[Congressional Record Volume 156, Number 124 (Wednesday, September 15, 2010)]
[House]
[Pages H6736-H6742]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
MAKE IT IN AMERICA
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of
January 6, 2009, the gentleman from California (Mr. Garamendi) is
recognized for 60 minutes as the designee of the majority leader.
Mr. GARAMENDI. Mr. Speaker, I will engage in a colloquy here, with
the permission of the Chair, with my colleagues to discuss an extremely
important issue for America--that is, manufacturing. If America is
going to make it, we're going to have to make it in America.
But before I go into the subject of how we can restart and rebuild
the American manufacturing sector and make it in America, I'd like to
do a little review of history first.
Years and years ago, I played football at the University of
California. And it's football season, and my friends have often accused
me of using football analogies, and, well, it happens to be true. So,
okay, it's football season.
Let's consider for a moment that it's not football that we're dealing
with but, rather, it's the economy. And if we were to consider the
first quarter, we would have to look at the George W. Bush and the
Republican first quarter. What happened?
Beginning in 2007, we began to see the extraordinary crash of the
American economy. It just bled jobs. Eight million jobs were lost,
peaking in December of 2008, just before the onset of the Obama
administration. Nearly 800,000 jobs were lost that month alone,
totaling 8 million during that period of time. So you see this
incredible decline in the American job market, and this is just the
private employment sector. This was replicated in the public sector
also.
So that was the first quarter. How did it happen? Why did it happen?
Well, crazy tax policy for starts. Tax policies that gave
extraordinary breaks to the very wealthy; modest breaks to the middle
class; two wars that were not paid for, the money was borrowed; the
Medicare drug benefit, not paid for, creating an enormous deficit and
the regulators stepped back. The period of no regulation occurred
during that first quarter. Wall Street went crazy. It collateralized
debt obligations. The meltdown of the housing industry, subprime loans.
All of those things led to this extraordinary decline.
In January of 2009, President Obama came in and we began the second
quarter. Tough situation going into that second quarter, but we began
to see immediate action taken. The Wall Street stabilization programs
went into effect, and the way in which that was administered began to
stabilize Wall Street. We had the stimulus program, the American
Recovery and Reinvestment Act. It went into effect. And we saw numerous
other pieces of legislation go into effect during the Obama second
quarter.
I'm going to go through some of these very, very quickly.
The stimulus program, 3 million jobs as a direct result of that since
it went into effect in February of 2009.
We saw also the Worker, Homeownership, and Business Assistance Act
dealing with the foreclosures, trying to keep people in their homes and
to provide tax relief for small businesses.
We saw the Student Aid and Financial Responsibility Act, the biggest
effort since the GI Bill in the 1940s and 1950s, to give people an
opportunity to get job training and to get new skills when they got
back into the job market.
Cash for Clunkers, stabilizing the automobile industry.
And we also saw the American Government stepping in to save two great
icons of the American industry and the hundreds, in fact, thousands of
small businesses that depended upon the auto industry with the bailout
of General Motors and Chrysler--to good effect. We were able to
maintain those small business jobs that were directly impacted there.
We also saw the Credit Cardholders' Bill of Rights. How many of us
have reached into our pockets for our credit cards and we go, ``I just
know those banks are going to screw me one more time.'' But no more,
because we passed the Credit Cardholders' Bill of Rights.
Other legislation is now pending. All of those are laws.
And one that passed just 3 weeks ago, which was the teachers and the
medical legislation, that went into effect fully paid for; 160,000
teachers across the United States will stay in the classrooms providing
that education that our students need, and paid for by ending an
extraordinarily bad piece of policy that's been in effect for many
years that gave a tax break to American corporations that off-shored
American jobs.
So what do you mean? Do you mean to tell me that American
corporations were able to get a tax break every time they sent a job
offshore? Yes. That's exactly what is over today as a result of action
taken.
On every one of these bills, every single effort made by this
Congress to bring jobs back, to stabilize the economy, we found
virtually no Republican support. In the stimulus, none at all. In the
credit card, only a handful of Republicans. Republican opposition was
uniform for every single effort made by this House, by the Democrats.
The result of our work without Republican support has been a steady
improvement, so that for the last 8 months we have seen private sector
jobs actually increase--not as much as we need, not as much as we want,
but we have seen a clear differentiation between the first quarter with
the Bush debacle and the rebuilding of the American economy in the
second quarter.
Where are we today? We're at halftime. We're in the locker room here
in Washington, D.C. We're in Congress. We're working to complete our
plan for the second half--the resurgence and the rebuilding of the
American economy. And in this half, we have a series of bills that we
put forward--some already law; others that will go into effect in the
months ahead--hopefully passed. We'd love to have the support of our
Republican colleagues, but, as in this moment, their seats are empty.
But when they're filled, they still vote ``no'' on every effort to
rebuild the American economy.
So it's halftime. The question for the American public is: Which
team's going to go back on the field for the second half, for 2011 and
2012? Which team's going back on the field? The team that brought us
this great debacle, the great crash of the American economy, or the
team that has slowly, but every month, brought progress back to the
American economy? We're talking now about making it in America.
