Khartoum
has strangled aid, cut off IDP camps, and is watching the people of
Darfur slowly starve to death.

{time} 2020

This is the regime headed by a President who has been indicted by the
International Criminal Court for war crimes and for genocide. Again, as
the CPA is supposed to come into full completion in less than four
months, there is the threat of massive violence once again against the
people of the south. We have seen several reports of armed shipments
into the south to arm the Misseriya militias that were such a
destabilizing force in the north-south war. This is very serious.
As the administration rolls out a new policy that includes incentive
packages to sway Khartoum to do the right

[[Page H6871]]

thing, let us remember also that this is the same regime that welcomed
with open arms and harbored Osama bin Laden from 1991 to 1995. It was
from Khartoum that he planned an assassination attempt against Egyptian
President Hosni Mubarak. Is this a regime deserving of a second chance
again and again and again? I dare say, no.
So what have we learned? In the words of the late Dr. John Garang,
the Bashir regime, as Dr. Garang said, Bashir and his regime is too
deformed to be reformed. The U.S. must provide leadership in the
international community. I call on President Obama, Secretary Clinton
and Special Envoy Gration to provide clear leadership and to not give
in to this regime and make sure that they live up to what they have
said.
I urge the President to meet with First Vice President of Sudan and
President of Southern Sudan Salva Kiir, and to make it clear to him
that the United States will provide support, that the south needs to
ensure that the CPA does not crumble and war does not break out again
in the south. The message to Khartoum must be that a dismissal of the
CPA in any form will not be tolerated. We demand a free and fair
referendum for the people of south Sudan and Abyei. We demand justice
and accountability. We demand a real end to genocide in Darfur.
At this time I yield to Mr. Brad Miller, a member of the Subcommittee
on Africa and Global Health who has done a tremendous amount during his
time on the committee.
Mr. MILLER of North Carolina. Mr. Speaker, I also rise to call
attention to critical issues that Sudan now faces. More than 3 years
ago, I was part of a congressional delegation to Sudan led by Majority
Leader Steny Hoyer, who will speak shortly. Other members of that
delegation are here to speak tonight as well.
This past January marked the fifth anniversary of the signing of the
Comprehensive Peace Agreement, or the CPA, that ended more than 20
years of civil war between the north and the south of Sudan. That
conflict was marked by northern aggression against the south. It
resulted in the deaths of more than 2 million people, and more than 4
million people in Southern Sudan fled their homes, becoming
``internally displaced persons,'' or IDPs, in the jargon of relief
efforts in conflicts around the world.
The CPA committed the northern-dominated National Congress Party and
the southern-dominated Sudan People's Liberation Movement to govern
jointly for 6 years, followed by a referendum on self-determination for
Southern Sudan and Abyei. That referendum must happen as scheduled in 4
months, and the referendum must be free, fair, credible, and a true
reflection of the will of the people. If not, the CPA will mark only a
6-year pause in Sudan's civil war, not an end to the war.
Secretary of State Clinton was right when she said a year ago that
``the Comprehensive Peace Agreement between the north and south will be
a flashpoint for renewed conflict if not fully implemented through five
national elections, a referendum on self-determination for the south,
resolution of the border disputes, and the willingness of the
respective parties to live up to their agreements.''
Unfortunately, Sudan's elections in April 2010 certainly did not meet
anyone's standards for a legitimate election. Those elections were
marred by widespread violation of political rights, irregularities in
voter registration, intimidation, and violence in some areas, and the
continuing conflict in Darfur that suppressed voter participation.
Predictably, the National Congress Party has consistently delayed and
reneged on its CPA commitments. Madam Speaker, this is a critical
moment for Sudan. The CPA-mandated referendum is just 4 months away.
The CPA has not yet been fully implemented. Voter registration for the
referendum has not yet taken place, and key procedures have not even
been established.
In addition, the violence in Darfur persists. The Bashir regime
continues to restrict and disrupt United Nations peacekeeping,
humanitarian operations, and human rights organizations in Darfur,
leaving more than 2 million people still displaced and vulnerable.
The Bashir regime must know that the whole world is watching. We
cannot divert our attention from Sudan. We must remain committed and
insist upon the full implementation of the CPA to ensure sustainable
peace in Sudan.
Mr. PAYNE. Let me thank the gentleman for his statement. I appreciate
his work on the Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health.
At this time I would like to hear from the gentleman who called for
the Special Order today, the majority leader from Maryland, Mr. Steny
Hoyer.
Mr. HOYER. I thank my friend for yielding and for leading this
Special Order. I was pleased to, with him, undertake this Special Order
because of the timeliness of the crisis that confronts Sudan and the
implementation of the agreement. I want to thank all of the Members for
participating in this Special Order as well. It is important that we in
the Congress stay focused and send a message, as I will here, that we
are focused. And I applaud the gentleman for his statement tonight. I
applaud him even further for his continuing leadership. Nobody in the
Congress, in either the House or the Senate, has been more focused over
a longer period of time, has traveled more extensively throughout the
world, and to some of the most troubled spots in the world, and to
Sudan, than the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne) and I thank him
for his leadership.
In fewer than 4 months, Southern Sudan will hold a referendum on
independence, which was guaranteed by the 2005 Comprehensive Peace
Agreement.

