Congressional Record, Volume 156 Issue 96 (Thursday, June 24, 2010)

[Congressional Record Volume 156, Number 96 (Thursday, June 24, 2010)]
[House]
[Pages H4851-H4855]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]

ANNOUNCEMENT BY THE SPEAKER PRO TEMPORE

The SPEAKER pro tempore. Members are reminded to avoid embellishments
in their unanimous consent requests.
Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield, unfortunately
only 1 minute to the author of the mandatory procurement sanctions in
this legislation, the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Klein).
Mr. KLEIN of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to strongly support
the Iran sanctions conference report, including robust sanctions on
refined petroleum in Iran.
I am proud that the final bill includes my amendment requiring
companies that are applying for contracts with the United States
Government to affirmatively certify that they do not conduct business
with Iran.
This legislation gives companies a simple choice: Do business with
the United States or do business with Iran. We cannot allow Iran to
continue its pursuit of nuclear weapons--not on our watch and certainly
not on our dime.
As a conferee, I am proud that the final bill also takes into account
any developments that have arisen in recent months. Iran is attempting
to circumvent global sanctions, and this bill seeks to cut off their
strategies, such as Iranian investments with companies like BP and
joint ventures outside of Iran.
I would also like to thank Chairman Berman and Ranking Member Ros-
Lehtinen for their leadership.
I urge my colleagues to support the conference agreement.
Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield for the purpose of
making a unanimous consent request to the gentleman from Florida (Mr.
Deutch), the author of the country's first state of Iran disinvestment
legislation.
(Mr. DEUTCH asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. DEUTCH. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
``Today, this body has the opportunity to profoundly advance the
security of our nation and our allies. Today, this body can pass
crippling new economic sanctions on Iran and at long last deliver the
bill to the desk of the President.
``The stakes could not be higher. Again and again, Ahmadinejad has
called for the destruction of our ally Israel and he has spoken of a
world without the United States. This behavior is intolerable and today
Congress sends the clear message to Iran that their pursuit of nuclear
weapons will not be allowed.
``The past 30 days have marked the most serious steps forward in
preventing a nuclear Iran. Beginning with the UN Security Council
resolution, followed by the actions of the European Union, culminating
today with the efforts of this Congress to craft the most
comprehensive, results-oriented legislation, Iran will finally feel the
burden of crippling economic sanctions.
``This legislation is the most important step Congress can take today
to thwart the development of an Iranian nuclear power. Now we look to
the Administration to hold those violators accountable and ensure the
stringent implementation of these crippling sanctions. Now is the time
to act to stop Iran's nuclear weapons program. I urge this body to act
decisively today by passing this important piece of legislation.''
Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews), the first Member on our side,
as was mentioned earlier, to come up with a concept of sanctions on
refined petroleum, the former head of the Iran Working Group.
(Mr. ANDREWS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. ANDREWS. I would like to thank my friend from California for his
leadership and my friend from Florida for hers. This is what bipartisan
leadership looks like.
Mr. Speaker, you know, the risk that we are working against today is
not simply a missile striking innocent people halfway around the world.
It would be a nuclear IED striking people around the corner.
Make no mistake about it. One of the risks that we confront is that a
nuclear-weapon Iran that can make highly enriched uranium might well
share that highly enriched uranium with a terrorist group, and the next
SUV that is parked in Times Square might have a nuclear IED in it. Iran
could very well be the source of such an attack. We must stop that, and
this legislation today goes in that direction.
To those who say that the Iranians don't fear sanctions, then why did
they try to strike this deal with Brazil and Turkey on the eve of the
U.N. sanctions?
To people who say that energy sanctions won't work, then why have the
Iranians tried to embark on a crash course to replace gasoline with
natural gas?
This is the right move at the right time. I thank my chairman for
authoring it, and I urge a ``yes'' vote.
Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 55 seconds to a member
of our committee who has been a great supporter of this legislation,
the gentlewoman from Nevada (Ms. Berkley).
Ms. BERKLEY. I wish I had time to praise the chairman. He has done
just a remarkable job on this legislation.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of this legislation.
Iran's nuclear program represents as much of a threat to the United
States, to Europe, and to the Arab world as it does to Israel. It is
absolutely essential that we stop this terrorist-supporting and -
financing, murderous, anti-Semitic, Holocaust-denying regime from
reaching its ultimate goal. It seeks to destroy Israel and to dominate
the entire Middle East--and to do that by acquiring nuclear weapons.
What this bill does today is it says: Not on our watch. We will not
be intimidated. We will not be fooled. We will not allow Iran to
acquire nuclear weapons.
