[Congressional Record Volume 156, Number 96 (Thursday, June 24, 2010)]
[Senate]
[Pages S5433-S5434]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
BLOODY SUNDAY
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I rise to congratulate the people of Great
Britain and Northern Ireland for taking another step down the long road
towards peace. Last week the Saville Inquiry, the result of a 10-year
investigation into the ``Bloody Sunday'' tragedy in Northern Ireland on
January 30, 1972, was finally made public.
The inquiry definitively concluded that British Army soldiers were
responsible for the shooting deaths of 14 pro-Catholic marchers. The
terrible events, which took place against a backdrop of years of
rioting, paramilitary violence and police brutality, contributed to
increased hatred and mistrust on both sides, and led to over two more
decades of violence and terror for the people of Northern Ireland.
The findings reversed those of a 1972 commission which had laid blame
for the killings on the victims themselves. Parents passed away without
the knowledge that their children killed that day were not at fault.
Upon the release of the new report, British Prime Minister David
Cameron publicly accepted responsibility for the killings and
apologized on behalf of his country for the unjustified actions of the
Army. He acknowledged the great complexity engrained in the dozens of
years of fighting in Northern Ireland--thousands of people were killed
and terrible atrocities committed by all parties. But he also stated
that the facts in this report cannot be overlooked: British Army
soldiers unjustly took the lives of innocent civilians.
Self-reflection is an indispensable quality in a democracy. It is
difficult for a nation to admit that the men and women protecting us
are responsible for reprehensible acts, but it is undeniable that, in
furtherance of truth and justice, no one in our society can be above
the law.
Lasting peace comes about through the hard work, honesty and patience
of those on all sides.
I extend my deepest condolences to the families of the victims and am
grateful to them for their years of patience during the investigation.
I commend the people of Northern Ireland for their continued
commitment to resolving their differences through the political
process, as challenging as it often is, and working to leave behind the
violent divisions of the past.
And I also applaud Prime Minister Cameron, the Inquiry, and the
British people for acknowledging a painful truth after 38 years, and,
in doing so, helping to further the cause of peace in Northern Ireland.
I ask unanimous consent that the Prime Minister's statement be
printed in the Record.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
Statement to the House of Commons on the Saville Inquiry
(By the Prime Minister, the Rt Hon David Cameron MP on 15 June 2010)
With permission, Mr Speaker, I would like to make a
statement.
Today, my Rt Hon Friend, the Secretary of State for
Northern Ireland is publishing the report of the Saville
Inquiry . . .
. . . the Tribunal set up by the previous Government to
investigate the tragic events of 30th January 1972--a day
more commonly known as ``Bloody Sunday''.
We have acted in good faith by publishing the Tribunal's
findings as quickly as possible after the General Election.
Mr Speaker, I am deeply patriotic.
I never want to believe anything bad about our country.
I never want to call into question the behaviour of our
soldiers and our Army who I believe to be the finest in the
world.
And I have seen for myself the very difficult and dangerous
circumstances in which we ask our soldiers to serve.
But the conclusions of this report are absolutely clear.
There is no doubt. There is nothing equivocal. There are no
ambiguities.
What happened on Bloody Sunday was both unjustified and
unjustifiable.
It was wrong.
Lord Saville concludes that the soldiers of Support Company
who went into the Bogside ``did so as a result of an order .
. . which should have not been given'' by their Commander . .
.
. . . on balance the first shot in the vicinity of the
march was fired by the British Army . . .
. . . that ``none of the casualties shot by soldiers of
Support Company was armed with a firearm'' . . .
. . . that ``there was some firing by republican
paramilitaries . . . but . . . none of this firing provided
any justification for the shooting of civilian casualties'' .
. .
. . . and that ``in no case was any warning given before
soldiers opened fire''.
He also finds that Support Company ``reacted by losing
their self-control . . . forgetting or ignoring their
instructions and training'' with ``a serious and widespread
loss of fire discipline''.
He finds that ``despite the contrary evidence given by the
soldiers . . . none of them fired in response to attacks or
threatened attacks by nail or petrol bombers'' . . .
. . . and that many of the soldiers ``knowingly put forward
false accounts in order to seek to justify their firing''.
What's more--Lord Saville says that some of those killed or
injured were clearly fleeing or going to the assistance of
others who were dying.
The Report refers to one person who was shot while
``crawling . . . away from the soldiers'' . . .
. . . another was shot, in all probability, ``when he was
lying mortally wounded on the ground''. . .
. . . and a father was ``hit and injured by Army gunfire
after he had gone to . . . tend his son''.
For those looking for statements of innocence, Saville
says:
``The immediate responsibility for the deaths and injuries
on Bloody Sunday lies with those members of Support Company
whose unjustifiable firing was the cause of the those deaths
and injuries'' . . .
. . . and--crucially--that ``none of the casualties was
posing a threat of causing death or serious injury, or indeed
was doing anything else that could on any view justify their
shooting''.
For those people who were looking for the Report to use
terms like murder and unlawful killing, I remind the House
that these judgements are not matters for a Tribunal--or for
us as politicians--to determine.
Mr Speaker, these are shocking conclusions to read and
shocking words to have to say.
But Mr Speaker, you do not defend the British Army by
defending the indefensible.
We do not honour all those who have served with distinction
in keeping the peace and upholding the rule of law in
Northern Ireland by hiding from the truth.
So there is no point in trying to soften or equivocate what
is in this Report.
It is clear from the Tribunal's authoritative conclusions
that the events of Bloody Sunday were in no way justified.
I know some people wonder whether nearly forty years on
from an event, a Prime Minister needs to issue an apology.
For someone of my generation, this is a period we feel we
have learned about rather than lived through.
