[Congressional Record Volume 156, Number 96 (Thursday, June 24, 2010)]
[House]
[Pages H4851-H4855]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                ANNOUNCEMENT BY THE SPEAKER PRO TEMPORE

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Members are reminded to avoid embellishments 
in their unanimous consent requests.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield, unfortunately 
only 1 minute to the author of the mandatory procurement sanctions in 
this legislation, the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Klein).
  Mr. KLEIN of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to strongly support 
the Iran sanctions conference report, including robust sanctions on 
refined petroleum in Iran.
  I am proud that the final bill includes my amendment requiring 
companies that are applying for contracts with the United States 
Government to affirmatively certify that they do not conduct business 
with Iran.
  This legislation gives companies a simple choice: Do business with 
the United States or do business with Iran. We cannot allow Iran to 
continue its pursuit of nuclear weapons--not on our watch and certainly 
not on our dime.
  As a conferee, I am proud that the final bill also takes into account 
any developments that have arisen in recent months. Iran is attempting 
to circumvent global sanctions, and this bill seeks to cut off their 
strategies, such as Iranian investments with companies like BP and 
joint ventures outside of Iran.
  I would also like to thank Chairman Berman and Ranking Member Ros-
Lehtinen for their leadership.
  I urge my colleagues to support the conference agreement.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield for the purpose of 
making a unanimous consent request to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. 
Deutch), the author of the country's first state of Iran disinvestment 
legislation.
  (Mr. DEUTCH asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks.)
  Mr. DEUTCH. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  ``Today, this body has the opportunity to profoundly advance the 
security of our nation and our allies. Today, this body can pass 
crippling new economic sanctions on Iran and at long last deliver the 
bill to the desk of the President.
  ``The stakes could not be higher. Again and again, Ahmadinejad has 
called for the destruction of our ally Israel and he has spoken of a 
world without the United States. This behavior is intolerable and today 
Congress sends the clear message to Iran that their pursuit of nuclear 
weapons will not be allowed.
  ``The past 30 days have marked the most serious steps forward in 
preventing a nuclear Iran. Beginning with the UN Security Council 
resolution, followed by the actions of the European Union, culminating 
today with the efforts of this Congress to craft the most 
comprehensive, results-oriented legislation, Iran will finally feel the 
burden of crippling economic sanctions.
  ``This legislation is the most important step Congress can take today 
to thwart the development of an Iranian nuclear power. Now we look to 
the Administration to hold those violators accountable and ensure the 
stringent implementation of these crippling sanctions. Now is the time 
to act to stop Iran's nuclear weapons program. I urge this body to act 
decisively today by passing this important piece of legislation.''
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews), the first Member on our side, 
as was mentioned earlier, to come up with a concept of sanctions on 
refined petroleum, the former head of the Iran Working Group.
  (Mr. ANDREWS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks.)
  Mr. ANDREWS. I would like to thank my friend from California for his 
leadership and my friend from Florida for hers. This is what bipartisan 
leadership looks like.
  Mr. Speaker, you know, the risk that we are working against today is 
not simply a missile striking innocent people halfway around the world. 
It would be a nuclear IED striking people around the corner.
  Make no mistake about it. One of the risks that we confront is that a 
nuclear-weapon Iran that can make highly enriched uranium might well 
share that highly enriched uranium with a terrorist group, and the next 
SUV that is parked in Times Square might have a nuclear IED in it. Iran 
could very well be the source of such an attack. We must stop that, and 
this legislation today goes in that direction.
  To those who say that the Iranians don't fear sanctions, then why did 
they try to strike this deal with Brazil and Turkey on the eve of the 
U.N. sanctions?
  To people who say that energy sanctions won't work, then why have the 
Iranians tried to embark on a crash course to replace gasoline with 
natural gas?
  This is the right move at the right time. I thank my chairman for 
authoring it, and I urge a ``yes'' vote.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 55 seconds to a member 
of our committee who has been a great supporter of this legislation, 
the gentlewoman from Nevada (Ms. Berkley).
  Ms. BERKLEY. I wish I had time to praise the chairman. He has done 
just a remarkable job on this legislation.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of this legislation. 
Iran's nuclear program represents as much of a threat to the United 
States, to Europe, and to the Arab world as it does to Israel. It is 
absolutely essential that we stop this terrorist-supporting and -
financing, murderous, anti-Semitic, Holocaust-denying regime from 
reaching its ultimate goal. It seeks to destroy Israel and to dominate 
the entire Middle East--and to do that by acquiring nuclear weapons.
  What this bill does today is it says: Not on our watch. We will not 
be intimidated. We will not be fooled. We will not allow Iran to 
acquire nuclear weapons.
  If Iran acquires nuclear weapons, it will unleash a dangerous and 
unprecedented arms race throughout the Middle East the likes of which 
the world has never seen. Introducing nuclear weapons in the Middle 
East can only add to the destabilization of an already unstable part of 
the world. What a frightening thought.