If Iran acquires nuclear weapons, it will unleash a dangerous and
unprecedented arms race throughout the Middle East the likes of which
the world has never seen. Introducing nuclear weapons in the Middle
East can only add to the destabilization of an already unstable part of
the world. What a frightening thought.
I urge support for this bill.
Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman is recognized for 35 seconds.
Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank all of my colleagues who
played a pivotal role.
Particularly, I would like to thank my conference co-chair, Senator
Chris Dodd, and his staff Colin McGinnis and Neal Orringer; my ranking
member, Ileana Ros-Lehtinen; both Mr. Hoyer and Mr. Cantor; all of the
conferees; the staff director for the minority, Yleem Poblete--she
drives a hard bargain--and the wonderful staff on our side, led by Rick
Kessler, and particularly the efforts of Shanna Winters, Alan Makovsky,
Daniel Silverberg, David Fite, Janice Kaguyutan, Ed Rice, and Robert
Marcus.
With that, I urge all of my colleagues to support the legislation.
Mr. Speaker, I provide the following Joint Statement by myself and my
co-chair Senator Dodd:

The Chairs recognize the importance of the new authority
provided to the President to waive sanctions on certain
persons from countries closely cooperating with U.S. and
international efforts to constrain Iran's ability to develop
a nuclear weapon. The Chairs encourage the Administration to
use this new authority judiciously for those most deserving
of allies and other truly cooperating nations. We trust this
will be an important multilateral incentive in inducing
compliance with the recently passed Security Council
Resolution and with other regional and unilateral measures.
The closely cooperating waiver draws upon the existing
authority in Section 4(c) but extends the period of time
available for the waiver to 12 months. The chairs do not view
this authority to be a

[[Page H4852]]

wholly preemptive waiver. In fact, we expect a meaningful
investigation, as warranted, into the conduct of the alleged
violator to be conducted prior to exercising the waiver.
While the joint explanatory statement accompanying the Act
indicates that a determination on sanctionability must also
be made prior to exercising the 4(c)(1)(B) waiver, there are
differing and legitimate views on whether such a
determination is required. While divergent from the views in
the joint explanatory statement, we accept that this may be a
fair reading of the obligations under Section 4(c)(1)(B). In
the end, we encourage the Administration to use all of the
tools at its disposal in this Act and under existing
authorities to achieve the overriding goal of constraining
Iran's nuclear weapons ambitions. But we will clearly need to
monitor the implementation of this waiver.

Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. Speaker, I stand in support of the Comprehensive
Iran Sanctions Accountability and Divestment Act of 2010.
As a cosponsor of the Iran Sanctions Act, I congratulate the
conferees for building on the best features of that bill, and the
Senate version, to produce bipartisan legislation that moves beyond our
initial focus on restricting refined oil supplies and creates sweeping
and strong new sanctions on banks doing business with Iran.
If Iran continues with its illegal nuclear enrichment activities, it
will threaten the stability of the Middle East, threaten the security
of its neighbors, including Israel, and jeopardize the international
counter-proliferation regime. This bill directs the President to take
additional measures to stop those efforts.
The measure codifies longstanding executive orders that limit the
goods exempted under the American trade embargo against Iran and
includes new provisions that hold U.S. and foreign banks accountable
for their actions and for the actions of their subsidiaries.
Some highlights of the bill include provisions that impose sanctions
on foreign insurance, financing and shipping companies that sell energy
related goods and services to Iran; new prohibitions on American banks
doing business with any foreign bank that facilitates Iran's illicit
nuclear program; three new sanctions that prohibit Iranian access to
foreign exchange in the U.S.; new prohibitions on access to the U.S.
banking system; and a prohibition on property transactions in the U.S.
The bill even touches on the U.S. government procurement sector by
requiring a certification from a company bidding on a U.S. government
contract that it is not engaged in sanctionable conduct.
These new sanctions compliment efforts by the European Union, the
United Nations and the Obama Administration, to create a web of
restrictions designed to cut Iran off from the international financial
community if it does not abandon it illicit enrichment activities. The
European Union passed a sanctions package that places restrictions on
Iran's trade, banking and insurance sectors in addition to instituting
new prohibitions on key sectors of Iran's gas and oil industry. The
United Nations Security Council passed its fourth round of sanctions
against military purchases, trade and financial transactions carried
out by the Revolutionary Guard, which controls the nuclear program and
has taken a more central role in running the country and the economy.
The Obama Administration recently placed dozens of Iranian companies
and senior Iranian officials on a U.S. financial industry blacklist,
appointed as a special adviser on nonproliferation and arms control
Robert Einhorn, a man the Chinese government calls ``the dentist'' for
the way he extracts painful concessions during negotiations, and the
administration is working with the Israeli government to ensure that
Iranians who are key to Iran's nuclear program and who may want to
leave Iran, are able to do so.
