[Congressional Record Volume 156, Number 117 (Wednesday, August 4, 2010)]
[Senate]
[Pages S6722-S6724]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
Coordination of Wind and Flood Perils Act
Mr. WICKER. Mr. President, during this brief pause in the debate on
the Supreme Court nominee, I rise to call to the attention of Senate
Members my introduction of S. 3672, the Coordination of Wind and Flood
Perils Act of 2010.
This month is, of course, the fifth anniversary of Hurricane Katrina.
We are still rebuilding on the coast, and we are still rebuilding in
many areas of the gulf, in the South, as depicted on this map.
Two weeks ago, I attended the opening of a municipal complex and
library in the historic town of Pass Christian. The fact that we are
just getting the money and just getting this library and city all
rebuilt after 5 years is testimony to the extent of the destruction and
the difficulty of funding projects like that. This is true in the
public sector, and it is also true in the private sector.
But one of the greatest impediments to rebuilding, and one of the
main reasons Katrina is still not over for the people of Mississippi
and other areas of the gulf is the lack of affordable insurance. This
is true in Mississippi, and it is also true from Texas all the way
through the gulf, south, down to the tip of Florida, and on up through
the New England coastal States. Anywhere there is coastal exposure
there is a problem with affordability and availability of insurance.
I have had quite a number of visits to the coast in recent weeks,
particularly in the last 100 days because of the oilspill. The recovery
there is going to be a challenge.
There will be speeches later on this month commemorating the
anniversary and discussing the heroism and the resilience and the
determination of the people of the coast. All of this will be
appreciated and necessary, but the truth is one of the best things that
could be done for the gulf coast area--not just my State of Mississippi
but in the entire area--is to resolve the issue of wind insurance
versus flood insurance, and that is what S. 3672 is all about:
coordinating the coverage between wind and flood perils coverage.
Of course, for people in this area, for people in my State of
Mississippi, you need hazard insurance, you need fire insurance, as
does everyone, you need wind insurance, and you need flood insurance.
Back in 1968, that was the year of Hurricane Camille. It also was the
year it became apparent to this Congress that something needed to be
done at the Federal level to cover water damage. Hence, the National
Flood Insurance Program was established in 1968. Since that time,
Americans have been able to get flood insurance through the NFIP.
Actually, in 1973, this Congress in its wisdom made such coverage
mandatory for people mortgaging property in flood zones.
Let's fast forward to 2005, the year of Hurricane Katrina. Many
victims who needed it didn't have flood insurance. One of the reasons
they didn't have flood insurance is that the flood zone maps were
wrong. I hope to a large extent this has been corrected. It is supposed
to have been corrected now, and people in flood zones who have
mortgages are required to have it. Oftentimes they cancel those
policies, and that is something we need to attend to also, but that
insurance is available.
The problem is wind insurance. The private insurance coverage for
wind damage has pretty much left the coastal areas of many of our
States in the eastern part of the United States. So we have this
situation now where a homeowner needs flood insurance through the
National Flood Insurance Program. They need their own hazard insurance
that they get through their local broker. Then, they probably have to
resort to the State wind pool, a State program, because private wind
insurance is not available to them.
Another problem we had in 2005 after Katrina is that many homeowners
found themselves caught in the middle between the issue of whether it
was water damage in connection with the hurricane that caused their
property loss or whether it was flood damage in connection with the
hurricane that caused the loss. After hurricanes such as Katrina, if a
homeowner has wind and flood insurance, the homeowner often has to
prove in court whether it was wind or water that caused the damage.
This is unacceptable. Let me emphasize this: Individuals who had all
the appropriate insurance--wind and water--were, in many instances,
caught in the middle and forced to go to court to watch the insurance
carriers fight among themselves. My legislation would remove the burden
of determining flood or wind loss allocation from the property owner
and put it where it belongs--a decision to be made between the
insurers.
If my bill becomes law, insurance companies, including State-run wind
pools and the National Flood Insurance Program, would have to pay a
claim as soon as possible after the hurricane. If there is a dispute,
each would pay 50 percent. The homeowner would be paid for the loss
while the parties responsible for paying the claim would work out the
details.
My legislation--and again, it is S. 3672, the Coordination of Wind
and Flood Perils Act of 2010--would prevent homeowners from having to
go to court to determine what portion of the damages were caused by
wind and what portion by water. This should not be part of the duties
of the homeowner. Under my legislation, if there is a dispute between
the parties responsible for paying the claim, the insured would be
compensated immediately and the dispute between the insurers would be
resolved by arbitration.
This is only a small step. It doesn't answer the whole problem. I
still support the concept of putting wind coverage under the National
Flood Insurance Program on a voluntary basis, as
[[Page S6723]]
my amendment would have done in 2008. It is an amendment that has
passed the House of Representatives and it is known as the multi-peril
concept. That did not get majority support in the Senate and is,
frankly, unlikely to get that support in short order. They are having
trouble with that concept in the House of Representatives, but I wish
to emphasize that I still support the multi-peril concept. This is a
step. It puts us on the right track and it removes the wind and water
debate.
I would suggest that my friends in the Senate look at this bill. I
invite them to become cosponsors, and I hope we will be able to add
this simple amendment to the law in short order.
I thank the Presiding Officer and I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Jersey.
Mr. LAUTENBERG. Mr. President, I have been in the Senate a long time.
This is my 25th year of service. This is one of the most exciting
moments I have seen here. Today we have an opportunity to fulfill a
great responsibility and an honor, to be able to stand in this Chamber
to declare our support for the President's selection of an outstanding
nominee: Solicitor General Elena Kagan to be a Justice of the Supreme
Court of the United States.