Joining me today for this discussion is my colleague from the great
State of Wisconsin, Dr. Kagen, an extraordinary individual, an
entrepreneur in his own right, who is going to talk about some of the
efforts that he's
[[Page H6737]]
made and some of the issues that face his district in making it in
America and the things that we need to do.
Dr. Kagen from Wisconsin.
{time} 1740
Mr. KAGEN. Absolutely. Well, thank you very much for yielding, and
thank you for organizing this hour, where we can begin to have a
conversation, a very constructive conversation with the American people
across the country about making it in America. And you know,
manufacturing does matter. And making it in America really is
important. And just maybe, perhaps we should change the slogan from
``Make It In America'' and add on, ``not China.''
Because where I live people say, ``Hey, Doc, we have got to get our
jobs back from China. We want our money back from Wall Street and our
jobs back from China.'' And one of my constituents, who is nearly 80
years old, sent me this note asking really the question about whose
side are we on? You mention it's a ball game, a football game. Could be
peewee, could be little league, could be NFL. Look, we're all on the
same team. We're all in the same boat, the same canoe. And amazing
things will happen when we begin to paddle in the same direction. We
got to work together to get through the most difficult economic time of
our generation.
Elaine from Peshtigo wrote me this note: ``I am soon an 80-year old
woman and a widow. My husband and I farmed, and we certainly had hard
times the first years. But the years now are harder for old people. Oil
companies take a huge profit. The CEOs make a salary no man on earth is
worth. Pill companies are taking huge profits with no consideration for
old people. The people of my generation lived through the Depression,
World War II, and two more wars. And now in our old age we face other
obstacles.''
Well, Elaine, we are working hard to rebuild our economy. We are
working hard to generate the jobs we need to work our way back into
prosperity. One way that we've done it is to pass an essential bill on
health care legislation. We now have a new health care law that
guarantees that, Elaine, the doughnut hole is going to be closed over a
period of time. We're beginning to close it by $250 straight away.
We've made Medicare stronger and better. How did we do that? By making
sure that you have preventative services at no additional copay and no
deductible. So this is coming your way.
It's a new American freedom, a new day in America, when no longer
will any family have the fear of going broke and losing their home just
because of an accident or just because someone gets sick.
But we didn't just act for Elaine and every other family in America
to guarantee them access to health care; we lowered their taxes. Now,
the quote here says, ``Tax bills in 2009 at lowest level since 1950,''
from USA Today. We've lowered taxes for the people who need it the
most, the middle class. This is not my point of view, this is the point
of view of the former domestic policy adviser to President Reagan and
Treasury Department economist to President George Herbert Walker Bush.
This was a statement that he made, Mr. Bruce Bartlett. Federal taxes
are very considerably lower by every measure since Obama became
President. The $787 billion stimulus bill, enacted with no Republican
support, reduced Federal taxes by almost $100 billion in 2009 and $222
billion in 2010.
Mr. GARAMENDI. Excuse me, if you might yield for a moment, Dr. Kagen.
The stimulus bill was actually a tax cut bill?
Mr. KAGEN. It was the biggest tax cut in American history. We were in
such a decline economically, no one felt it. We did it the economical
way. We didn't mail people a check. We made sure they got the tax cut
on the other end. It was more economical. So never before has such a
tax cut been enacted. And it was the Democrats, without the
Republicans' support, that guaranteed middle class families would pay
less in taxes.
Mr. GARAMENDI. If I might, you and I were talking earlier about a
program that you have been doing in your district for the last couple
of weeks, and you have been going to communities. And along the way
you've reached out and said we need to make it in America. And you were
talking about the paper industry. I suppose you have a paper industry
in your district?
Mr. KAGEN. I live in Paper Valley. We didn't invent the manufacturing
of paper, but we perfected the science and technology. Kimberly-Clark,
you have heard of it. You have heard of Kleenex. Let me put in a plug
for them. We've got Procter & Gamble. We've got Puffs. Everything in
the tissue world and the paper world is in Appleton and Green Bay and
the chain of Fox Cities in-between.
And one of those manufacturers, Appleton Coated Paper, tomorrow has a
case before the International Trade Commission. And I brought with me a
picture of a family. This is the Swanningson family. This is Tony, his
wife Sherry, Corey, and Kayla. And they live in Kaukauna on highway ZZ.
What are they doing? Well, he works at Appleton Coated Paper. And they
have a problem because China has been competing illegally by dumping
their paper products into our domestic United States marketplace below
our cost of production.
Now, I know you're thinking how does that happen? But before I get
there, let me read you the handwritten note that Mr. Swanningson sent
to me. ``Congressman Steve Kagen, I have been employed in the paper
industry for 18 years. I am grateful for the ability to provide for my
family that the industry has provided. The dumping of foreign paper
into the United States from companies that are subsidized by their own
governments creates a marketplace that seriously threatens my family
and countless other families throughout the United States. The ability
to sell paper at a price that is less than the cost to produce it
places our companies and families at a severe disadvantage. I have been
able to maintain employment through four layoffs due to the mill sales
and paper machine shutdowns. But the dumping of paper in the United
States market is a challenge that me and my fellow union brothers and
sisters throughout the United States cannot survive.''
You see, what China's been doing--and I have a case against China.