  I urge support for this bill.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman is recognized for 35 seconds.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank all of my colleagues who 
played a pivotal role.
  Particularly, I would like to thank my conference co-chair, Senator 
Chris Dodd, and his staff Colin McGinnis and Neal Orringer; my ranking 
member, Ileana Ros-Lehtinen; both Mr. Hoyer and Mr. Cantor; all of the 
conferees; the staff director for the minority, Yleem Poblete--she 
drives a hard bargain--and the wonderful staff on our side, led by Rick 
Kessler, and particularly the efforts of Shanna Winters, Alan Makovsky, 
Daniel Silverberg, David Fite, Janice Kaguyutan, Ed Rice, and Robert 
Marcus.
  With that, I urge all of my colleagues to support the legislation.
  Mr. Speaker, I provide the following Joint Statement by myself and my 
co-chair Senator Dodd:

       The Chairs recognize the importance of the new authority 
     provided to the President to waive sanctions on certain 
     persons from countries closely cooperating with U.S. and 
     international efforts to constrain Iran's ability to develop 
     a nuclear weapon. The Chairs encourage the Administration to 
     use this new authority judiciously for those most deserving 
     of allies and other truly cooperating nations. We trust this 
     will be an important multilateral incentive in inducing 
     compliance with the recently passed Security Council 
     Resolution and with other regional and unilateral measures. 
     The closely cooperating waiver draws upon the existing 
     authority in Section 4(c) but extends the period of time 
     available for the waiver to 12 months. The chairs do not view 
     this authority to be a

[[Page H4852]]

     wholly preemptive waiver. In fact, we expect a meaningful 
     investigation, as warranted, into the conduct of the alleged 
     violator to be conducted prior to exercising the waiver. 
     While the joint explanatory statement accompanying the Act 
     indicates that a determination on sanctionability must also 
     be made prior to exercising the 4(c)(1)(B) waiver, there are 
     differing and legitimate views on whether such a 
     determination is required. While divergent from the views in 
     the joint explanatory statement, we accept that this may be a 
     fair reading of the obligations under Section 4(c)(1)(B). In 
     the end, we encourage the Administration to use all of the 
     tools at its disposal in this Act and under existing 
     authorities to achieve the overriding goal of constraining 
     Iran's nuclear weapons ambitions. But we will clearly need to 
     monitor the implementation of this waiver.

  Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. Speaker, I stand in support of the Comprehensive 
Iran Sanctions Accountability and Divestment Act of 2010.
  As a cosponsor of the Iran Sanctions Act, I congratulate the 
conferees for building on the best features of that bill, and the 
Senate version, to produce bipartisan legislation that moves beyond our 
initial focus on restricting refined oil supplies and creates sweeping 
and strong new sanctions on banks doing business with Iran.
  If Iran continues with its illegal nuclear enrichment activities, it 
will threaten the stability of the Middle East, threaten the security 
of its neighbors, including Israel, and jeopardize the international 
counter-proliferation regime. This bill directs the President to take 
additional measures to stop those efforts.
  The measure codifies longstanding executive orders that limit the 
goods exempted under the American trade embargo against Iran and 
includes new provisions that hold U.S. and foreign banks accountable 
for their actions and for the actions of their subsidiaries.
  Some highlights of the bill include provisions that impose sanctions 
on foreign insurance, financing and shipping companies that sell energy 
related goods and services to Iran; new prohibitions on American banks 
doing business with any foreign bank that facilitates Iran's illicit 
nuclear program; three new sanctions that prohibit Iranian access to 
foreign exchange in the U.S.; new prohibitions on access to the U.S. 
banking system; and a prohibition on property transactions in the U.S. 
The bill even touches on the U.S. government procurement sector by 
requiring a certification from a company bidding on a U.S. government 
contract that it is not engaged in sanctionable conduct.
  These new sanctions compliment efforts by the European Union, the 
United Nations and the Obama Administration, to create a web of 
restrictions designed to cut Iran off from the international financial 
community if it does not abandon it illicit enrichment activities. The 
European Union passed a sanctions package that places restrictions on 
Iran's trade, banking and insurance sectors in addition to instituting 
new prohibitions on key sectors of Iran's gas and oil industry. The 
United Nations Security Council passed its fourth round of sanctions 
against military purchases, trade and financial transactions carried 
out by the Revolutionary Guard, which controls the nuclear program and 
has taken a more central role in running the country and the economy.
  The Obama Administration recently placed dozens of Iranian companies 
and senior Iranian officials on a U.S. financial industry blacklist, 
appointed as a special adviser on nonproliferation and arms control 
Robert Einhorn, a man the Chinese government calls ``the dentist'' for 
the way he extracts painful concessions during negotiations, and the 
administration is working with the Israeli government to ensure that 
Iranians who are key to Iran's nuclear program and who may want to 
leave Iran, are able to do so.