Everyone is aware that she brings an intellect, experience, and
knowledge of the law that places her among the few in this country so
perfectly qualified to serve on this most important body of
jurisprudence in the entire world.
Upon the entrance to the Federal courthouse in Newark, NJ, there is
an inscription that reads: ``The true measure of a democracy is its
dispensation of justice.'' I was the author of that statement and I
labored over it, short as it is, to reflect my view that reflects a
fundamental principle of our democracy and the values on which the U.S.
Constitution was founded. These values pervade throughout our
government and legal system, and especially in the decisions of our
Nation's highest Court.
I met with Solicitor General Kagan to hear her views and her personal
history, and I watched the testimony before the Senate Judiciary
Committee. I have no doubt that, if approved, Solicitor General Kagan
will be an outstanding defender of our Constitution in the dispensation
of justice entrusted to a Supreme Court member. That is why I hope that
with this historic opportunity, the Senate will stand up for what is
right, to confirm Ms. Kagan's appointment to become a member of the
highest Court in our country because of her outstanding qualifications.
When I met with her, I told her the people of New Jersey were excited
about her nomination not only because of her outstanding educational
achievements--by the way, graduating from Princeton, NJ, summa cum
laude, and contributing so much in her life through her commitment to
public service. The excitement is generated because Ms. Kagan is a
trailblazer who has paved the way to the top of the legal profession
that has helped open doors to women as well as men. She was the first
woman chosen to be dean of Harvard Law School. She is the first woman
ever to have served as Solicitor General of the United States, a post
many call the ``tenth Justice'' of the Supreme Court. We must remember
what that job is, what that task is, and that is to appear on behalf of
the United States as an advocate, having tested abilities to bring the
case to the Court, defending our country, and experience second to none
in that courtroom.
Let us not forget that in the last year she has amassed an impressive
record as Solicitor General. She has filed more than 3,500 pages of
merit briefs before the Court, and she has argued cases on a broad
range of issues from protecting children from pedophiles to protecting
Americans from terrorists. If she is confirmed, of nine members of the
Court, the proportion of women will be at its highest level in history,
with women holding three seats.
She is the granddaughter of immigrants, and that experience shaped
the world in which she grew up. Similarly, I came from parents brought
to America by my grandparents, who had the common experience of so many
of the struggle to learn a new language, adopt new skills to get by,
mustering the determination to help their children rise above their
circumstances in this new world. Though my parents worked very hard,
they were never able to accumulate valuables. Instead, the heritage
they left my sister and me was a set of values and a love for America
with its freedom and opportunities and appreciation for what this
country gives us all. They often reminded us that there were those far
worse off than we and we had an obligation to contribute if we could to
give something back to our community.
These same values are inherent in Ms. Kagan's views as she expressed
them to me. Her father was a housing lawyer. Her mother was a public
schoolteacher for 20 years, and she carries the heritage of their
public service dedication. Solicitor General Kagan's career has
confirmed her own commitment to public service, protecting rights and
individual freedoms.
She served as a clerk to Justice Thurgood Marshall whom she, as many
other Americans, greatly admired. Frankly, it is sad to see that some
on this floor during her confirmation hearings attempted to discredit
Solicitor General Kagan's reputation because of her association with
Justice Thurgood Marshall. Justice Marshall was an icon who expanded
respect and tolerance in America as few others have in our history. He
argued Brown v. The Board of Education. He was the first African
American to serve as Solicitor General of the United States, at which
he excelled, amassing a remarkable record of Court victories. He was
the first African-American Supreme Court Justice and distinguished
himself as one of America's greatest jurists.
Some on the other side, in order to keep this appointment from being
confirmed, have gone so far in their desperation to denigrate Ms. Kagan
that they have labeled Justice Marshall as some radical on the bench
and attempted to tear apart the years of brilliant contributions of
this great man.
I want to be clear. The fight to end racial discrimination may have
been radical to some, but it was the right fight and the right cause,
and there will never be anything shameful about a person whose great
mind and ferocious eloquence made him a giant in the civil rights
movement. Shame on those who would denigrate those achievements.
Ms. Kagan's lifelong dedication has been to break down barriers and
work for what is right, not simply popular. At Harvard Law School, one
of her accomplishments as dean was to welcome different views among
faculty members. She believed--and exercised that belief--that her
students would not get the legal education they deserved if it was
limited by one ideological perspective. She made it a point to add
faculty members who came from different points along the political
spectrum. No wonder Solicitor General Kagan's nomination has not only
been endorsed by liberals but also by conservatives, including Ken
Starr, Ted Olson, and Miguel Estrada.
Considering a Supreme Court nominee is one of the most important
responsibilities we have. The Supreme Court makes decisions that
determine the very underpinnings of our country's character. It has a
direct say on the rights--or lack thereof--our children and
grandchildren will have. The Court can decide whether big corporations
and the rich and famous should have a stronger claim to justice than
the average person. The Court sets the table for government power--
whether it goes unchecked or is responsible to the people. The rulings
of the Court affect everyday New Jerseyans and everyday Americans.
There is no doubt in my mind that Ms. Kagan understands that.
After careful consideration, I am going to proudly vote yes to
confirm a person who I believe will be one of the great Justices of the
Supreme Court of the United States of America.
Mr. President, I hope there isn't this continuing attempt and process
we have seen here where it is the objective of individuals in this
room--typically on the other side of the aisle--to stop things from
happening, to be obstructionists. There is no point in exercising that
kind of foolishness. This is a time to step up and say we want the best
we can get for our Supreme Court. President Obama has chosen carefully
and wisely, and we want to see Ms. Kagan seated on the Supreme Court. I
hope my colleagues will vote affirmatively to make sure that happens.
[[Page S6724]]
I yield the floor, and I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Ms. LANDRIEU. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.