They didn't just manipulate their currency, they don't have any
environmental protection. They don't have a social safety net. They
don't have an Occupational Safety and Health Administration. They don't
have OSHA. They don't have an EPA. They have sacrificed their
environment for their economic development. And they don't yet have a
middle class.
Now, I have nothing against another Nation seeking to lift its people
up out of poverty and create a middle class. But they shouldn't do it
at our expense. We shouldn't have to sacrifice our middle class solely
to build up theirs. It's unfair.
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. If the gentleman will yield on that point, one of
the issues we've talked about today and have been for a long time is
the issue of Chinese currency manipulation by the Chinese Government.
And we do not have to have growth in the United States at the expense
of growth in China. If the Chinese would allow their currency to float,
it would actually be worth more. So the Chinese consumer would be able
to have more buying power for American goods that would be shipped over
there, for other companies who are selling within China.
There is just a small group of people within China, who own primarily
state-owned businesses, who like the currency low, artificially reduced
so that they can ship products to the United States cheaper and
subsidized to put American workers out of business. So what we're
saying when we say make it in America and manufacture again, can
actually help lift up a lot of these folks in countries like China if
we play by the rules.
Mr. KAGEN. Would the gentleman yield?
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. Be happy to yield.
Mr. GARAMENDI. Excuse me for a moment, gentlemen, but part of our
agenda as Democrats then is to make sure that we have fair trade, that
we have a fair balance between our Nation, our manufacturers, and those
in other countries who may be--not may be, but are--subsidizing their
exports, such as China and the currency thing.
Dr. Kagen? And this is a colloquy, so we will go back and forth here.
So please.
Mr. KAGEN. I am getting a little excited because China has been
caught
[[Page H6738]]
cheating. They don't just manipulate their currency. They provide free
energy, they provide no taxation, they provide cheap labor at 82 cents
an hour. They have been buying raw materials for nothing, giving it to
a company, and then they load it up on a boat and float it outside of
Oakland and dump it into our Nation, into our domestic market below our
cost of production.
{time} 1750
Let me just put it very succinctly. They have targeted everything we
make for extinction. It's not just paper. It's high-tech technology;
it's automobiles; it's steel; it's textiles.
We have to restore our manufacturing base, yes, in part, by
compelling other nations to stop cheating, by not manipulating their
currency, by playing fair. One way to play fair is to instead of
stealing our jobs, why don't you take our values. Take our values about
clean air and clean water, because they are polluting the air that we
are breathing.
It's not that far away. If a tall man and an allergist--and I say
this--if a tall man in China sneezes, you are going to get it in the
back of your head. It's going to come over here.
We have studies that scientifically show that the great dust storm
they had in China dropped that dust over on our west coast. We are all
here in the same boat. So, yes, we have to push back, not just for fair
trade, but for balanced trade, in order for our companies to compete.
I will just relate one story, one educational experience in, I
believe it was in February of 2007, just after I was sent here. I had
the opportunity with my class of 2006 to sit down with eight CEOs of
major manufacturing companies, the high-tech companies, HP, IBM, Dell
and the like.
I asked them, what's your biggest component of your overhead, and
each one of them said people, people, people, people. I said, well,
that would explain why you are taking our jobs over to India and China
because you can hire them for less.
And right across from me was Michael Dell and he said, Congressman
Kagen, I am competing with these guys. I have to chase the lowest cost
of production around the world or I am out of business, and I have to,
after all, represent my people, which are my stockholders.
So we have to make things in America. Manufacturing does matter, but
we need a level playing field.
Mr. GARAMENDI. Let's continue on. I notice that another colleague has
joined us from the great State of New York, but let me turn back to our
colleague that was raising the point about the Chinese currency.
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. Yes. Well, I would say that if it's balanced, and I
think all of the workers and the business people in America would say
this, if China is not manipulating their currency, if there was some
balance with human rights and worker rights and the environment and
those kinds of things, we would compete with anybody. But what we have
now under the current trading system, with China blatantly manipulating
our currency, we had almost everybody at this hearing today
acknowledging that China is cheating on their currency, Democrats and
Republicans. But we had a lot of Republicans on the other side saying,
we just don't think this is the approach.
And it gets back to these multinational corporations that have a
stranglehold on a lot of the politics going on here in the United
States capital. But we need to bring this bill to the floor of the
House of Representatives, and we need to pass it, and we need to take
on the Chinese.
We are not going to have a country left in a decade or so if we are
not making things. You get the spinoff. You get the technology. You get
the patents. You get five, six, seven, eight spinoff jobs for every one
job. You are actually making something and moving it to you and you
improve it and add value and you pass it along and add value. And then
it's assembled; then its trucked. There is the spinoff that we get with
manufacturing. That's how we are going to resuscitate the middle class.
My fear is that as we have lost manufacturing, and if you chart it--
you can see it decline from 39 percent in post-World War II down to
under 10 percent--you could see the decline. My fear is that as we move
into the development of solar panels, as we move into the development
of windmills, that's exactly it.
As we develop the green technology and all of the component parts,
you will begin to see China taking the lead on green manufacturing, and
we can't see that ground because that is the future. As much as our
friends on the other side of the aisle want to bury their head in the
sand and hope this goes away, that's not the world we live in.
