[Congressional Record Volume 156, Number 96 (Thursday, June 24, 2010)]
[House]
[Pages H4841-H4851]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                              {time}  1730
     CONFERENCE REPORT ON H.R. 2194, COMPREHENSIVE IRAN SANCTIONS, 
               ACCOUNTABILITY, AND DIVESTMENT ACT OF 2010

  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the

[[Page H4842]]

conference report on the bill (H.R. 2194) to amend the Iran Sanctions 
Act of 1996 to enhance United States diplomatic efforts with respect to 
Iran by expanding economic sanctions against Iran.
  The Clerk read the title of the bill.
  (For conference report and statement, see proceedings of the House of 
June 23, 2010, at page H4751.)
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Berman) and the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-
Lehtinen) each will control 20 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California.


                             General Leave

  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may 
have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include 
extraneous material on the bill under consideration.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from California?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to extend the period 
of debate on this conference report by 10 minutes, 5 minutes on each 
side, equally divided between the ranking member and myself.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from California?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 4 minutes.
  The conference agreement for H.R. 2194 is by far the most 
comprehensive Iran sanctions legislation Congress has ever passed. This 
legislation greatly strengthens our Nation's overall sanctions regime 
regarding Iran, enhances the prospect that we will be able to dissuade 
Tehran from pursuing its nuclear ambitions in blatant defiance of the 
international community as reaffirmed once again this month in U.N. 
Security Council Resolution 1929.
  Like the House bill passed in December, the conference agreement 
imposes sanctions on foreign entities that sell refined petroleum to 
Iran or assist Iran with its domestic refining capacity. It also plugs 
a critical gap in our sanctions regime by imposing sanctions on foreign 
entities that sell Iran goods or services that help it develop its 
energy sector.
  Some believe that Iran has prepared itself for tougher energy 
sanctions by reducing its dependence on the import of refined 
petroleum. To ensure that our sanctions are as effective as possible, 
we added a potent new financial measure in conference that, if applied 
effectively by the administration, has the potential to be a game-
changer. That provision sanctions foreign banks that deal with Iran's 
Revolutionary Guard Corps or other blacklisted Iranian institutions, 
including Iranian banks involved with WMD or terrorism. Foreign banks 
involved in facilitating such activities would be shut out of the U.S. 
financial system, and U.S. banks would not be allowed to deal with 
them.
  The conference report also requires the executive branch to pursue 
all credible evidence of sanctionable activity. We have been profoundly 
unhappy over the years that successive administrations failed to 
implement the 1996 Iran Sanctions Act. Our bill will also put an end to 
the absurd practice of the U.S. Government awarding contracts to 
companies engaged in sanctionable activity. In addition, the 
legislation imposes penalties on Iran's human rights abusers and 
sanctions foreign entities that provide Iran with the means to stifle 
freedom of expression. This portion of the bill will absolutely not 
terminate until Iran unconditionally releases all political prisoners, 
ends unlawful detention, torture, and abuse of citizens engaged in 
peaceful activity, and punishes the abusers.
  Finally, the conference agreement will help empower Iran's democratic 
opposition by exempting from our embargo the transfer of technologies 
that can help them overcome the regime's apparatus of oppression.
  I don't know if sanctions will work in bringing Iran's leadership to 
its senses. But I do know this: doing nothing certainly won't work. In 
light of Iran's rapid progress toward achieving a nuclear weapons 
capability, Tehran's repeated rejection of President Obama's diplomatic 
overtures, the measures in this conference agreement, if implemented 
effectively by the administration, are our best and, I believe, only 
hope for a positive and peaceful resolution of the nuclear issue.
  The two alternatives to strong sanctions are both horrible and 
horrifying--either employing the military option or, even worse, 
accepting the inevitability of Iran as a nuclear power.
  The U.S. Congress needs to do everything it can to ensure we avoid 
both of these miserable results. We have taken some steps in the past, 
but we can do far more today by voting to pass the enhanced sanctions 
in H.R. 2194.
  I reserve the balance of my time.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Throughout history, there have been many examples of states that were 
openly targeted by rising enemies but which failed to take effective 
action to prevent a potential threat from becoming a mortal one. This 
is at the crux of today's debate. The Congress will be sending to the 
President a long list of sanctions for him to implement. If all are 
implemented vigorously, this legislation could constitute decisive 
action to compel the Iranian regime to end its nuclear weapons pursuit, 
to end its chemical and biological weapons and missile programs, to end 
its state sponsorship of global jihadists; and in doing so, cease being 
a significant threat to our Nation, to our interests, and to our 
important critical allies, such as the democratic Jewish State of 
Israel.
  If, as successive U.S. administrations have done, the sanctions are 
ignored, then we will have failed the American people. The Iranian 
regime has been constructing the means to make nuclear weapons, along 
with the missiles with which to strike other countries, for decades. 
Fifteen years ago, the U.S. took the lead to stop Iran. The U.S. 
demonstrated its commitment by withdrawing from commercial activities 
involving this rogue state. Congress then enacted the Iran Sanctions 
Act, hoping to use it as leverage for cooperation from our allies in 
preventing the Iranian threat from escalating.
  The 1996 law sought consultations first, but called for the 
imposition of sanctions unless allied governments had ``taken specific 
and effective actions, including, as appropriate, the imposition of 
penalties to terminate the involvement'' of their nationals in the 
sanctionable activity.
  But as the Iranian threat has grown, our allies have taken very 
limited steps regarding Iran. The international community has merely 
supported tepid U.N. Security Council resolutions that impose modest 
sanctions on the regime while restating the willingness to engage in 
negotiations and offer concessions to Tehran. Some countries have 
actively opposed placing any punitive measures on the Iranian regime 
despite the fact that its violations of its international obligations 
have been repeatedly demonstrated by the International Atomic Energy 
Agency. Russia and China, in particular, have acted as surrogates for 
Iran and have watered down every proposed Security Council resolution. 
The regime in Tehran has reason to be grateful for their efforts and 
their tireless work on their behalf. How sad.
  Now the U.S. has chosen to reward the likes of Russia by removing 
sanctions on entities assisting the Iranian nuclear and missile 
programs and offering the Russian Federation a nuclear cooperation 
agreement on the same day that the Russian president offered the same 
nuclear deal to the Syrian regime.
  We are at a defining moment, Mr. Speaker. The opportunity we have 
before us in the form of this conference report may well prove to be 
one of our last best hopes to force Iran to end its nuclear weapons 
program and its policies that threaten our security.
  When appointed as a conferee for this bill, my goal was for the final 
product to have a comprehensive crippling sanction policy targeting the 
Iranian regime. In principle, this conference report is a step forward. 
It expands the types of sanctions and the range of actors and 
activities to be sanctioned in an effort to strike at the Iranian 
regime's key vulnerabilities, especially its dependence on refined 
petroleum. The most important are a set of financial measures that, if 
implemented, would force foreign financial institutions to choose 
between doing business with Iran or with us in the United