Iran's refusal to heed repeated warnings about its illegal enrichment
activities must be met with resolve. All options must remain on the
table. When combined with the efforts of the Obama Administration and
our allies, this bill helps ensure that the president has at his
disposal a full range of tools to deal with Iran. I encourage my
colleagues to join me in support of this bill.
Ms. LEE of California. Mr. Speaker, I join my colleagues today in
acknowledging the real and serious threat posed by a nuclear Iran to
the United States, our allies in the Middle East, and the global
nuclear nonproliferation regime that is vital to securing a safer and
more prosperous world.
I would also like to acknowledge the Obama Administration, which has
rightly pursued and kept open a dual-track approach of concerted
diplomatic engagement and pressure with Iran.
The President's resolve proved successful in securing a coordinated
and forceful international response, and I am pleased to see that this
Conference agreement provides the Administration improved flexibility
to ensure we do not undermine the very international partnerships that
are necessary to prevent Iran from pursuing a nuclear weapons
capability.
As this package of unilateral U.S. sanctions moves forward for the
President's signature, let us not lose sight of our ultimate goal--a
long-term diplomatic solution to bring Iran into compliance with
international nonproliferation standards and commitments.
Mr. Speaker, although I support this Conference agreement, I must
reiterate my deeply held belief that sanctions should never be viewed
as a checkmark on the path to war.
I remain deeply concerned by counterproductive rhetoric with regard
to Iran that echoes the drumbeat to war we heard in Iraq.
The prospect of a military strike in Iran carries devastating and
unacceptable consequences for United States foreign policy and security
interests in the region that cannot be ignored.
Further, I believe our words and resources are better served in
support of the Iranian people, their resilient civil society and
determination to seek the protection of basic human rights and
meaningful democratic reform despite the intransigence of the ruling
regime.
We must closely scrutinize the implementation of these sanctions,
which I believe could be better targeted, in order to avoid punishing
the Iranian people at the expense of moderate voices and to the benefit
of hardliner elements within Iran.
With that in mind, I urge my colleagues to invest as much energy in
support of a coordinated and cooperative diplomatic process in Iran as
they have in finalizing these punitive measures aimed at bringing them
to the table.
It is this course of action that will be necessary to erase once and
for all our fears of a nuclear-armed Iran and the destabilizing impact
this might have in an already volatile region.
Lastly, Mr. Speaker, as a passionate advocate throughout my career
for the cause of nuclear non-proliferation, I hope we can also take
this opportunity to recognize and act upon our own commitments as a
nuclear power to take meaningful steps toward nuclear disarmament and
the realization of world free from the threat of nuclear weapons.
Mr. HOLT. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the Comprehensive
Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act. The United States
does not deny Iran's lawful right to peacefully explore technologies
for nuclear power, but the Iranian regime has provided just cause for
skepticism about the peaceful nature of its nuclear ambitions. There is
an international consensus that Iran should not attain nuclear weapons
capability--a circumstance that unquestionably would accelerate a
nuclear arms race in the Middle East, threatening both regional
stability and the security of the United States.
For over a year and a half, the United States and the international
community have worked diligently to achieve a diplomatic resolution to
the Iranian regime's reckless pursuit of nuclear weapons. Yet the
Iranian leadership remains defiant and shows no signs of substantive
cooperation. Their actions have left us little choice but to pursue
additional measures to persuade the regime that it must live up to its
obligations to the international community by suspending its uranium
enrichment program and verifiably ending any pursuit of nuclear
weapons.
Recently, the United Nations imposed new sanctions on the Government
of Iran. The United States joined the European Union and others in
taking immediate steps to implement these measures in a way that is
consistent with existing law. Now Congress will provide the
Administration with new tools that will allow the United States to
augment these multilateral efforts.
This legislation will broaden the list of sanctionable activities and
provide new mechanisms for the U.S. to sanction responsible entities.
Any banks, companies, or other institutions that support Iran's refined
petroleum sector or engage in transactions with Islamic Revolutionary
Guard Corps (IRGC) or other blacklisted Iranian institutions will face
stiff penalties and be prevented from doing business in the United
States. State and local governments will have clear authorization to
divest from entities that engage in business with Iran, and private
asset managers will be able to undertake similar divestment without
fear of breaching their fiduciary responsibilities. The Director of
National Intelligence will be required to prepare a list of governments
that allow re-export, trans-shipment, transfer, re-transfer, or
diversion to Iran of goods or services that could be used for terrorism
or the production of weapons of mass destruction. The U.S. will work
with these governments to strengthen their export control systems, and
the President will be required to impose new restrictions on those that
fail to improve their actions.