  Iran's refusal to heed repeated warnings about its illegal enrichment 
activities must be met with resolve. All options must remain on the 
table. When combined with the efforts of the Obama Administration and 
our allies, this bill helps ensure that the president has at his 
disposal a full range of tools to deal with Iran. I encourage my 
colleagues to join me in support of this bill.
  Ms. LEE of California. Mr. Speaker, I join my colleagues today in 
acknowledging the real and serious threat posed by a nuclear Iran to 
the United States, our allies in the Middle East, and the global 
nuclear nonproliferation regime that is vital to securing a safer and 
more prosperous world.
  I would also like to acknowledge the Obama Administration, which has 
rightly pursued and kept open a dual-track approach of concerted 
diplomatic engagement and pressure with Iran.
  The President's resolve proved successful in securing a coordinated 
and forceful international response, and I am pleased to see that this 
Conference agreement provides the Administration improved flexibility 
to ensure we do not undermine the very international partnerships that 
are necessary to prevent Iran from pursuing a nuclear weapons 
capability.
  As this package of unilateral U.S. sanctions moves forward for the 
President's signature, let us not lose sight of our ultimate goal--a 
long-term diplomatic solution to bring Iran into compliance with 
international nonproliferation standards and commitments.
  Mr. Speaker, although I support this Conference agreement, I must 
reiterate my deeply held belief that sanctions should never be viewed 
as a checkmark on the path to war.
  I remain deeply concerned by counterproductive rhetoric with regard 
to Iran that echoes the drumbeat to war we heard in Iraq.
  The prospect of a military strike in Iran carries devastating and 
unacceptable consequences for United States foreign policy and security 
interests in the region that cannot be ignored.
  Further, I believe our words and resources are better served in 
support of the Iranian people, their resilient civil society and 
determination to seek the protection of basic human rights and 
meaningful democratic reform despite the intransigence of the ruling 
regime.
  We must closely scrutinize the implementation of these sanctions, 
which I believe could be better targeted, in order to avoid punishing 
the Iranian people at the expense of moderate voices and to the benefit 
of hardliner elements within Iran.
  With that in mind, I urge my colleagues to invest as much energy in 
support of a coordinated and cooperative diplomatic process in Iran as 
they have in finalizing these punitive measures aimed at bringing them 
to the table.
  It is this course of action that will be necessary to erase once and 
for all our fears of a nuclear-armed Iran and the destabilizing impact 
this might have in an already volatile region.
  Lastly, Mr. Speaker, as a passionate advocate throughout my career 
for the cause of nuclear non-proliferation, I hope we can also take 
this opportunity to recognize and act upon our own commitments as a 
nuclear power to take meaningful steps toward nuclear disarmament and 
the realization of world free from the threat of nuclear weapons.
  Mr. HOLT. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the Comprehensive 
Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act. The United States 
does not deny Iran's lawful right to peacefully explore technologies 
for nuclear power, but the Iranian regime has provided just cause for 
skepticism about the peaceful nature of its nuclear ambitions. There is 
an international consensus that Iran should not attain nuclear weapons 
capability--a circumstance that unquestionably would accelerate a 
nuclear arms race in the Middle East, threatening both regional 
stability and the security of the United States.
  For over a year and a half, the United States and the international 
community have worked diligently to achieve a diplomatic resolution to 
the Iranian regime's reckless pursuit of nuclear weapons. Yet the 
Iranian leadership remains defiant and shows no signs of substantive 
cooperation. Their actions have left us little choice but to pursue 
additional measures to persuade the regime that it must live up to its 
obligations to the international community by suspending its uranium 
enrichment program and verifiably ending any pursuit of nuclear 
weapons.
  Recently, the United Nations imposed new sanctions on the Government 
of Iran. The United States joined the European Union and others in 
taking immediate steps to implement these measures in a way that is 
consistent with existing law. Now Congress will provide the 
Administration with new tools that will allow the United States to 
augment these multilateral efforts.
  This legislation will broaden the list of sanctionable activities and 
provide new mechanisms for the U.S. to sanction responsible entities. 
Any banks, companies, or other institutions that support Iran's refined 
petroleum sector or engage in transactions with Islamic Revolutionary 
Guard Corps (IRGC) or other blacklisted Iranian institutions will face 
stiff penalties and be prevented from doing business in the United 
States. State and local governments will have clear authorization to 
divest from entities that engage in business with Iran, and private 
asset managers will be able to undertake similar divestment without 
fear of breaching their fiduciary responsibilities. The Director of 
National Intelligence will be required to prepare a list of governments 
that allow re-export, trans-shipment, transfer, re-transfer, or 
diversion to Iran of goods or services that could be used for terrorism 
or the production of weapons of mass destruction. The U.S. will work 
with these governments to strengthen their export control systems, and 
the President will be required to impose new restrictions on those that 
fail to improve their actions.