[[Page H4843]]

States. It also increases penalties on violators.
  Unfortunately, this act also contains a key element that could 
significantly undercut its effectiveness, multiple exceptions and 
waivers for the President and executive branch officials.

                              {time}  1740

  That means by a stroke of a pen, substantive provisions can be 
transformed into mere recommendations or options. We must not allow 
this to happen.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. 
Kirk).
  Mr. KIRK. I thank the ranking member for yielding.
  I also want to thank my colleague, Rob Andrews, because we wrote the 
first version of this legislation in 2005. It has been 5 years of work. 
I want to commend the chairman for bringing it to the floor. I have a 
prepared statement I will insert in the Record with one simple 
statement: Mr. President, sign this bill and then seal off Iran's gas. 
That is the best way to empower diplomacy. The gasoline sanction is the 
only sanction which has a chance of working. This legislation has 
overwhelming bipartisan consensus, already supported by 512 Members of 
Congress to back this. And I want to really thank my original partner 
on this, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews).
  Mr. Speaker, as the Iranians accelerate their nuclear program, what 
are our options?
  We know Iran's greatest weakness: its dependence on foreign gasoline. 
Despite being a leading OPEC oil exporter, Iran has grossly mishandled 
its economy since 1979 and is now forced to import the bulk of its 
domestic supply.
  Realizing this crucial vulnerability, I wrote the first gasoline 
sanctions resolution with my colleague Congressman Rob Andrews in 2005. 
Over time, my colleagues and I built a bipartisan, bicameral 
congressional coalition with Congressman Sherman, Senator Kyl and 
Senator Lieberman behind a policy of ending Iranian gasoline sales.
  After 5 years, Congress finally considers our gasoline restriction 
legislation today. It comes not a moment too soon. According to 
experts, Iran has managed to reduce its dependence on foreign gasoline 
over the last 4 years. As the Washington Post reports today, Iran spent 
more than $10 billion since 2008 to boost its strategic reserves.
  In going down the failed path of diplomacy without crippling 
sanction, we are losing critical leverage to halt Iranian progress 
toward a nuclear bomb.
  For the bill before us to be effective, it must be vigorously 
enforced. No administration has ever enforced the Iran Sanctions Act, 
passed more than a decade ago. According to the Congressional Research 
Service, at least 20 companies are currently violating the 1996 law.
  I thank Chairman Berman and Ranking Member Ros-Lehtinen for their 
leadership on this issue. Now it's time for all of us to join together 
in a clear bipartisan call: Mr. President, sign it and seal it. Sign 
this bill and seal off Iran's gasoline.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the 
gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Skelton), the chairman of the Armed 
Services Committee.
  Mr. SKELTON. I thank the gentleman from California for yielding to 
me.
  I rise in strong support of this bill. This bill is a good bill, and 
I urge my colleagues to support it. In my capacity as chairman of the 
House Armed Services Committee, I am very familiar with the potential 
threat posed by the Iranian nuclear weapons program to the United 
States and to our allies.
  An Iran armed with nuclear weapons and the missiles to deliver them, 
governed by fanatics, would pose a grave threat to the United States, 
our troops in the region, and our allies, particularly Israel. That is 
why it is so important we pass this bill.
  This administration has taken significant steps to dissuade Iran from 
heading down the path of developing nuclear weapons. President Obama 
pushed sanctions through the United Nations Security Council and 
developed a new missile defense program in Europe to show the Iranian 
government that their weapon programs cannot harm us, only themselves.
  The administration has made significant strides, but Congress can 
help those efforts, and this bill would sanction those companies that 
sell technology, services, or know-how to help Iran develop its energy 