While I believe it is necessary for the U.S. to enact these tough new
measures as quickly as possible, it is important to remember that by
themselves, they will not be effective. Sanctions are blunt
instruments. They rarely

[[Page H4853]]

change the behavior of intransigent regimes, but they often harm
innocent citizens. I am pleased that this legislation was crafted
carefully to target the IRGC and the leadership of Iran, rather than
the Iranian people.
The United States continues to stand with those in Iran who oppose
human rights abuses and fight for a government that is truly
representative of the peoples' will. That is why this legislation
explicitly exempts software and services for personal communication and
internet access from the general prohibition against exports to Iran.
In addition, Iranians who perpetrated or were complicit in human rights
abuses against other Iranians on or after June 12, 2009 will be subject
to strict new visa, property, and financial sanctions.
It is equally important to note that this legislation makes clear
that the United States stands ready to lift the new sanctions and
engage Iran in a productive dialogue if the regime stops threatening
its neighbors and verifiably abandons its pursuit of weapons of mass
destruction. Until that day comes, the United States will continue to
take action to convince the Iranian leadership that this is the only
viable choice. Achieving that goal is the central purpose of this
legislation.
Ms. JENKINS. Mr. Speaker, there is no doubt Iran is working right now
to acquire nuclear weapons. We must stop them.
The underlying bill if passed and strongly enforced by our President
would impose smart crippling sanctions on Iran's nuclear program and
would make it drastically more difficult for Iran to continue its
illegal nuclear dealings.
Make no mistake Iran's development of nuclear weapons threatens not
only our friend Israel and the Middle East it threatens the entire
world.
I urge my colleagues to support the underlying bill to impose
sanctions and to stand for the safety and security of freedom loving
nations around the world.
Mr. BACA. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to address the House
for one minute.
I rise to support the passage of the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions,
Accountability and Divestment Act.
Since 1995, many U.S. regulations have been enacted to pressure Iran
to restrict its nuclear fantasies. Previous to this Act none of those
regulations had sufficient bite nor adherence.
The Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran, if allowed on its
present course, could be in the possession of a nuclear weapon in less
than a year. Severe restrictions must be imposed on foreign financial
institutions who enable this regime to pursue its nuclear aspirations.
Nuclear terrorism is one of the greatest threats to American
security. Keeping the bomb from Iran is absolutely critical to
international peace and stability.
Iran has repeatedly snubbed their nose at International Atomic Energy
inspectors. The government's serial deception in declaring their
nuclear intentions has gone unchecked for too long. We cannot allow
Iranian leaders to gain more time.
In addition to strengthening and expanding the trade embargo this
comprehensive, results-oriented legislation provides for strict
economic consequences to those who assist in Iran's human rights
violations against its own people. It penalizes those who suppress
freedom of religion and speech in Iran and the entities that aid them.
This legislation would be in effect until the day our President
certifies to Congress that Iran is no longer a designated state-sponsor
of terrorism, has ceased gross violations of the Nuclear Non-
Proliferation Treaty, and given up its unrelenting pursuit of ballistic
missile, biological and chemical weapon capability.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me in unwavering support of
the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act of
2010.
Ms. SCHWARTZ. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the Iran
Sanctions Act. This legislation makes clear to the Government of Iran
that we will not tolerate their continued illicit pursuit of nuclear
weapons or their support for terrorism. Supported by the ongoing
multilateral efforts of the United Nations Security Council and the
European Union, these tough sanctions are intended to put greater
pressure on Iran to change their behavior.
President Obama will now have a range of new options to deal with the
threats posed by Iran. Expanding upon previous sanctions, this
legislation imposes a wide array of tough new economic, energy and
financial sanctions. These sanctions target businesses involved in
refined petroleum sales and those that support Iran's domestic refining
efforts, as well as international banking institutions involved with
the Iranian Revolutionary Guard, nuclear program or support terrorism.
Preventing Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons is one of our
paramount national security priorities. Nor can we allow their flagrant
support of international terrorism continue unabated. Strong sanctions
and enforcement of those sanctions make it clear that Iran must change
its conduct now.
Mrs. MALONEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise to express my strong support for
H.R. 2194, a powerful package of sanctions against Iran. These new
measures increase pressure on Iran to do the right thing and put an end
to its sponsorship of terrorism and its efforts to acquire nuclear
weapons. I am pleased that the United States has worked with the United
Nations to secure multilateral sanctions, but the United States should
also be increasing pressure on Iran by implementing the sensible,
targeted sanctions contained in this bill.