The CPA ended Africa's bloodiest civil war, a war which took almost 2
million lives and displaced 4 million. Yet the risk of descending into
war again seems all too real.
Now, as on my congressional delegation to Sudan 3 years ago, our
focus remains the same: Promoting peace, stability, and reconstruction
across the whole of Sudan. This is not only our moral obligation but an
important national security goal as well. We must work to ensure that
Sudan does not become a safe haven for terrorists. Tonight we are here
to send a message to all those who live in and care about Sudan. We
support full implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. We
support a timely, peaceful, free, and fair referendum on independence.
And we support an end to the violence in Darfur.
These are immense challenges, to be sure. But Sudan's central
government has shown that it pays close attention to the international
community's intentions and actions, which is why we must present a
unified, comprehensive position in our response to both the ongoing
violence in Darfur and the north-south conflict.
I want to be absolutely clear: Darfur remains and will remain a point
of focus for this Congress. We recognize that peacekeepers are
struggling and in many cases failing to fulfill their civilian
protection mandate, and that humanitarian groups are swimming in
redtape and facing daunting security challenges.
President Obama and the international community must continue to push
Khartoum on the issue of humanitarian access and independent human
rights monitoring in the region.

{time} 2030

In the wake of what appears to be a near collapse of the latest
efforts in Doha, we must continue to strive for a viable peace process.
Congress is watching. Congress will hold you accountable. Tonight,
however, I want to focus my remarks on the need for full CPA
implementation and specifically on ensuring that the referendum on
southern independence takes place on time and, as I said, in a free,
fair and peaceful manner and that results are respected by Khartoum and
the international community.
With the referendum approaching on January 9, 2011, our own Secretary
of State has said that we can hear the loud sound of a ticking time
bomb--Secretary Clinton's words--the possibility of new bloodshed.
What can we do to prevent it?
The U.S. has stepped up its diplomatic efforts in southern Sudan, and
is providing $12 million for elections security, allowing the
government of southern Sudan to establish 11 joint operation centers in
Juba and in the 10 states in collaboration with other partners.

[[Page H6872]]