  While I believe it is necessary for the U.S. to enact these tough new 
measures as quickly as possible, it is important to remember that by 
themselves, they will not be effective. Sanctions are blunt 
instruments. They rarely

[[Page H4853]]

change the behavior of intransigent regimes, but they often harm 
innocent citizens. I am pleased that this legislation was crafted 
carefully to target the IRGC and the leadership of Iran, rather than 
the Iranian people.
  The United States continues to stand with those in Iran who oppose 
human rights abuses and fight for a government that is truly 
representative of the peoples' will. That is why this legislation 
explicitly exempts software and services for personal communication and 
internet access from the general prohibition against exports to Iran. 
In addition, Iranians who perpetrated or were complicit in human rights 
abuses against other Iranians on or after June 12, 2009 will be subject 
to strict new visa, property, and financial sanctions.
  It is equally important to note that this legislation makes clear 
that the United States stands ready to lift the new sanctions and 
engage Iran in a productive dialogue if the regime stops threatening 
its neighbors and verifiably abandons its pursuit of weapons of mass 
destruction. Until that day comes, the United States will continue to 
take action to convince the Iranian leadership that this is the only 
viable choice. Achieving that goal is the central purpose of this 
legislation.
  Ms. JENKINS. Mr. Speaker, there is no doubt Iran is working right now 
to acquire nuclear weapons. We must stop them.
  The underlying bill if passed and strongly enforced by our President 
would impose smart crippling sanctions on Iran's nuclear program and 
would make it drastically more difficult for Iran to continue its 
illegal nuclear dealings.
  Make no mistake Iran's development of nuclear weapons threatens not 
only our friend Israel and the Middle East it threatens the entire 
world.
  I urge my colleagues to support the underlying bill to impose 
sanctions and to stand for the safety and security of freedom loving 
nations around the world.
  Mr. BACA. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to address the House 
for one minute.
  I rise to support the passage of the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, 
Accountability and Divestment Act.
  Since 1995, many U.S. regulations have been enacted to pressure Iran 
to restrict its nuclear fantasies. Previous to this Act none of those 
regulations had sufficient bite nor adherence.
  The Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran, if allowed on its 
present course, could be in the possession of a nuclear weapon in less 
than a year. Severe restrictions must be imposed on foreign financial 
institutions who enable this regime to pursue its nuclear aspirations.
  Nuclear terrorism is one of the greatest threats to American 
security. Keeping the bomb from Iran is absolutely critical to 
international peace and stability.
  Iran has repeatedly snubbed their nose at International Atomic Energy 
inspectors. The government's serial deception in declaring their 
nuclear intentions has gone unchecked for too long. We cannot allow 
Iranian leaders to gain more time.
  In addition to strengthening and expanding the trade embargo this 
comprehensive, results-oriented legislation provides for strict 
economic consequences to those who assist in Iran's human rights 
violations against its own people. It penalizes those who suppress 
freedom of religion and speech in Iran and the entities that aid them.
  This legislation would be in effect until the day our President 
certifies to Congress that Iran is no longer a designated state-sponsor 
of terrorism, has ceased gross violations of the Nuclear Non-
Proliferation Treaty, and given up its unrelenting pursuit of ballistic 
missile, biological and chemical weapon capability.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me in unwavering support of 
the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act of 
2010.
  Ms. SCHWARTZ. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the Iran 
Sanctions Act. This legislation makes clear to the Government of Iran 
that we will not tolerate their continued illicit pursuit of nuclear 
weapons or their support for terrorism. Supported by the ongoing 
multilateral efforts of the United Nations Security Council and the 
European Union, these tough sanctions are intended to put greater 
pressure on Iran to change their behavior.
  President Obama will now have a range of new options to deal with the 
threats posed by Iran. Expanding upon previous sanctions, this 
legislation imposes a wide array of tough new economic, energy and 
financial sanctions. These sanctions target businesses involved in 
refined petroleum sales and those that support Iran's domestic refining 
efforts, as well as international banking institutions involved with 
the Iranian Revolutionary Guard, nuclear program or support terrorism.
  Preventing Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons is one of our 
paramount national security priorities. Nor can we allow their flagrant 
support of international terrorism continue unabated. Strong sanctions 
and enforcement of those sanctions make it clear that Iran must change 
its conduct now.
  Mrs. MALONEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise to express my strong support for 
H.R. 2194, a powerful package of sanctions against Iran. These new 
measures increase pressure on Iran to do the right thing and put an end 
to its sponsorship of terrorism and its efforts to acquire nuclear 
weapons. I am pleased that the United States has worked with the United 
Nations to secure multilateral sanctions, but the United States should 
also be increasing pressure on Iran by implementing the sensible, 
targeted sanctions contained in this bill.