So we need to take a firm approach with China, respect them, but make
sure they play by the rules. We have got to play by the rules. Everyone
else has got to play by the rules.
I will use one example real briefly. We had a steel company, Oil
Country Tubular Products for oil and gas. The steelworkers, the trade
groups, the local businesses, all went around, petitioned the
International Trade Commission, got approval. The President was kind
enough to put on a tariff for these Oil Country Tubular goods coming
in. They end up investing $650 million in a factory in Youngstown,
Ohio, 400 construction jobs, 350 permanent jobs, the spinoff, the whole
9 yards because our government enforced the rules and leveled the
playing field. That's what we are saying about currency, tires, paper,
textiles, right down the line.
Mr. GARAMENDI. Let me take a moment here and bring it back to
something you were talking about. You mentioned the wind turbines and
the solar systems. We developed the technology here in the United
States, and, in fact, the stimulus bill that provided the largest
increase ever in research is going to once again put the United States
in a position where we can dominate these green industries.
That research is there. Incidentally, not one Republican voted for
that enormous research program and tax cut and jobs program and
infrastructure program. Not one Republican voted for the program that
created 3 million jobs.
But there is something going on here that we need to pay attention
to, and this is a piece of legislation that I have introduced. We are
spending billions of dollars to promote the wind industry, the solar
industry. These are tax credits that we give to companies for a
production tax credit or for someone that's putting a solar cell on
their house.
We need to make sure that that tax money is spent on American-made
wind turbines and American-made solar panels, biofuels, and other kinds
of green technologies. If it's our tax money, then Buy America. Buy
American.
A little later here, I suspect, I want one of our colleagues, Marcy
Kaptur, to come and talk to us about a bill that passed out of this
House just hours ago that would require that you and I, not just talk
the talk, but that we walk the walk and that in the equipment that we
purchase for our offices, it be made in America, once again, American
tax money used to buy American-made products.
It's a piece of legislation I have introduced. I like it. I like it
because it's going to create in my industry wind turbines that are
actually going to not only be on the hills but actually made in
America.
Enough for me for a few minutes. I notice my colleague from New York,
Mr. Paul Tonko, has joined us. You have been at this a long time. You
were in one of the original manufacturing sectors of America. Please
tell us.
Mr. TONKO. Thank you, Representative Garamendi, for bringing us
together. You are right, I do represent the area that houses the Erie
Canal bed that was the main route to the westward movement, and it's a
necklace of communities called mill towns that were the centers of
invention and innovation. That pioneer spirit still exists, I am
convinced, in America.
During our recent work-period break, where we all went back to our
districts and had a 6-week stretch to connect to our constituents, I
did Tuesday tours. The Tuesday tours were about manufacturing, making
it in America, and where we need to invest and where the success
stories might rest.
It's amazing to see the stories that were impacted by the Recovery
Act, work done by water efficiency, energy efficiency, the MEP program,
the Manufacturing Extension Partnership,
[[Page H6739]]
which, by the way, the previous administration wanted to zero out.
I went to a group called X-Ray Opticals. Because of MEP programming
and SBIR, Small Business Innovation Research, monies, this group is
employing people they never dropped during the recession. They were a
steady pulse, and they are exporting.
Just when we want to say we are not exporting and, oh, the die is
cast and, oh, woe is us, we lost our manufacturing sector, we lost a
third of our manufacturing jobs over the last decade thanks to the
weakened policy on manufacturing. But we still have enough jobs that
places us on the top of that manufacturing list globally, but we can't
afford that present trend which would see us losing more manufacturing
jobs.
We have turned that around. Those one-third of manufacturing jobs
lost in the last decade equates to 4.6 million jobs lost.
But now, with the Recovery Act, with a new focus on manufacturing, I
think there is a stronger sense that we can move forward and proclaim
accurately that we want to make it in America.
Representative Garamendi, let me just tell you that at X-Ray Opticals
they are exporting to Asia and to Europe. They are dealing with testing
for toxins. They manufacture equipment that is the testing product for
toxins in toys, in fuel and a number of items where they can save
manufacturers in another realm a lot of money in the up-front part of
their process.
{time} 1800
And again, it's a high-tech operation where they had the investment
and the partnership with the Federal Government so that we can do it
smarter , not necessarily cheaper. We can do it smarter, and then we
are competitive at the global marketplace.
Another venture was a state-of-the-art operation within the baby food
industry. In my district, we have a new facility that qualifies for a
silver status LEED building, a green building that has water efficiency
and energy efficiency as a major aspect of the work they are doing,
saving them cost of production and allowing them to stretch again that
opportunity to translate it into jobs. Now, that was a government
partnership to provide for water and energy efficiency, another sort of
assistance we can provide manufacturing.
And then a third visit, if I might just share this one with you, was
an outcome of the ARPA-E grant money that came with Recovery Act money.
Now, get a load of this. Before I came to Congress, there was an
opportunity for us to really do the ARPA-E program beyond just
rhetoric, but the Bush Presidency just proclaimed we are going to have
an ARPA-E program with never ever funding it. And finally, we had $800
million appear from the Recovery Act that went to the actual
implementation of ARPA-E.