But what happened should never, ever have happened.
The families of those who died should not have had to live
with the pain and hurt of that day--and a lifetime of loss.
Some members of our Armed Forces acted wrongly.
The Government is ultimately responsible for the conduct of
the Armed Forces.
And for that, on behalf of the Government--and indeed our
country--I am deeply sorry.
Mr. Speaker, just as this Report is clear that the actions
of that day were unjustifiable . . . so too is it clear in
some of its other findings.
Those looking for premeditation, those looking for a plan,
those looking for a conspiracy involving senior politicians
or senior members of the Armed Forces--they will not find it
in this Report.
Indeed, Lord Saville finds no evidence that the events of
Bloody Sunday were premeditated . . .
. . . he concludes that the United Kingdom and Northern
Ireland Governments, and the Army, neither tolerated nor
encouraged ``the use of unjustified lethal force''.
He makes no suggestion of a Government cover-up.
And Lord Saville credits the UK Government with working
towards a peaceful political settlement in Northern Ireland.
Mr Speaker, the Report also specifically deals with the
actions of key individuals in the army, in politics and
beyond . . .
. . . including Major General Ford, Brigadier MacLellan and
Lieutenant Colonel Wilford.
In each case, the Tribunal's findings are clear.
It also does the same for Martin McGuinness.
It specifically finds he was present and probably armed
with a ``sub-machine gun'' but concludes ``we are sure that
he did not engage in any activity that provided any of the
soldiers with any justification for opening fire''.
Mr. Speaker, while in no way justifying the events of
January 30th 1972, we should acknowledge the background to
the events of Bloody Sunday.
Since 1969 the security situation in Northern Ireland had
been declining significantly.
Three days before `Bloody Sunday', two RUC officers--one a
Catholic--were shot by the IRA in Londonderry, the first
police officers killed in the city during the Troubles.
A third of the city of Derry had become a no-go area for
the RUC and the Army.
[[Page S5434]]
And in the end 1972 was to prove Northern Ireland's
bloodiest year by far with nearly 500 people killed.
And let us also remember, Bloody Sunday is not the defining
story of the service the British Army gave in Northern
Ireland from 1969-2007.
This was known as Operation Banner, the longest, continuous
operation in British military history, spanning thirty-eight
years and in which over 250,000 people served.
Our Armed Forces displayed enormous courage and
professionalism in upholding democracy and the rule of law in
Northern Ireland.
Acting in support of the police, they played a major part
in setting the condi-
tions that have made peaceful politics pos-
sible . . .
. . . and over 1,000 members of the security forces lost
their lives to that cause.
Without their work the peace process would not have
happened.
Of course some mistakes were undoubtedly made.
But lessons were also learned.
Once again, I put on record the immense debt of gratitude
we all owe those who served in Northern Ireland.
Mr. Speaker, may I also thank the Tribunal for its work--
and all those who displayed great courage in giving evidence.
I would also like to acknowledge the grief of the families
of those killed.
They have pursued their long campaign over thirty-eight
years with great patience.
Nothing can bring back those that were killed but I hope,
as one relative has put it, the truth coming out can set
people free.
John Major said he was open to a new inquiry.
Tony Blair then set it up.
This was accepted by the then Leader of the Opposition.
Of course, none of us anticipated that the Saville Inquiry
would last 12 years or cost K200 million.
Our views on that are well documented.
It is right to pursue the truth with vigour and
thoroughness . . .
. . . but let me reassure the House that there will be no
more open-ended and costly inquiries into the past.
But today is not about the controversies surrounding the
process.
It's about the substance, about what this report tells us.
Everyone should have the chance to examine the complete
findings--and that's why the report is being published in
full.
Running to more than 5000 pages, it's being published in 10
volumes.
Naturally, it will take all of us some time to digest the
report's full findings and understand all the implications.
The House will have the opportunity for a full day's debate
this autumn--and in the meantime I have asked my Rt Hon
Friends the Secretaries of State for Northern Ireland and
Defence to report back to me on all the issues that arise
from it.
Mr Speaker, this report and the Inquiry itself demonstrate
how a State should hold itself to account . . .
. . . and how we are determined at all times--no matter
how difficult--to judge ourselves against the highest
standards.
Openness and frankness about the past--however painful--do
not make us weaker, they make us stronger.
That's one of the things that differentiates us from
terrorists.
We should never forget that over 3,500 people--people from
every community--lost their lives in Northern Ireland, the
overwhelming majority killed by terrorists.
There were many terrible atrocities.
Politically-motivated violence was never justified,
whichever side it came from.
And it can never be justified by those criminal gangs that
today want to drag Northern Ireland back to its bitter and
bloody past.
No Government I lead will ever put those who fight to
defend democracy on an equal footing with those who continue
to seek to destroy it.
But neither will we hide from the truth that confronts us
today.
In the words of Lord Saville--
``What happened on Bloody Sunday strengthened the
Provisional IRA, increased nationalist resentment and
hostility towards the Army and exacerbated the violent
conflict of the years that followed. Bloody Sunday was a
tragedy for the bereaved and the wounded, and a catastrophe
for the people of Northern Ireland.''
These are words we can not and must not ignore.
But what I hope this Report can also do is to mark the
moment when we come together, in this House and in the
communities we represent.
Come together to acknowledge our shared history, even where
it divides us.
And come together to close this painful chapter on Northern
Ireland's troubled past.
That is not to say that we must ever forget or dismiss that
past.
But we must also move on.
Northern Ireland has been transformed over the past twenty
years . . .
. . . and all of us in Westminster and Stormont must
continue that work of change, coming together with all the
people of Northern Ireland to build a stable, peaceful,
prosperous and shared future.
It is with that determination that I commend this statement
to the House.
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