  This conference report contains a package of sanctions that ups the 
ante on Iran's trading partners, making it clear that doing business 
with Iran has a price. It targets Iran's energy and banking sectors, 
and imposes sanctions on foreign companies that are supplying energy 
and know-how to Iran. It allows the government to restrict access to 
America for the purposes of banking, foreign exchange and property 
investment. It requires companies seeking procurement contracts to 
certify that they are not engaging in sanctionable conduct. The 
executive branch will have to report sanctionable activity and must 
either implement sanctions or waive them. Our sanctions will no longer 
be tough on paper and weak in implementation. Iran can secure an end to 
them at any time by ending its sponsorship of terrorism and by ending 
its quest to develop or acquire nuclear, biological, and chemical 
weapons and ballistic missiles and ballistic-missile launch technology.
  Iran has shown, time and time again, that it is determined to acquire 
nuclear weapons. Earlier this week, Reuters reported that Iran has 
enriched 17 kilograms of uranium to 20 percent purity, and that this is 
a significant step toward the 90 percent enrichment required for 
weapons-grade uranium. In April, Iran unveiled a third generation of 
centrifuges and has indicated that the testing phase is nearly complete 
and that its scientists are working on a fourth generation. It is clear 
that Iran is racing toward its goal of becoming a nuclear nation.
  Iran has also been one of the chief state sponsors of terrorism, 
sending funding, weapons and know-how to terrorist organizations like 
Hamas and Hezbollah. These organizations specifically target civilian 
populations and have no compunctions against lobbing missiles at homes, 
schools, hospitals and nursing homes. There are reports that Iran has 
backed militants in Somalia, Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere. Iran's 
leaders have also targeted their own people, viciously putting down the 
fledgling democratic movement last year and working to restrict 
communication among its own people. I am pleased that these sanctions 
specifically ban procurement contracts to any foreign company that 
exports to Iran technology used to restrict the free flow of 
information or to disrupt, monitor, or otherwise restrict freedom of 
speech. We must do everything we can to persuade Iran to change its 
reckless course.
  A nuclear Iran will be dangerous for the entire world. Iran has been 
most outspoken in its threats against Israel, but Israel is not the 
only Middle Eastern nation with reason to fear a nuclear Iran. There is 
longstanding tension between Shi'ite Iran and its Sunni neighbors. Some 
argue--because Iran's President has threatened to wipe Israel off the 
map and Iran has provided weapons and resources to terrorist 
organizations that are actively trying to accomplish that aim--that 
America is acting solely to help Israel. And indeed, when Iran 
threatens to annihilate Israel, I think we should take it at its word, 
and should assume that it intends to use its nuclear weapons to turn 
its threat into a reality. But, these sanctions are also necessary 
because a nuclear Iran threatens all of its neighbors and it has been 
exporting terrorism to a wide range of nations around the globe.
  I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting the conference report 
for H.R. 2194, and in voting to increase pressure on Iran to turn from 
this dangerous path. These sanctions are a reasonable and necessary 
augmentation of existing restrictions and an additional means to put 
pressure on a state that seems intent on exporting terror and death 
throughout the world.
  Mr. KUCINICH. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to the 
conference report on H.R. 2194, the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, 
Accountability, and Divestment Act of 2010. Despite the inclusion of 
provisions in this legislation that would improve internet access and 
target violators of human rights, the bill will inflict severe economic 
hardship on the Iranian people and have no impact on the Iranian 
government. I oppose nuclear proliferation for military purposes for 
all countries and believe that sanctions have proven to be a failed 
policy.
  The stated purpose of this legislation is to persuade the Iranian 
government to halt their nuclear program. Broad sanctions can only 
serve to further isolate Iran from the international community and 
cause them to be increasingly secretive. The sanctions play directly 
into the hands of the Iranian government

[[Page H4854]]

and directly undermine the efforts of the Iranian people who have 
courageously challenged their government--often at the cost of their 
lives.
  The United States was unable to come to a resolution with Iran over 
its nuclear program, partly due to the fact that during negotiations, 
Iran was threatened with sanctions regardless of negotiations. At the 
core of the failure of negotiations was mistrust. Turkey and Brazil 
accomplished something the United States was unable to do in their 
diplomatic negotiations with Iran over a nuclear fuel swap--broker a 
deal based on trust. Unfortunately, the Administration missed the 
opportunity to capitalize on this significant breakthrough in 
negotiations.
  It is my hope that it will not take the impending suffering of the 
Iranian people at the hands of U.S.-imposed sanctions to wake us up to 
the need to significantly change our diplomatic engagement with Iran.
  Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 2194, the 
Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act.
  Under its current leadership, Iran is a threat--to the United States, 
to its neighbors, and to global stability. Stopping the Iranian regime 
from acquiring nuclear weapons is a top priority of this Administration 
and Congress.