DARPA, the Defense-related advanced research project opportunities,
created situations like Internet for the Defense system and stealth
bombers. We took that success that goes back to the NASA days and now
overlaid that into the energy thinking, into the energy realm.
And so ARPA-E, with its research project initiatives, is enabling
this industry, SuperPower in Schenectady, another tour location, to
advance superconductive cable and also storage for intermittent power.
Mr. GARAMENDI. Before you go to the next one, could you share with us
where the ARPA-E money came into the system?
Mr. TONKO. Sure. It came right from the Recovery Act.
Mr. GARAMENDI. Most people don't know what the Recovery Act is. They
think of the stimulus program. They are one and the same, the stimulus
program and the Recovery Act.
Mr. TONKO. It is exactly the same thing. The majority in this House
supported the Recovery Act.
Mr. GARAMENDI. That is, the Democrats supported and passed the
stimulus program, the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act.
Mr. TONKO. Our friends on the other side of the aisle said ``no'' to
progress.
Mr. GARAMENDI. ``No.'' ``No.'' ``No.''
So for research-specific programs, for energy research and small
businesses, they got grants and loans to develop. The Democrats know
that we have to improve the private sector to make jobs.
Mr. TONKO. Absolutely.
Well, let me tell you, Representative Garamendi, what this means is
that with that recovery money, with the stimulus money that the
Democrats support and the Republicans said ``no'' to, we were able to,
for once now, finally, appropriate moneys for the science, the
technology, and the basic research.
What they will do at SuperPower is develop that final model that will
then be deployed into a manufacturing concept that will allow us to
create the storage potential for exactly what you were talking about,
solar energy and wind energy, which is intermittent in nature. If we
get the storage issue, the battery issue resolved, it becomes even more
powerful.
So it's not just about taking a garage idea and creating a
manufactured product out of it, but it's also creating jobs, which then
enables us to create better energy solutions.
So all of this, in a big picture format, is a whiz-kid idea where
everybody from tradesmen to Ph.D.'s all get their hands in the action,
where we develop a product line which requires manufacturing jobs, but
then that product will enable us to respond more favorably and fully to
the energy solutions that we can do here domestically and be more
energy self-efficient and energy independent. It all comes together in
a master plan that uses the American workers' intellect from skilled
labor on over to the Ph.D. And it all happens with our saying ``yes''
to a partnership like that of the stimulus package.
Mr. GARAMENDI. Well, we know that the central New York area along the
Erie Canal was one of the birthplaces of the American Industrial
Revolution. I think there was something in the Midwest, too. My
colleagues here from the Midwest may have something to add to it. Ohio,
I believe? Do you still make things in Ohio?
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. Yes, we do. And we are right in line to continue
down the road of innovation, whether it was aerospace with the Wright
brothers, the steel industry in Youngstown in the eastern part of
my district, or the rubber industry in Akron, which is the western part
of my district that I share with Representative Sutton. And we had, in
Youngstown at one point, the highest per capita income in the country
in the late fifties, early sixties. Steelworkers were working hard,
long hours, making good money, good wages, raising their families,
having a good middle class. The big bands would come through town. They
would go to Idora Park. The story of America that we all remember.
And today, what we are saying is we understand that it's not going to
be 1950, and Frank Sinatra is not going to come back and start singing
songs again, as much as that would be terrific. We have got to create
our own era of prosperity, and that means that in this country we have
got to get tough with globalization and enforcing trade laws. And that
means as a country we've got to suck it up, and we've got to say to the
multinational corporations, who, quite frankly, don't have the national
interest at heart--they've got their bottom line at heart, which is
what they do. But as a country, we've got the national interest and
need to protect the national interest. So tough with China. Level the
playing field. Drive investment back into the United States so that we
can make that bus, those solar panels, those windmills and the
batteries, right down the line.
And we are not foolish enough. This isn't Pollyanna. We're not going
to make everything. We know there is going to be stuff that's
manufactured in China for the Chinese markets. Great. And I hope
American companies go over there and do that. But what we are saying is
we can't be weak-kneed with the Chinese.
I like what I saw today at the hearing we had. I like what I'm
hearing within our caucus to possibly bring a bill to the floor that
would get tough with China and get us making things in America again.
Mr. GARAMENDI. You said something a moment ago when you were talking
about the multinational corporations and whether we're willing to stand
up to the multinational corporations and bring jobs back to America.
Two and a half weeks ago, we came
[[Page H6740]]
back from our session working out in our districts to pick up a piece
of legislation called the Education Jobs and Medical Assistance Act. As
a result of that, 160,000 teachers are employed across the Nation, and
police and firemen, public safety officials and medical services are
being provided in the communities.
A major piece of that legislation dealt precisely with the issue you
discussed a moment ago about multinationals. Under the previous law,
multinational companies that took jobs from America and shipped them to
China or somewhere else in the world actually got a tax break. We
closed that loophole. We closed that tax loophole, bringing $10 billion
back to the Treasury and discouraging American corporations, ending
their incentive.
Mr. Tonko, if you would like to jump into this one.
Mr. TONKO. I think not only is that true, but also I believe during
the Bush Presidency there was a strong focus on a portion of our
economy, on our jobs, and somewhat a weak commitment to other sectors.