I also want to applaud President Obama for attending Secretary
General Ban Ki-moon's high-level meeting on Sudan this Friday at the
United Nations in order to discuss what more the international
community can do to ensure a fair and safe vote. My hope is that a
powerful package of multilateral pressures and incentives will come out
of this meeting and those that follow.
I also support the administration's efforts to prepare for January
with former South African President Mbeki, who is leading the African
Union's efforts in Sudan as well as with international financial
institutions and international development agencies; but more can and
must be done. We must hurry to establish a formal mechanism to help get
the north and south to agreement on all of the outstanding issues. Such
a mechanism must include buy-in from civil society in an organized way.
The CPA is a positive model on this front.
The international community, including our own administration, must
continue to remind those countries with a stake in the outcome,
including Russia, Egypt and especially China, that it is in their own
best interests to advance peace and stability in Sudan. This is an
international responsibility. We must support U.N. peacekeepers and
urge them to do more to protect civilians. We cannot simply throw our
hands up in complaint about a relatively ineffective peacekeeping
system. We must fix it.
Finally, efforts in south Sudan must not be solely focused on the day
of the referendum but also, of course, on the day after.
The international community must step up efforts to prevent southern
Sudan from becoming what the economists called a ``pre-failed state.''
We know the dangers that failed states pose to our own national
security. We have seen that. If we want to prevent the emergence of a
new one, the international efforts on everything from road building to
literacy education to establishing a viable economy in one of the
world's most underdeveloped areas deserves and should have our support.
Regardless of the steps we and the international community take, the
decision to turn this vote into a foundation for peace instead of one
for further war ultimately rests in the hands of the Sudanese. So my
message to Khartoum is this:
Step up. Step up, Khartoum. At the risk of sounding cynical, surprise
us. This referendum is part of a peace agreement that you signed in
2005. Come to the table. Work to advance a peaceful outcome, and don't
lead your country back into war. The administration has clearly
communicated to you that there are both painful pressures and real
incentives on the table. It is your choice, of course, and rest assured
that the United States Congress is watching your choice and will hold
you accountable.
To the government of south Sudan:
The U.S. Congress is committed to the referendum, and firmly believes
that it is the best mechanism for you to express your right of self-
determination. Alternative approaches will only renew the turmoil that
the CPA was designed to end--and will severely weaken the future of
your people.
We need you to step up as well. We need you to come to the table as a
ready and willing partner, and we need you to devote resources, time
and energy to finalizing an operational plan and budget, agreeing on
voter registration criteria and procedures, and hiring and training
registration workers. There is hard work in front of you, but the
reward in the form of your people's right to choose their own future is
clearly precious.
To the Obama administration and the international community:
Thank you. Thank you for your efforts to strengthen peace in Sudan
but to keep them going. We will all have to work vigorously to ensure
that the referendum is a success, but the consequences of failure
should be more than ample motivation for us all.

Friday's high-level meeting at the United Nations must be a
productive and serious one, and more conversations must follow. They
must be focused on how the international community will work together
to assist in the technical, logistical and operational stages of the
vote; to monitor and observe the process from start to finish; to
guarantee implementation of the results; and to mediate in case of any
disagreement. You have the Congress' full support in this effort.
To the humanitarian community, especially to the American-based NGOs
working on the ground in Sudan:
You represent the best of American selflessness and generosity. You
do God's work. Thank you for that.
This Congress pledges to continue advocating for improved
humanitarian access so that you can continue to do your jobs and
advance the goals for which you have put your safety and, yes, even
your lives on the line. Improving the daily lives of people living in
one of the world's most war-torn regions is a moral responsibility for
us all.
Finally, to the people of Sudan:
We stand with you. You deserve far more than the bloodshed and death
and dislocation that year after year have brought you. You deserve what
we all deserve--a chance to live our lives and raise our children in
peace. America will do everything in its power to ensure that January
is the beginning of that chance, not its untimely end.
Again, I thank the gentleman from New Jersey--one of the senior
Members of this Congress, the leader of our effort on the African
continent--a continent so critically important to the future of the
global community. I thank him for yielding me this time.
I yield back.
Mr. PAYNE. Let me, once again, thank the majority leader for his
passion and leadership on this issue. Your statement here was so
thorough. I really appreciate your leadership.
At this time, I would like to recognize the co-chair of the Sudan
Caucus, a gentleman who has traveled to Sudan. He has been a fighter on
this issue. He has been to meetings with the Chinese and with other
persons who had to be convinced that they should change their ways. It
is my pleasure to introduce and to yield to him as much time as he may
consume, the gentleman from Massachusetts, Representative Capuano.
Mr. CAPUANO. I would like to thank the gentleman from New Jersey. He
has been a great leader on this issue and on so many other issues with
regard to international matters.
I would also like to thank the majority leader for organizing this
Special Order during such an important week.
The reason we are doing this this week, really, is that the President
is scheduled to be at the United Nations this week to meet on the Sudan
issue. It seems like things are coming to a head. As you've heard many,
many times--and I'm not going to repeat the facts, because the facts
have been said--we have an election that is scheduled to come up in
January which is very critical to this region. Let me be clear:
To me, this may not be the most important issue to most of my
constituents. I know that. I realize that. Jobs are more important. The
economy is more important. But America has always been and, I think,
always should be more than just about business. It has to be about
morality and ethics as well. In this case, the morality of a genocide,
or the immorality of a genocide--the immorality of keeping people
enslaved, literally enslaved at a recent point in the history of
Sudan--is something that, I think, only America is qualified to stand
up and scream about.
Up until now, the history in this region has been terrible. There
have been civil wars. There has been genocide. There has been every
form of human degradation you can find, mostly perpetrated either
directly or indirectly by the government in Khartoum.