  Building on the momentum of the recent adoption of UN Security 
Council Resolution 1929, this bill will impose punitive sanctions to 
immediately squeeze the Iranian regime in an effort to force change in 
their reckless behavior.
  With the passage of H.R. 2194, we send a clear message backed by 
tough sanctions: investing in Iran's energy sector, conducting business 
with Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps, or facilitating investments that 
support Iran's illicit nuclear program have severe consequences.
  Penalties and travel restrictions on Iran's human rights abusers and 
new sanctions in the banking and financial sector will further isolate 
the Iranian government, increasing the cost to Iran's leaders for their 
nuclear ambitions.
  I thank the gentleman from California for his efforts, and I urge my 
colleagues to vote in support of this bill.
  Mr. NADLER of New York. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the 
conference report on H.R. 2194, the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, 
Accountability, and Divestment Act of 2010.
  There is perhaps no greater threat to the peace and security of the 
world today than Iran. It supports terrorism and funds terrorist 
groups. And, it is bent on increasing its power and influence in the 
strategically important region of the Middle East.
  In particular, Iran presents an existential threat to Israel, one of 
our closest allies. Its leader, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, is a 
holocaust denier who has threatened to wipe Israel off of the map.
  As such, the consequences of Iran developing or otherwise obtaining 
nuclear weapons would be dire. It instantly would further destabilize 
the Middle East and potentially lead to a nuclear arms race there.
  Moreover, unlike with other countries where nuclear deterrence has 
worked, it may not with Iran. Its leaders have proven themselves to 
hold views that are extreme, irrational, and fundamentalist, and who 
knows for what crazy reasons they would hold the world hostage and risk 
their own annihilation. These leaders also could share nuclear 
materials or weapons with terrorists bent on killing innocent people 
here and around the world, like Al Qaeda. We cannot let Iran have that 
power.
  This threat from Iran has been building for years, but, 
unfortunately, during the previous Administration, very little was done 
about it. While the rhetoric of former President George W. Bush was 
tough on Iran, the reality was much different. For 8 years, they 
dithered while Iran built its nuclear capacity.
  President Obama recognized the danger from Iran and immediately 
adopted a sensible policy of big sticks and big carrots. We began by 
engaging with the Iranian regime, a necessary part of any sensible 
strategy. Not only are discussions a worthy first step, they are 
necessary if for no other reason than to explain to your adversary the 
severe consequences of their continuing to be a threat to peace. We 
also need to start with negotiations to show that we tried and thus lay 
the foundation for strong efforts down the road, should they be needed. 
Unfortunately, Iran rejected these diplomatic overtures and continues 
to loudly defy the international community.
  Therefore, we must ratchet up our economic pressure. That is exactly 
what we are doing. Thanks to the leadership of President Obama and 
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, the United States was able to 
convince other nations to adopt new sanctions on Iran. These sanctions, 
adopted by the United Nations Security Council, will further isolate 
Iran from the world economy and, as they are multilateral, represent 
the optimum mechanism for economic pressure.
  Of course, we also can bring the economic might of the United States 
to bear, and that is what we are doing today with H.R. 2194. This 
conference report contains a vast array of provisions which will put a 
significant squeeze on Iran. For example, it imposes sanctions on 
companies that sell refined petroleum products to Iran, targeting a key 
weakness of the Iranian regime. It punishes foreign banks that support 
Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps, cutting off its funding. It 
authorizes state and local governments to divest investments from firms 
supporting Iran's energy sector and better enables other investment 
managers from similarly divesting funds.
  Implementing these and the other sanctions in the conference report 
on H.R. 2194 is a critical next step in stopping Iran from becoming a 
nuclear power. While military options always remain on the table, we do 
not want to reach a situation where the choice is between having to 
engage militarily and allowing Iran to have nuclear weapons. Either of 
those two options is racked with problems, and so we must do all we can 
to see that it does not come to that.
  I want to thank Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Howard Berman and 
all other Members who worked so hard on putting this legislation 
together. Like Chairman Berman and others in Congress, I have 
endeavored to make sure that the threat from Iran is recognized and 
dealt with. Those of us who care deeply about this issue know that for 
the safety of Israel, the United States, and the entire world, we must 
act and we must act now.
  I encourage all Members to support this conference report.
  Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support for the bill and 
I offer my congratulations to the Chairman of the Foreign Affairs 
Committee, and to all my fellow conferees on what is a remarkable piece 
of legislation.
  This bill has teeth, real teeth, great big nasty sharp teeth that are 
finally going to force businesses and banks around the world to choose 
between access to the American economy and financial system, or 
business as usual with Iran's theocratic dictatorship.