As we all know, when you break down the jobs or the economy issue, it's
agriculture, it's manufacturing, and it's service sector. I think the
emphasis on agriculture and manufacturing was extremely weak.
We see the problems in the agricultural community. I see them in my
dairy sector in my district. It's painful to see the lack of attention
that has been paid to a fair price for dairy farmers.
In manufacturing, it was ignored heavily. They wanted to, as I said,
zero out MEP, the Manufacturing Extension Partnership, which produced a
lot of success for X-Ray Opticals, where now they are exporting. But
they put all their emphasis in the service sector, and where they did,
they turned their back to regulation, to overview, to kind of
stewardship of a sector of the economy that, when left to control
itself, brought down, because of greed, the American economy, and it
wreaked damage upon us.
So what I would say is that we need to put the focus back into
manufacturing. The programs we have done here, after the damage that
was allowed to occur, are now going to bring back a strong response to
manufacturing. And I can't say well enough how strong the Democratic
agenda has been here to grow the Make it in America campaign.
Make it in America is something that people have been asking for. And
they can't understand, why is it our manufacturing can't work here?
Well, we see where the intellect is being invested in, where we are
growing a strong partnership with small business, the springboard to
our economy. They are providing the great percentage of new jobs in our
society.
So, finally, the Democrats bring a working agenda that will be a
profitable situation for all of us with job creation and the kind of
stability and local infusion that is essential after it was ignored for
far too long.
{time} 1810
Mr. GARAMENDI. Let's turn to our colleague from the manufacturing
center of America.
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. You want to talk about an example, the illustration
of what Democrats stand for when it comes to manufacturing, come to my
district. Last week we unveiled the rollout of a third shift at the
General Motors plant that is making the Cruise car, a hot car being
sold by General Motors all over the world. Think about what would have
happened with manufacturing in the United States if this President and
this House and this Senate said, Let the auto industry go. I remember
watching TV programs and hearing Senators and Republicans from the
other side of the aisle saying let the free market work. Let it crash.
We would have lost an essential component to manufacturing in the
United States. We would have lost General Motors for sure, sold off in
pieces, and who knows who would have come in and ate up that market
share from somewhere else in the world. But we said, no. We need to
have manufacturing. We need to be a leader in the auto industry. This
is something we believe in, and we are now seeing manufacturing
increase month after month after month because of the stimulus package
and because of what the President and this Democratic Congress did for
the auto industry.
Mr. KAGEN. Would the gentleman agree that if you don't make anything,
you won't have anything?
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. That makes sense to me.
Mr. KAGEN. You have to make things to have things. And it is
manufacturing that brings us our higher wage jobs. But when we brought
the bill you referred to to the House floor, only 12 Republicans voted
to close the very corporate tax loopholes that ship our jobs overseas.
We cannot continue to reward corporations for stealing our jobs and
taking them overseas. Whose side are we on? You have to be on the side
of the middle class.
When it came time to consider, as we are now in discussions, to
making permanent tax cuts for the middle class, it is the Democratic
Party that stands up for the middle class to make it possible for them
to have a permanent tax cut. The other side of the aisle is promoting
what? More and more debt to reward the top 1 or 2 percent income
earners in the United States. That is just not right. It is not right
for our cities in Wisconsin, and it is not right for America.
The other aspect: The other side of the aisle has an idea about
Social Security, to phase it out. Phase out Social Security?
Mr. GARAMENDI. Wait, you mean to tell me that the Republican Party
actually has, as one of their policy planks, to phase out Social
Security?
Mr. KAGEN. In the State of Wisconsin, it is in their party platform
to transform and phase out Social Security. But Social Security is a
sacred contract between one generation and the next. It is the most
successful social program ever invented by human beings. It guarantees
people will be in their house, not the poorhouse, when they become old.
It is not a retirement plan, but it is something if you put your money
in, you did the work, you have got to be able to get your money out. So
when it comes to Social Security, we are here to protect it and enhance
it. Our opposition seeks to destroy it. There should be no question
about whose side we are on.
But getting back to making it in America, making it in America is not
only about manufacturing, it is about guaranteeing that your children
have, that the Swanningson family's children, Corey and Kayla, have a
great education. It is about guaranteeing that you have access to
affordable health care when and where you need it. It is about
guaranteeing that our manufacturing base that creates the higher-wage
jobs can compete on a level playing field. This is something that just
makes sense. But around here, if it makes sense, it is going to be hard
to do.
So I would join with my colleagues in encouraging your bill to move
forward, to make certain that this administration and any
administration moving forward holds China accountable to stop
manipulating its currency.
Now, the big picture that I get to see at 30,000 feet that I didn't
see before coming here--and you know I am a doctor, right? I always
tell my patients, you know, it is going to take you just about as long
to get better as it took you to get sick. It took us a while to slide
into this deep recession, and it is going to take a while to work our
way back into prosperity. But making it--we are going to make it in
America, not just with manufacturing once again, but by making sure
that we hold China and other Asian nations accountable.