{time} 2040

At the same time, I'm one of those people that believes anyone can
change their ways on any given day. That's not to forget the past, but
it's also the only way to find a way forward. The government in
Khartoum is at that crossroads right now. They have a choice, whether
to actually move forward and allow the people of south Sudan to make
their own decisions legitimately in January, whether they wish to go
their own way or wish to remain associated with Sudan, and then to
enforce whatever the people of Sudan decide and to do it in a peaceful
way. This is important to the American people on a moral side, as I
said, but it is also important on a very realistic side. This
particular area--I'll be

[[Page H6873]]

honest. I don't think--as a matter of fact, I am certain. I could not
have found Darfur on a map before I got to Congress. I might have been
able to come close to finding where Sudan was, but it would have been a
guess. I know that most of my constituents, most Americans are not
sitting there knowing all about this, but they will know it if it goes
the wrong way, and they will know it because the entire region will go
up in flames. There will be millions of people put at risk.
Everybody in America knows where Somalia is because it's a lawless
region. They know where Eritrea is, Ethiopia, all difficult parts. This
is right next door. It sits in a critical region. If civil war starts
again in a serious way, if genocide raises its ugly head again, the
entire region will go up. Most countries in that area will be directly
affected, and it will directly affect America and the rest of the
world. Something like that cannot go on without doing it.
That is why I am here today, to remind the American people, who I
think, across the board, agree that genocide is something that needs to
be screamed about and stopped whenever possible, agree that people
should have their own right to self-determination--that's not the
point--but also to put the issue in front.
I also want to thank the administration. The Obama administration has
put this issue at the top of its agenda, and I respect them and thank
them for that. There are carrots and sticks on the table for Khartoum
if they choose to take those carrots. If they don't, none of us really
want to implement those sticks, but none of us are allowed to sit back
and simply let genocide go forward without doing what we can.
So that's why I came today, to say thank you to the administration,
to encourage the Khartoum regime to make the right choices--it's not
too late--and to thank the administration for all it is doing and to
encourage them to do more. I join my colleagues in asking the
administration to meet with Salva Kiir, the leader of south Sudan, at
least meet with him and talk to him, hear it directly from him. And I
hope that we won't have to be back here in January talking about this
issue, other than to congratulate the people of south Sudan and Sudan
for having conducted a lawful and thoughtful plebiscite.
Thank you, and I yield back.
Mr. PAYNE. Let me thank the gentleman again. As I indicated, he
cochairs the Sudan Caucus, and he has been very, very involved from day
one. We really appreciate his leadership.
At this time, I would like to yield such time as she may consume to
the gentlelady from California, a member of the Subcommittee on Africa
and Global Health, a person who has traveled to Africa, Congresswoman
Woolsey.
Ms. WOOLSEY. First, I'd like to thank Chairman Payne and Majority
Leader Hoyer for reserving this valuable time tonight to bring
attention to Sudan.
While it may have slipped from the front page of the newspapers and
headlines of the nightly news, the crisis in Sudan is still in a very
critical stage. In Darfur, rape is being used as a means of terror and
warfare. Hundreds of thousands of people are living in refugee camps or
are displaced from their homes. Militias with strong ties to the
government in Khartoum brutalize Darfurians. So we have a long way to
go before the people of Darfur can feel safe and return to a normal
life.
The Comprehensive Peace Agreement was supposed to lay out a framework