This conference report contains a package of sanctions that ups the
ante on Iran's trading partners, making it clear that doing business
with Iran has a price. It targets Iran's energy and banking sectors,
and imposes sanctions on foreign companies that are supplying energy
and know-how to Iran. It allows the government to restrict access to
America for the purposes of banking, foreign exchange and property
investment. It requires companies seeking procurement contracts to
certify that they are not engaging in sanctionable conduct. The
executive branch will have to report sanctionable activity and must
either implement sanctions or waive them. Our sanctions will no longer
be tough on paper and weak in implementation. Iran can secure an end to
them at any time by ending its sponsorship of terrorism and by ending
its quest to develop or acquire nuclear, biological, and chemical
weapons and ballistic missiles and ballistic-missile launch technology.
Iran has shown, time and time again, that it is determined to acquire
nuclear weapons. Earlier this week, Reuters reported that Iran has
enriched 17 kilograms of uranium to 20 percent purity, and that this is
a significant step toward the 90 percent enrichment required for
weapons-grade uranium. In April, Iran unveiled a third generation of
centrifuges and has indicated that the testing phase is nearly complete
and that its scientists are working on a fourth generation. It is clear
that Iran is racing toward its goal of becoming a nuclear nation.
Iran has also been one of the chief state sponsors of terrorism,
sending funding, weapons and know-how to terrorist organizations like
Hamas and Hezbollah. These organizations specifically target civilian
populations and have no compunctions against lobbing missiles at homes,
schools, hospitals and nursing homes. There are reports that Iran has
backed militants in Somalia, Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere. Iran's
leaders have also targeted their own people, viciously putting down the
fledgling democratic movement last year and working to restrict
communication among its own people. I am pleased that these sanctions
specifically ban procurement contracts to any foreign company that
exports to Iran technology used to restrict the free flow of
information or to disrupt, monitor, or otherwise restrict freedom of
speech. We must do everything we can to persuade Iran to change its
reckless course.
A nuclear Iran will be dangerous for the entire world. Iran has been
most outspoken in its threats against Israel, but Israel is not the
only Middle Eastern nation with reason to fear a nuclear Iran. There is
longstanding tension between Shi'ite Iran and its Sunni neighbors. Some
argue--because Iran's President has threatened to wipe Israel off the
map and Iran has provided weapons and resources to terrorist
organizations that are actively trying to accomplish that aim--that
America is acting solely to help Israel. And indeed, when Iran
threatens to annihilate Israel, I think we should take it at its word,
and should assume that it intends to use its nuclear weapons to turn
its threat into a reality. But, these sanctions are also necessary
because a nuclear Iran threatens all of its neighbors and it has been
exporting terrorism to a wide range of nations around the globe.
I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting the conference report
for H.R. 2194, and in voting to increase pressure on Iran to turn from
this dangerous path. These sanctions are a reasonable and necessary
augmentation of existing restrictions and an additional means to put
pressure on a state that seems intent on exporting terror and death
throughout the world.
Mr. KUCINICH. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to the
conference report on H.R. 2194, the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions,
Accountability, and Divestment Act of 2010. Despite the inclusion of
provisions in this legislation that would improve internet access and
target violators of human rights, the bill will inflict severe economic
hardship on the Iranian people and have no impact on the Iranian
government. I oppose nuclear proliferation for military purposes for
all countries and believe that sanctions have proven to be a failed
policy.
The stated purpose of this legislation is to persuade the Iranian
government to halt their nuclear program. Broad sanctions can only
serve to further isolate Iran from the international community and
cause them to be increasingly secretive. The sanctions play directly
into the hands of the Iranian government

[[Page H4854]]

and directly undermine the efforts of the Iranian people who have
courageously challenged their government--often at the cost of their
lives.
The United States was unable to come to a resolution with Iran over
its nuclear program, partly due to the fact that during negotiations,
Iran was threatened with sanctions regardless of negotiations. At the
core of the failure of negotiations was mistrust. Turkey and Brazil
accomplished something the United States was unable to do in their
diplomatic negotiations with Iran over a nuclear fuel swap--broker a
deal based on trust. Unfortunately, the Administration missed the
opportunity to capitalize on this significant breakthrough in
negotiations.
It is my hope that it will not take the impending suffering of the
Iranian people at the hands of U.S.-imposed sanctions to wake us up to
the need to significantly change our diplomatic engagement with Iran.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 2194, the
Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act.
Under its current leadership, Iran is a threat--to the United States,
to its neighbors, and to global stability. Stopping the Iranian regime
from acquiring nuclear weapons is a top priority of this Administration
and Congress.