sector. It would lock out of the United States market any bank that 
deals with the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps, the nuclear program, 
or terrorism. And it imposes penalties on those foreign entities which 
provide Iran with the ability to stifle freedom of speech.
  Mr. Speaker, these are real sanctions, targeted in the right way to 
hopefully head off a real threat. Sanctions are our best hope of 
dissuading Iran from developing nuclear weapons. We have reached out to 
them and tried to deal with them diplomatically, but they refused to 
deal openly and honestly. Sanctions are the right step to take at this 
time. I encourage my colleagues to vote in favor of this bill.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I proudly yield 3 minutes to the 
gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Cantor), the esteemed minority whip.
  Mr. CANTOR. I thank the gentlelady from Florida, and I commend her 
leadership as well as the gentleman from California in accomplishing 
this momentous feat of bringing this conference report to the floor, 
Mr. Speaker. I rise in favor of this conference report.
  Mr. Speaker, Winston Churchill famously said ``the price of greatness 
is responsibility.'' With each passing day, the ruling regime in Iran 
defiantly moves one step closer to acquiring nuclear weapons, a 
prospect that everyone knows would have fatal and irreparable 
consequences across the globe.
  As the free world's unparalleled moral, economic, and military power, 
we have a responsibility to provide strong leadership to head off the 
Iranian threat. It is time to see the Iranian regime not for what we 
wish it was, but for how it really is.
  Seventeen months of engagement has yielded us just one U.N. 
resolution, defanged by countries such as Russia and China. But it has 
yielded Tehran 18 critical months to ramp up uranium enrichment.
  Today this House will vote on the most sweeping and biting set of 
sanctions that Iran has yet to face. By penalizing international 
companies and banks that enrich the Iranian regime and thus enable its 
nuclear program, this legislation represents our strongest hope yet to 
bring peaceful resolution to this crisis.
  Mr. Speaker, Congress and the administration must resolve to do all 
we can to cut off Iran's economic lifeline.
  Once this legislation moves past Congress, the ball is in the White 
House's court. The ability to hold international companies accountable 
rests with the President. I urge him to sign the bill and immediately 
implement these tough sanctions.
  I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on this conference report.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 2 minutes to the 
chairman of the Middle East and South Asia Subcommittee, who has been a 
wonderful partner on this legislation, the gentleman from New York (Mr. 
Ackerman).
  Mr. ACKERMAN. I thank the chairman for his leadership.
  Mr. Speaker, this bill has teeth, real teeth, great big, nasty sharp 
teeth that are finally going to force businesses and banks around the 
world to choose between the American economy and financial system, or 
business as usual with Iran's theocratic dictatorship.
  This bill has real sanctions. Not maybe sanctions, not sort of 
sanctions, but real sanctions. This bill has real sanctions-
investigation requirements, not maybe we will look at it. And not, we 
will try to get to it when we can, but clear and legal requirements to 
investigate potential violations.
  In short, this is a bill that forces the question, will the world 
watch passively as Iran crosses the nuclear arms threshold, or will we 
join together to compel Iran to pull back from the nuclear brink?
  We cannot guarantee the success of these measures. Ultimately, the 
choices lie with the regime in Tehran. But it should be clear that we 
are doing all that we can to impose on Iran the highest possible costs 
for its defiance, that we are demonstrating by our actions and by our 
efforts the depths of our commitment to peacefully ending Iran's 
illegal nuclear activities.
  We are trying diplomacy. We are trying unilateral sanctions. We are 
trying multilateral sanctions. We are trying our utmost to avoid making 
conflict inevitable. But there should be no question about the absolute 
determination of the United States to prevent