for peace between the north and the south, but as we get closer to the
date for the referendum, security and fairness seems to have become
farther out of reach than it was earlier on. The south is forced to
hope that President Bashir, a man indicted by the International
Criminal Court for war crimes, they are to hope he will support an
honest and clean election, free from intimidation and free from
corruption. Many remain skeptical that, when the time comes, President
Bashir will actually allow the south to vote unobstructed.
As Chairman Payne knows, because he has visited with and he has been
honored by the people in my district who are working in regards to
Darfur and have been on top of this issue from the beginning, they know
that the people of Darfur are suffering. They have long supported the
rights of the Sudanese people from a project called Tents of Hope, to
letter writing and fundraising. I think the project is called Dear
Darfur, Love Petaluma. That was the first one. That is where I live.
Then there was, Dear Darfur, Love Marin County; and later, Dear Darfur,
Love San Francisco.
So Marin and Sonoma Counties, where I represent, consistently have
stood for peace and justice in Sudan, and they have been really
outraged at what they have seen. In fact, they teach about the issue in
schools where their students are raising funds for the people of
Darfur, and they're helping paint the tents for the Tents of Hope. With
their support, I join my colleagues in the House on calling on the
Obama administration to put more pressure on the Government of Sudan.
We must demand that Khartoum and President Bashir allow a fair
referendum and to permit international assistance and monitoring.
Further, the plight of the Darfurians must not be pushed to the side
in deference to the north-south situation. The genocide continues, and
Sudan will never be free of oppression and violence until President
Bashir and his reign of terror is brought to an end and he is held
accountable.
Thank you, Mr. Payne.
Mr. PAYNE. Let me thank the gentlelady, the cochair of the
Progressive Caucus. And let me commend your congressional district in
Marin County that had a very interesting forum where we discussed with
Darfurian citizens, former citizens of Darfur in the south. Your
district is so progressive, and it was my pleasure to be there in the
great State of California.
At this time, I would like to ask the gentleman from Virginia who has
served in Africa--he has done outstanding work prior to coming to
Congress, very knowledgeable, and a delightful advocate for people who
are striving for justice--Representative Perriello, I yield to you as
much time as you may consume.
Mr. PERRIELLO. Thank you very much, Chairman Payne. History will look
kindly on your willingness to speak up and fight for those who had no
voice in this body. Mr. Hoyer, our leader, your willingness to commit
to this issue and to answer the call of Matthew 25, to serve those who
are the least among us, is one, I believe, will resonate as well.
Tonight we have a simple question: When we say ``never again,'' do we
mean it? When we say ``genocide, never again,'' ``crimes against
humanity, never again,'' ``women and children dying, 30,000 a day, from
hunger and preventable disease, never again,'' it's easy to put on a
bumper sticker, it's easy to say at a public event, but making it a
reality is never simple.
We face today, without the luxury of ignorance, the knowledge that
people suffer around the world unspeakable atrocities, and for too long
that has included the people of Sudan, throughout Sudan. Today we focus
primarily on the important issue of democracy and peace for those who
have suffered for two decades in southern Sudan, but we also know that
the Comprehensive Peace Agreement cannot be used to hold hostage the
women, children, and vulnerable of Darfur and Blue Nile region and
other areas.
We sit here today with an opportunity to shed light, and, more
importantly, to produce results for those who have suffered for too
long. It is not enough for this to be something we speak from this
floor or even something that we use when we engage directly in our
diplomacy and conversations with Sudan.