So what I see happening is the idea that free market capitalism has
bumped into a brick wall, the Chinese wall. It is the Asian model of
capitalism where the government owns the corporation, controls the
currency, offers slave-like wages for labor, environmental conditions
at work that we would not tolerate, not even for our animals. So what
we have to ship overseas is not our jobs, but our American values. That
is who we are. The voters will have a chance in several weeks to make
decisions about whose side we are on. When it comes to tax cuts for the
middle class and to protecting Social Security and making things in
America, when it comes to closing those tax loopholes, the Democrats
are on their side.
Mr. GARAMENDI. We have talked about various ways we can make it in
America, certainly the fair trade dealing with China's currency and the
[[Page H6741]]
whole idea of competition. We have talked about the way in which we
have to make sure that our tax laws support programs of hiring in the
United States rather than off-shoring. In all of these things I would
hope our Republican colleagues would come along with us to make it in
America. But on maybe 20 different bills that we have moved out of this
House, there has been virtually no Republican support.
There are other opportunities, and we offer these opportunities to
our Republican colleagues to come along with us on some other programs.
A piece of legislation that I am working on deals with these buses that
were once made in the Midwest, in Ohio, and are still made in
California. Right now we spend about $6 billion of our gasoline tax
money to buy buses, light rail trains, intercity rail systems for
Amtrak and the like. In the law, there are four waivers that allow the
Department of Transportation to ignore the Buy American rules, and so
what has happened over the last 20 years or so is that those waivers
are routinely used and transit districts simply buy buses that are made
overseas. Our tax money flows out of the country, our jobs disappear,
and our industry, the transportation industry, is almost gone.
My legislation tells the Department of Transportation, no, no, those
waivers are finished. Three of the four waivers are gone. If there is
an extraordinary cost difference, okay. But we want that money spent on
American jobs so that when in the San Francisco Bay area, the Bay Area
Rapid Transit system, BART, goes out, as they will, to buy $300 million
of train sets for the BART system, where will those trains be made?
Will they be made in China? Given the monetary advantage that China
has, quite possibly they could win the bid. Given the issues of worker
safety and environmental issues that China ignores, they may win the
bid. But my legislation says no, we are going to make these trains in
America, $300 million there, $6 billion to $7 billion a year across the
Nation for transit districts everywhere, we can make it in America if
we bring our tax money back. So whether it is wind turbines or solar or
buses and trains, it is our tax money. Let's spend it in America,
rebuild the American manufacturing system, and make it in America.
Would that be a good thing for Ohio?
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. We are all for it, and I tell you what, if you
think about the contrast of the Bush doctrine, which Republicans
currently want to go back to, and I am amazed around election time when
they are pretty blatant about saying, yup, that is exactly what we want
to do. We want to go back to the Bush doctrine on taxes and on energy
and all of this, and the economy and not regulating Wall Street, they
want to go back to the Bush doctrine of economic policy.
Now I understand that we are having this tax debate now because the
tax cuts for the wealthiest Americans and everyone are going to expire.
We need to remember that these were the tax cuts that were going to
unleash the economy in the United States. We were going to have all of
this growth because of the Bush tax cuts. Cut taxes for the wealthy,
explosion among developers, explosion among the economy, and we're
going to have low unemployment and everything else. And where did it
end? The absolute collapse of the United States economy.
{time} 1820
What we're saying is not only tax cuts for the wealthiest in the
country but tax cuts to offshore work, incentives for businesses to
offshore work out of the country. So it's tax cuts for the wealthiest,
offshoring work, having a prescription drug plan that you don't even
pay for, borrowing money from the Chinese to run two wars, okay? So
this is all the Bush Doctrine which would privatize Social Security and
Medicare. This is all the Bush Doctrine.
What we're saying is don't privatize Social Security and Medicare.
Let's invest back into these programs. Let's give tax cuts to the
middle class. Let's give tax cuts to businesses which will locate and
create jobs in the United States. Let's get a manufacturing policy in
the United States so that we can have an auto industry, a steel
industry, a paper industry, a textile industry, and most importantly,
engineering, design and manufacturing economies of the future in
green--a clear contrast between the Bush policies that our Republican
friends clearly still trumpet and want to go back to. You have on that
chart there what we have done to reverse that trend and to continue to
invest back into America so we can make things again.
Mr. GARAMENDI. You talked about the investment.
A week ago, President Obama spoke to this issue of making it in
America and of rebuilding the American industries. He spoke about the
need to give significant tax breaks to businesses that want to invest
capital to expand their businesses, to expand their manufacturing
bases. Here is a very, very powerful notion.
I was meeting with three of my friends who are in the business
community. They are manufacturers--one in the food industry, another in
the high-tech industry. I was talking to them about this notion of
would you increase your business, would you increase your capital
investment on your production lines if you could write off in 1 year
the cost of that capital. They said, Absolutely. You put that into law,
and I'm investing tomorrow. I'm going to put people to work building my
manufacturing base.
So the President has now spoken to this. It's one of the proposals
that he has put forward. Today, I introduced a piece of legislation
that would do exactly that. Any business that wants to increase its
capital investment in that business--broadband, production lines,
machine tools, whatever it is--they could write it off in year one. We
can restart the American manufacturing system if we are committed to
making it in America, which is a whole series of legislation: ending
tax breaks for offshoring, ending tax breaks for businesses that are
routinely killing the American economy by sending jobs offshore, using
our tax money to build a green economy here in America rather than
buying it from manufacturers overseas, making sure our buses, our
trains, our planes are made in America.