Building on the momentum of the recent adoption of UN Security
Council Resolution 1929, this bill will impose punitive sanctions to
immediately squeeze the Iranian regime in an effort to force change in
their reckless behavior.
With the passage of H.R. 2194, we send a clear message backed by
tough sanctions: investing in Iran's energy sector, conducting business
with Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps, or facilitating investments that
support Iran's illicit nuclear program have severe consequences.
Penalties and travel restrictions on Iran's human rights abusers and
new sanctions in the banking and financial sector will further isolate
the Iranian government, increasing the cost to Iran's leaders for their
nuclear ambitions.
I thank the gentleman from California for his efforts, and I urge my
colleagues to vote in support of this bill.
Mr. NADLER of New York. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the
conference report on H.R. 2194, the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions,
Accountability, and Divestment Act of 2010.
There is perhaps no greater threat to the peace and security of the
world today than Iran. It supports terrorism and funds terrorist
groups. And, it is bent on increasing its power and influence in the
strategically important region of the Middle East.
In particular, Iran presents an existential threat to Israel, one of
our closest allies. Its leader, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, is a
holocaust denier who has threatened to wipe Israel off of the map.
As such, the consequences of Iran developing or otherwise obtaining
nuclear weapons would be dire. It instantly would further destabilize
the Middle East and potentially lead to a nuclear arms race there.
Moreover, unlike with other countries where nuclear deterrence has
worked, it may not with Iran. Its leaders have proven themselves to
hold views that are extreme, irrational, and fundamentalist, and who
knows for what crazy reasons they would hold the world hostage and risk
their own annihilation. These leaders also could share nuclear
materials or weapons with terrorists bent on killing innocent people
here and around the world, like Al Qaeda. We cannot let Iran have that
power.
This threat from Iran has been building for years, but,
unfortunately, during the previous Administration, very little was done
about it. While the rhetoric of former President George W. Bush was
tough on Iran, the reality was much different. For 8 years, they
dithered while Iran built its nuclear capacity.
President Obama recognized the danger from Iran and immediately
adopted a sensible policy of big sticks and big carrots. We began by
engaging with the Iranian regime, a necessary part of any sensible
strategy. Not only are discussions a worthy first step, they are
necessary if for no other reason than to explain to your adversary the
severe consequences of their continuing to be a threat to peace. We
also need to start with negotiations to show that we tried and thus lay
the foundation for strong efforts down the road, should they be needed.
Unfortunately, Iran rejected these diplomatic overtures and continues
to loudly defy the international community.
Therefore, we must ratchet up our economic pressure. That is exactly
what we are doing. Thanks to the leadership of President Obama and
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, the United States was able to
convince other nations to adopt new sanctions on Iran. These sanctions,
adopted by the United Nations Security Council, will further isolate
Iran from the world economy and, as they are multilateral, represent
the optimum mechanism for economic pressure.
Of course, we also can bring the economic might of the United States
to bear, and that is what we are doing today with H.R. 2194. This
conference report contains a vast array of provisions which will put a
significant squeeze on Iran. For example, it imposes sanctions on
companies that sell refined petroleum products to Iran, targeting a key
weakness of the Iranian regime. It punishes foreign banks that support
Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps, cutting off its funding. It
authorizes state and local governments to divest investments from firms
supporting Iran's energy sector and better enables other investment
managers from similarly divesting funds.
Implementing these and the other sanctions in the conference report
on H.R. 2194 is a critical next step in stopping Iran from becoming a
nuclear power. While military options always remain on the table, we do
not want to reach a situation where the choice is between having to
engage militarily and allowing Iran to have nuclear weapons. Either of
those two options is racked with problems, and so we must do all we can
to see that it does not come to that.
I want to thank Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Howard Berman and
all other Members who worked so hard on putting this legislation
together. Like Chairman Berman and others in Congress, I have
endeavored to make sure that the threat from Iran is recognized and
dealt with. Those of us who care deeply about this issue know that for
the safety of Israel, the United States, and the entire world, we must
act and we must act now.
I encourage all Members to support this conference report.
Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support for the bill and
I offer my congratulations to the Chairman of the Foreign Affairs
Committee, and to all my fellow conferees on what is a remarkable piece
of legislation.
This bill has teeth, real teeth, great big nasty sharp teeth that are
finally going to force businesses and banks around the world to choose
between access to the American economy and financial system, or
business as usual with Iran's theocratic dictatorship.