{time} 2050

This is larger than that. It must rank up when we talk to Egypt,
Russia, China, and others who do so many dealings with this regime, a
regime that I believe is ultimately irreparable.
We can now say that we will support the Democratic process for
Southern Sudan and ensure a fair referendum. And we know from the
history of this country that supporting democracy is not something we
do because it's easy. We do it because it's right. It's not something
because it happens overnight. It's something we support because we know
through the arc of history bending towards justice, we move towards a
more democratic and free

[[Page H6874]]

world, and that that should apply as much to the people of Sudan and
the continent of Africa as it does here for those blessed enough to be
born in the United States.
And we also know, and I know from my experience of working in areas
such as Sierra Leone, that democracy and fair elections are not
something that happen on the day of the vote. They are something that
must be built towards by ensuring a fair process of registration, of
accountability, of avoiding the kind of intimidation and corruption
that builds up in these situations.
And I think it's important to note that we are keeping an eye on this
early, but we must be vigilant. The people of Darfur and the people of
Southern Sudan have a chance to speak.
One of the greatest gifts of the Greatest Generation was the idea of
global security in a world of expanding freedom and democracy. In the
same way, they have handed that torch to us. As Americans, they asked
us to make sure we were looking on that in terms of the community of
nations.
And we've seen good bipartisan support. I want to recognize the
leadership of Congressman Frank Wolf and Senator Brownback and others
who've been willing to shed a light on this issue and speak up, not
just on peace vaguely, but the reality that we must be willing to hold
this regime accountable even when that's difficult, even when that
costs us diplomatic points.
With indicted world criminals like Haroun who are put into government
positions after having overseen some of the worst atrocities of the
last 25 years, we must ask ourselves whether we mean never again,
whether we're serious about justice and accountability.
I've spent time with the rebel groups in Darfur. I've spent time with
those who are suffering under decisions, criminal decisions, horrific
decisions made by these individuals. Yes, we must start with this
comprehensive peace agreement, we must not allow it to backslide. But
we must also see this as the beginning of a process of ensuring justice
and accountability more broadly.
One of the great Sudanese figures of the modern era, Manute Bol,
recently passed away. In fact, he spent his final days in a hospital in
my district having given away literally everything he had--not just his
financial resources but every ounce of energy he had in his soul and
body to ensure this. He is just the tallest and most symbolic and known
of those who have given their lives in the fight for democracy and
freedom for those in Southern Sudan.
We must not allow Mr. Bol and others to have died in vain. Those who
are in a position to ensure otherwise, including those in this body on
both sides of the aisle, must stand up and ensure those that who had
the courage to stand up and demand what was right, that we had their
back, that we had their back when it came to diplomacy and economic
negotiations, when it came time for a commitment to peacekeeping and
multilateral operations that are so important, to those who have given
tireless hours, and those who unfortunately are not here to see this
through to completion.
We are at a moment where, after years of struggle, we are brought to
the edge of the promised land. There is a chance for us to see this
through. Let us ensure a fair and just election process for Southern
Sudan. Let us use that as a springboard to ensure democracy and basic
justice and decency for the west, the east, the north, and the center
of Sudan as well.
I thank Mr. Hoyer. I thank Mr. Payne. I thank all of those who have
spoken up. And I hope that this will not be another case where we sit
by and let ``never again'' echo silently and powerlessly through the
ages, but instead we look back proudly on what we stood up to do as
Americans and as human beings.
Mr. PAYNE. Let me certainly once again commend the gentleman from
Virginia. The work that he's done speaks for him. And it's a pleasure
to have him in our House of Representatives, and we will certainly look
forward to your continued leadership in the next Congress.
At this time I'd like to introduce a gentleman from Georgia who has
shown interest in many issues as it relates to human rights, the
gentleman from the great State, as I mentioned from Georgia,
Representative Barrow.