  This bill has real sanctions; not maybe sanctions, not sort-a 
sanctions, real sanctions. This bill has real sanctions investigation 
requirements; not maybe we'll look into it, not we'll try to get to it 
when we can, but a clear legal requirement to investigate potential 
violations. This bill creates legal safe harbor for the potential 
divestment of billions of dollars of equity from companies that 
continue to do business in Iran, the world-capital of state-sponsored 
terrorism. This bill has real sanctions on Iran's energy sector and all 
the things that keep it alive and allow it to operate. This bill will 
force new requirements on U.S. banks to keep Iran's blood-tainted money 
from being laundered by the international financial system.
  This bill imposes sanctions on those in Iran responsible for human 
rights violations and those companies that facilitate Iranian state 
repression. America will not merely bear witness to the brave struggle 
of the people of Iran to be free; we choose to stand with the Iranian 
people against the jackboot of the ayatollah's tyranny.
  This bill will force action to close loopholes abroad that have 
allowed Iran to import, smuggle and altogether befuddle international 
efforts to keep dangerous technologies out of their malicious hands. 
With this bill there will be no more blind eyes for allies; no more 
sleeping at the export control switch.
  In short, this is a bill that forces the question: will the world 
watch passively as Iran crosses the nuclear arms threshold, or will we 
join together to squeeze, wrangle, coerce, and compel Iran to pull back 
from the nuclear brink?
  Iran's nuclear program is the greatest threat to peace and security 
in the Middle East and throughout the world. We know it. Our allies in 
Europe know it. Russia and China know it. All the Arab states know it. 
Successful nuclear proliferation by Iran would likely mean the collapse 
of the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, the onset of a mad rush for 
nuclear arms in the Middle East and a vastly increased possibility of 
the unimaginable horror of nuclear arms being used.
  This bill is also a triumph for the Leadership of this Congress and 
for the Obama Administration. For the entirety of their eight years, 
the previous Administration talked tough while the Iranian nuclear 
program went from crawling to walking; from walking to running; and 
from running to sprinting towards a nuclear bomb. The rhetoric was 
always very fierce, the results were always very flaccid. The previous 
Republican-controlled Congresses, though no less aware of the looming 
danger following the revelation of Iran's uranium enrichment program in 
2002, also said all the right things, but somehow--somehow--never got 
around to passing this bill or one like it.
  Look at who's in charge today. Look at who is going to get this bill 
done with broad bipartisan support. Look at who just put Iran's energy 
sector under the gun. Look at who just

[[Page H4855]]

closed the investigations loophole and the diversion loophole. Look at 
who just imposed unprecedented energy, banking, and finance sector 
sanctions. Look at who just imposed human rights sanctions on Iran's 
regime of thugs.
  Look also at who just got Russia and China to join with the 
international community in passing the toughest ever UN Security 
Council sanctions on Iran; sanctions that authorize the inspection of 
Iranian ships; that impose major new restrictions on Iranian banking, 
finance, shipping, and arms transactions; and that designates the 
Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps and key Iranian firms and figures 
associated with proliferation for additional penalties. Two years ago 
if someone had suggested the Security Council would have adopted these 
positions, they would have been taken away in a straitjacket. Today 
it's reality.
  The cowboy rhetoric and the contempt for diplomacy are gone. But the 
results, which are what actually matters, are compelling. Just as we in 
Congress have come together to pass this historic legislation, the 
Obama Administration has rallied the world to stand against Iran's 
nuclear ambitions. Results matter.
  We can not guarantee the success of these measures. Ultimately, the 
choice lies with the regime in Tehran to decide what price they're 
prepared to pay to sustain their illicit nuclear activities. But it 
should be clear that we are doing all that we can to impose on Iran the 
highest possible costs for its defiance and that we are demonstrating, 
by our actions and by our efforts, the depth of our commitment to 
peacefully ending Iran's illegal nuclear activities.
  We are trying diplomacy. We are trying unilateral sanctions. We are 
trying multilateral sanctions. We are trying our utmost to avoid making 
conflict inevitable. But there should be no question about the absolute 
determination of the United States to prevent Iran from acquiring the 
capability to produce nuclear weapons.
  Iran can not and must not be allowed to cross the threshold of 
nuclear arms. They can stop their program, or it can be stopped by 
others. And it would be far, far better if they stopped their nuclear 
program themselves. The United States and the other P5+1 nations have 
all made clear the benefits Iran would gain if it made this choice. The 
United Nations and the Congress today are showing Iran the rising costs 
and growing isolation it will endure if its behavior doesn't change.
  Iran's illicit nuclear activities and programs must stop. Above all 
other considerations, above all other costs, without any doubt or 
uncertainty, Iran's nuclear arms program must be stopped. It must be 
stopped.
  Mr. CAMP. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this conference 
agreement.
  I am deeply concerned that Iran continues to pursue nuclear 
capabilities in defiance of the international community. Such actions 
pose a profound threat to our national security interests.