Dr. Kagen, you've been in the high-tech industry, in the medical
industry. You understand these issues.
Mr. KAGEN. Absolutely.
Mr. GARAMENDI. It affects your kinds of businesses. Share with us
your perspective as we begin to wrap this up in the next 6 minutes.
Mr. KAGEN. Well, I'll make a brief comment.
The investment tax credit is so critical for emerging pharmaceutical
companies--for biotechnology in particular. So when you reward people
for doing good work instead of rewarding corporations and people for
their wealth, you really begin to get that engine of America going,
that small-business engine that really creates all the jobs that we
need. I would summarize what Mr. Ryan had to say as this:
The Bush Doctrine, the Reagan Doctrine of trickle-down economics has
failed miserably. It has rewarded people for their wealth instead of
their work.
What we must begin to do again is to encourage people, in small
business in particular and small banks, to take that risk, to take that
chance and to reward you for your risk-taking and for your hard work.
That will start the economic engine, and it will rebuild our economy as
we go through this transformation over the next decade of becoming
energy independent. We may not be totally independent as a Nation as
far as growing our own energy, as far as developing our own energy, but
we certainly have the resources here at home. Making it in America
means not just manufacturing, making things here; it also means
investing our hard-earned tax dollars in our own Nation's
infrastructure.
What I object to so greatly is that we take our resources, like our
children, and send them off to Iraq and Afghanistan, and we send $2
billion a week into Afghanistan, rebuilding buildings we've never
destroyed and building schools that they may need, but we need schools
as well and water treatment plants. Look, if we're going to build an
infrastructure, it should be here in these United States. That is where
my people live. I don't represent people overseas.
Finally, with manufacturing, invest in infrastructure. We also need
to balance our trade deals, about which you and I have had discussions
with the Asian nations, to make sure that our
[[Page H6742]]
trade is balanced. That way, we can generate the higher waged jobs that
we need here at home--jobs that will keep people in their homes, that
will feed our tax base, that will rebuild our schools, and rebuild our
middle class.
Mr. GARAMENDI. Dr. Kagen, thank you so very much for joining us.
As I started this discussion, I used an analogy of a football game.
We're talking about the most important game of all. It's not even a
game. The most important thing of all is the American economy and how
to keep it going and growing.
To go back over it, during the Bush years, these are all of the
reasons we've stated: Two wars for which money was borrowed, creating
an enormous deficit; the deregulation of Wall Street, anything goes;
the collapse of Wall Street; the issues of tax policy where the wealthy
were rewarded for their wealth, not for their work, which led to the
largest decline in the American economy since the Great Depression of
the 1930s.
It was plain to see that when President Obama came in. That was the
first quarter. In the second quarter, we began to see policies that
were put forth by the Democratic Party and the Democratic
administration, policies that began to restore the American economy--a
steady upward climb. It's not where we need to be, but we are on the
road, and we did all of that with almost no Republican help at all. If
you go back through all of those votes, the Republican Party was
standing over there, saying no, no to the programs that actually
brought us back, and we continue on today. We are in the locker room,
ready for the second half, which begins in January 2011. The question
is:
Which team are you going to put back on the field? Where do you
stand?
Well, we know pretty clearly where the Republican Party stands. It
stands with the old failed policies of the George W. Bush
administration. It stands for ending Social Security and for ending
Medicare. It stands for anything goes and no regulation; let it rip and
it's ripped us off. It stands for tax breaks for the wealthy and the
heck with the middle class. That's where the Republican Party stands.
The Democratic Party wants to make it in America, to rebuild the
American manufacturing base and the American manufacturing industry.
If you would, Dr. Kagen, put the picture back up of the family, of
the family in your district in the paper industry. This family is
losing its job because of unfair competition. If we were to use the
Capital Investment Program together with the program that you talked
about of restoring fairness and trade, perhaps that company, that
family and families in my district would be able to have well-paid,
middle class American jobs.
Dr. Kagen, would you like to close us off here and bring us back to
real America.
Mr. KAGEN. Thank you very much for yielding.
I'll just summarize that the Swanningson family wants nothing more
than any other family in the United States. They want an opportunity to
go to work where it's safe, where they can earn a living wage, where
they can begin to pay off their own debts and make it on their own, to
have their own home, to have a living wage sufficient enough to educate
themselves and the next generation--their children. That is, after all,
what every family wants.
This is the American Dream that is being stolen away by the illegal
dumping of paper into our area, and when China has targeted everything
else we make for extinction, it's just time that we stand up and fight
for our own jobs here at home. We're going to make it in America when
we all begin to paddle in the same direction, when we're all in the
same boat. So let's get on board. Let's take that train ride together.
Mr. GARAMENDI. Dr. Kagen, thank you so very much and my colleagues
for joining us, and thank you to my colleagues in the Democratic Party,
who are committed to manufacturing matters and to making it in America.
We have put forth many, many policies and programs. We ask our
Republican colleagues to join us in making it in America.
I yield back my time, Mr. Speaker.
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