Mr. BARROW. I thank the gentleman. I thank him for his leadership in
this area.
I, too, want to join in thanking the majority leader for his
leadership and his passion on this issue and bringing this matter to
the attention of the House this evening.
Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of the people of Sudan and to
pledge my continued commitment to achieving lasting peace and security
for the Sudanese people.
Three years ago, I traveled to the Darfur region of Sudan as part of
an official, bipartisan congressional delegation. During that time, I
was able to meet with a host of individuals ranging from the President
of Southern Sudan, United Nations peacekeepers, ministers from the
government of Southern Sudan, the Speaker of Parliament, and rebel
leader and Darfur Peace Agreement-signatory, Mr. Minni Minawi. Each of
these individuals holds an essential stake in peace.
Sudan's Democratic and geographic integrity, as well as the lives of
its people, depend on the continued leadership of these and many other
individuals.
This year, as we mark the fifth anniversary of the signing of the
Comprehensive Peace Agreement that put an end to Sudan's 21-year-old
civil war, I'm encouraged by the gains that have been made, but there
is still much more work to be done.
The United States cannot and will not turn a blind eye to genocide in
Darfur or to corruption and poor leadership in any part of Sudan. Too
much blood has been shed and too many lives have been lost. The United
States must continue to work with our international allies to provide
aid and promote peace--because that's the right thing to do. We should
do everything we can to see to it that the citizens and leaders of
Sudan come together, put an end to tribal violence, and commit
themselves to the welfare of Sudan.
Again, with my thanks to Mr. Payne and to the majority leader for
their leadership, I yield back the balance of my time to the gentleman
from New Jersey.
Mr. PAYNE. Let me thank the gentleman for the continued good work
that you do.
As we conclude, you've heard the words from our leader,
Representative Hoyer, you've heard Members of the Congress express
themselves. I, too, would like to say that this has been a bipartisan
effort. Congressman Wolf, Senator Brownback. The last hearing I had, I
invited him to come to the House hearing, and he did an outstanding
job.
But many of us say that this issue must be resolved. And it's the
historic problem of the region of Egypt and Sudan. Back at the end of
the Ottoman Empire back in 1914, the British came in and jointly kind
of ruled Egypt and Sudan. And finally during the Suez Canal crisis in
the early 1950s, the Egyptian revolution started to move forward, and
it was felt that Egypt and Sudan had to separate if Egypt was going to
get its independence.
Interestingly enough, Sudan was the first black nation to get
independence from any of the colonial powers, back on January 1 of
1956. However, right prior to that independence, the war broke out
between the north and the south.
And one of the problems that we have seen today was because the
British had two administrations. It had an administration for the
north, and it had an administration for the south. And way back during
its administration, it created the difference between the north and the
south. And those problems just continued to move forward. And some of
those issues remain today. The fact that the many groups of Sudan, many
diverse--there are about 38 million people in Sudan. It's interesting
that 49 percent are black, and 38 percent are Arab, and 11 percent are
Nubians.
And the problem in Darfur would surprise many people because the
Darfurians were people who worked with the National Congress Party. The
Darfurians were persons who were in the armed services of the
government of Sudan.

{time} 2100

When the Government of Sudan turned on the Darfurian people, bombing
them, killing them, then allowing the Janjaweed to come and rape and
burn and pilfer, kill animals, throw

[[Page H6875]]

them into wells, shocked many people because Darfurians were relatively
loyal to the Government of Sudan.
So this is terrible government, a government that has tried to have
an Arabization program. And the war between the north and the south is
because Dr. John Garang and the people of the south who were Christians
and animus did not want to live under sharia law, which was being
imposed by al-Bashir.
So we have to continue to push to make sure that the CPA from January
9 is upheld in 2011. We have to remember those--Rebecca Garang, the
widow of Dr. John Garang, who still today is raising her children.
Those who have fought with the SPLA, SPLM for many, many years will
have their opportunity.
Whatever the people of Sudan and the south decide, that is what we
should allow to be the word. It should be up to the people of the
south, whatever they decide. Whether they decide to remain a part of
Sudan or whether they decide to separate, we should ensure that
whatever their decision is that we will guarantee that the will of the
people be done.
I would like to once again thank our majority leader for his
continued interest, Members who have come to participate.

General Leave

Mr. PAYNE. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members
may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks
and include extraneous material on the subject of this Special Order on
Sudan.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from New Jersey?
There was no objection.
Mr. PAYNE. I yield back.

____________________