  I have repeatedly supported efforts to give U.S. Presidents the tools 
and capabilities needed to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons 
and engaging in terrorism, and I continue to do so today through this 
conference agreement.
  In pursuing the critical goal of preventing Iran's nuclear 
proliferation, I am pleased that the conference agreement expands the 
sanctions available to the President to include refined petroleum 
resources. In addition, the severe financial restrictions imposed under 
this agreement will prevent banks from doing business with blacklisted 
Iranian entities.
  However, while domestic sanctions are critical, it is also important 
that our allies participate in an international coalition so that 
combating Iran's nuclear proliferation is a powerful multilateral 
effort. This conference agreement encourages this vital endeavor.
  The original House bill, like other Iran sanctions bills that have 
preceded it in this chamber, was referred to the Ways & Means 
Committee. I am pleased that as a conferee, I have been able to work 
with my colleagues on the Foreign Affairs Committee to address the 
issues in our jurisdiction in a way that maintains the strength of the 
bill. This has been a bipartisan and productive effort resulting in a 
robust agreement that takes powerful action against Iran, gives the 
Administration the best chance at continuing to cultivate and maintain 
international multilateral pressure, and is consistent with our trade 
obligations.
  I thank Chairman Levin for his valuable efforts, as well as Chairman 
Berman and Ranking Member Ros-Lehtinen, in achieving this exemplary 
outcome and urge my colleagues to support this conference agreement.
  Mrs. MILLER of Michigan. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support 
of this legislation because nuclear weapons in the hands of the Iranian 
regime is simply unacceptable.
  Iran is a state sponsor of terror.
  Iranian leaders have continually denied the Holocaust while 
expressing the desire to commit a second Holocaust through the 
destruction of Israel, our most important ally in the Middle East.
  To that we must say ``Never Again.''
  The chant of ``Death to America'' is seemingly the official slogan of 
this Iranian regime.
  Those who would seek to profit by helping the Iranian regime to 
develop nuclear weapons or to suppress the people of Iran will no 
longer be able to do business with the United States or have access to 
our nation's financial system.
  These sanctions are real and they have teeth.
  We must send a clear and decisive message to the Iran and the world 
community that America is serious in our effort to deny Iran nuclear 
weapons.
  To accomplish that we must pass these sanctions.
  Mr. GALLEGLY. Mr. Speaker, I support targeted sanctions against the 
government of Iran in an effort to stop the Iranian regime's pursuit of 
nuclear weapons. For this reason, I voted in favor of the Conference 
Report on the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and 
Divestment Act on the floor of the House today. The effectiveness of 
this legislation will now depend on whether the sanctions are 
forcefully implemented by the Obama Administration. I urge the 
President to work closely with our allies and use all the tools 
provided by the Act to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear 
capability.
  Ms. SCHAKOWSKY. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the 
conference report on H.R. 2194, the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, 
Accountability, and Divestment Act.
  I would like to thank Chairman Berman for introducing this 
legislation, of which I am a cosponsor, and for his tireless work in 
support of halting Iranian aggression.
  Iran's nuclear ambitions not only pose a critical threat to the 
security of our close ally, Israel, but they also threaten the 
stability of the entire Middle East region and the world. As we saw 
clearly last summer, the Iranian regime suppresses democracy and 
violates human rights at home, and they continue to sponsor terrorist 
organizations abroad. The bottom line is this: Iran must not be allowed 
to develop nuclear weapons.
  This legislation builds on recent multilateral sanctions negotiated 
by President Obama. After strong leadership by the Obama 
Administration, the U.N. Security Council recently passed 
internationally-binding sanctions against Iran's banking, finance, 
shipping, and energy sectors, as well as against Iran's Islamic 
Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). The bill we are considering today 
will augment and strengthen those ongoing multilateral efforts.
  This bill expands the current U.S. sanctions regime to target 
entities involved in selling refined petroleum to Iran or in aiding 
Iran's domestic refining efforts, as well financial institutions doing 
business with blacklisted Iranian entities. It provides a legal 
framework under which state and local governments can divest their 
portfolios of foreign companies involved in Iran's energy sector.
  Mr. Speaker, time is not on our side, and Iran continues to progress 
toward nuclear weapons capabilities. This legislation contains the most 
comprehensive package of Iran sanctions ever considered by Congress, 
and it will give us a full range of economic tools to immediately apply 
strong pressure on the Iranian regime to abandon the pursuit of nuclear 
weapons.
  This legislation sends a clear message to Tehran that the regime's 
nuclear program, human rights record, and support for terrorists are 
unacceptable. I strongly urge my colleagues to join me in support of 
this important legislation.
  Mr. BERMAN. I yield back the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the 
gentleman from California (Mr. Berman) that the House suspend the rules 
and agree to the conference report on the bill, H.R. 2194.
  The question was taken.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds 
being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX and the 
Chair's prior announcement, further proceedings on this motion will be 
postponed.

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