This bill has real sanctions; not maybe sanctions, not sort-a
sanctions, real sanctions. This bill has real sanctions investigation
requirements; not maybe we'll look into it, not we'll try to get to it
when we can, but a clear legal requirement to investigate potential
violations. This bill creates legal safe harbor for the potential
divestment of billions of dollars of equity from companies that
continue to do business in Iran, the world-capital of state-sponsored
terrorism. This bill has real sanctions on Iran's energy sector and all
the things that keep it alive and allow it to operate. This bill will
force new requirements on U.S. banks to keep Iran's blood-tainted money
from being laundered by the international financial system.
This bill imposes sanctions on those in Iran responsible for human
rights violations and those companies that facilitate Iranian state
repression. America will not merely bear witness to the brave struggle
of the people of Iran to be free; we choose to stand with the Iranian
people against the jackboot of the ayatollah's tyranny.
This bill will force action to close loopholes abroad that have
allowed Iran to import, smuggle and altogether befuddle international
efforts to keep dangerous technologies out of their malicious hands.
With this bill there will be no more blind eyes for allies; no more
sleeping at the export control switch.
In short, this is a bill that forces the question: will the world
watch passively as Iran crosses the nuclear arms threshold, or will we
join together to squeeze, wrangle, coerce, and compel Iran to pull back
from the nuclear brink?
Iran's nuclear program is the greatest threat to peace and security
in the Middle East and throughout the world. We know it. Our allies in
Europe know it. Russia and China know it. All the Arab states know it.
Successful nuclear proliferation by Iran would likely mean the collapse
of the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, the onset of a mad rush for
nuclear arms in the Middle East and a vastly increased possibility of
the unimaginable horror of nuclear arms being used.
This bill is also a triumph for the Leadership of this Congress and
for the Obama Administration. For the entirety of their eight years,
the previous Administration talked tough while the Iranian nuclear
program went from crawling to walking; from walking to running; and
from running to sprinting towards a nuclear bomb. The rhetoric was
always very fierce, the results were always very flaccid. The previous
Republican-controlled Congresses, though no less aware of the looming
danger following the revelation of Iran's uranium enrichment program in
2002, also said all the right things, but somehow--somehow--never got
around to passing this bill or one like it.
Look at who's in charge today. Look at who is going to get this bill
done with broad bipartisan support. Look at who just put Iran's energy
sector under the gun. Look at who just

[[Page H4855]]

closed the investigations loophole and the diversion loophole. Look at
who just imposed unprecedented energy, banking, and finance sector
sanctions. Look at who just imposed human rights sanctions on Iran's
regime of thugs.
Look also at who just got Russia and China to join with the
international community in passing the toughest ever UN Security
Council sanctions on Iran; sanctions that authorize the inspection of
Iranian ships; that impose major new restrictions on Iranian banking,
finance, shipping, and arms transactions; and that designates the
Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps and key Iranian firms and figures
associated with proliferation for additional penalties. Two years ago
if someone had suggested the Security Council would have adopted these
positions, they would have been taken away in a straitjacket. Today
it's reality.
The cowboy rhetoric and the contempt for diplomacy are gone. But the
results, which are what actually matters, are compelling. Just as we in
Congress have come together to pass this historic legislation, the
Obama Administration has rallied the world to stand against Iran's
nuclear ambitions. Results matter.
We can not guarantee the success of these measures. Ultimately, the
choice lies with the regime in Tehran to decide what price they're
prepared to pay to sustain their illicit nuclear activities. But it
should be clear that we are doing all that we can to impose on Iran the
highest possible costs for its defiance and that we are demonstrating,
by our actions and by our efforts, the depth of our commitment to
peacefully ending Iran's illegal nuclear activities.
We are trying diplomacy. We are trying unilateral sanctions. We are
trying multilateral sanctions. We are trying our utmost to avoid making
conflict inevitable. But there should be no question about the absolute
determination of the United States to prevent Iran from acquiring the
capability to produce nuclear weapons.
Iran can not and must not be allowed to cross the threshold of
nuclear arms. They can stop their program, or it can be stopped by
others. And it would be far, far better if they stopped their nuclear
program themselves. The United States and the other P5+1 nations have
all made clear the benefits Iran would gain if it made this choice. The
United Nations and the Congress today are showing Iran the rising costs
and growing isolation it will endure if its behavior doesn't change.
Iran's illicit nuclear activities and programs must stop. Above all
other considerations, above all other costs, without any doubt or
uncertainty, Iran's nuclear arms program must be stopped. It must be
stopped.
Mr. CAMP. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this conference
agreement.
I am deeply concerned that Iran continues to pursue nuclear
capabilities in defiance of the international community. Such actions
pose a profound threat to our national security interests.
I have repeatedly supported efforts to give U.S. Presidents the tools
and capabilities needed to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons
and engaging in terrorism, and I continue to do so today through this
conference agreement.
In pursuing the critical goal of preventing Iran's nuclear
proliferation, I am pleased that the conference agreement expands the
sanctions available to the President to include refined petroleum
resources. In addition, the severe financial restrictions imposed under
this agreement will prevent banks from doing business with blacklisted
Iranian entities.
However, while domestic sanctions are critical, it is also important
that our allies participate in an international coalition so that
combating Iran's nuclear proliferation is a powerful multilateral
effort. This conference agreement encourages this vital endeavor.
The original House bill, like other Iran sanctions bills that have
preceded it in this chamber, was referred to the Ways & Means
Committee. I am pleased that as a conferee, I have been able to work
with my colleagues on the Foreign Affairs Committee to address the
issues in our jurisdiction in a way that maintains the strength of the
bill. This has been a bipartisan and productive effort resulting in a
robust agreement that takes powerful action against Iran, gives the
Administration the best chance at continuing to cultivate and maintain
international multilateral pressure, and is consistent with our trade
obligations.
I thank Chairman Levin for his valuable efforts, as well as Chairman
Berman and Ranking Member Ros-Lehtinen, in achieving this exemplary
outcome and urge my colleagues to support this conference agreement.
Mrs. MILLER of Michigan. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support
of this legislation because nuclear weapons in the hands of the Iranian
regime is simply unacceptable.
Iran is a state sponsor of terror.
Iranian leaders have continually denied the Holocaust while
expressing the desire to commit a second Holocaust through the
destruction of Israel, our most important ally in the Middle East.
To that we must say ``Never Again.''
The chant of ``Death to America'' is seemingly the official slogan of
this Iranian regime.
Those who would seek to profit by helping the Iranian regime to
develop nuclear weapons or to suppress the people of Iran will no
longer be able to do business with the United States or have access to
our nation's financial system.
These sanctions are real and they have teeth.
We must send a clear and decisive message to the Iran and the world
community that America is serious in our effort to deny Iran nuclear
weapons.
To accomplish that we must pass these sanctions.
Mr. GALLEGLY. Mr. Speaker, I support targeted sanctions against the
government of Iran in an effort to stop the Iranian regime's pursuit of
nuclear weapons. For this reason, I voted in favor of the Conference
Report on the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and
Divestment Act on the floor of the House today. The effectiveness of
this legislation will now depend on whether the sanctions are
forcefully implemented by the Obama Administration. I urge the
President to work closely with our allies and use all the tools
provided by the Act to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear
capability.
Ms. SCHAKOWSKY. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the
conference report on H.R. 2194, the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions,
Accountability, and Divestment Act.
I would like to thank Chairman Berman for introducing this
legislation, of which I am a cosponsor, and for his tireless work in
support of halting Iranian aggression.
Iran's nuclear ambitions not only pose a critical threat to the
security of our close ally, Israel, but they also threaten the
stability of the entire Middle East region and the world. As we saw
clearly last summer, the Iranian regime suppresses democracy and
violates human rights at home, and they continue to sponsor terrorist
organizations abroad. The bottom line is this: Iran must not be allowed
to develop nuclear weapons.
This legislation builds on recent multilateral sanctions negotiated
by President Obama. After strong leadership by the Obama
Administration, the U.N. Security Council recently passed
internationally-binding sanctions against Iran's banking, finance,
shipping, and energy sectors, as well as against Iran's Islamic
Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). The bill we are considering today
will augment and strengthen those ongoing multilateral efforts.
This bill expands the current U.S. sanctions regime to target
entities involved in selling refined petroleum to Iran or in aiding
Iran's domestic refining efforts, as well financial institutions doing
business with blacklisted Iranian entities. It provides a legal
framework under which state and local governments can divest their
portfolios of foreign companies involved in Iran's energy sector.
Mr. Speaker, time is not on our side, and Iran continues to progress
toward nuclear weapons capabilities. This legislation contains the most
comprehensive package of Iran sanctions ever considered by Congress,
and it will give us a full range of economic tools to immediately apply
strong pressure on the Iranian regime to abandon the pursuit of nuclear
weapons.
This legislation sends a clear message to Tehran that the regime's
nuclear program, human rights record, and support for terrorists are
unacceptable. I strongly urge my colleagues to join me in support of
this important legislation.
Mr. BERMAN. I yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the
gentleman from California (Mr. Berman) that the House suspend the rules
and agree to the conference report on the bill, H.R. 2194.
The question was taken.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds
being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.
Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX and the
Chair's prior announcement, further proceedings on this motion will be
postponed.

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