[[Page H4844]]

Iran from acquiring the capability to produce nuclear weapons. Iran's 
illicit nuclear activities and programs must stop. Above all other 
considerations, above all other costs, without any doubt or 
uncertainty, Iran's nuclear program must be stopped. It must be 
stopped, and we begin that today.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I am so pleased to yield 3 minutes to 
the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Pence), the chairman of the House 
Republican Conference, a member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs and 
a House conferee on this measure.
  Mr. PENCE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished gentlelady for 
yielding and for her leadership on this important legislation.
  I also want to commend Chairman Berman, who worked in good faith on 
this legislation as well. It was an honor to serve on the conference 
committee, and I rise in support of the Iran Sanctions, Accountability, 
and Divestment Act.
  I believe this legislation is urgent, and it represents measurable 
and meaningful progress in the United States effort to economically and 
diplomatically isolate Iran in the midst of its headlong rush to obtain 
a usable nuclear weapon. It is important not only that we adopt the 
Iran sanctions bill today; it is important that this administration 
forcefully implement this legislation. We know the nature of the 
threat. Iran has made no secret of its intent to use nuclear weapons to 
threaten the United States and our allies.
  President Ahmadinejad said in 2005, humankind ``shall soon experience 
a world without the United States and without Zionism.'' Led by this 
anti-American, anti-Israel president, Iran has long associated with 
terrorist organizations, and this is the central point. Not only would 
this rogue regime come into possession of usable nuclear weapons should 
sanctions fail, but it would only be a matter of time before terrorist 
organizations around the world would have access to this technology. 
And that is unacceptable.

                              {time}  1750

  But as we adopt these important sanctions, a word of caution. As has 
been noted, these sanctions include a number of waivers demanded by the 
Obama administration. It is essential that the Obama administration 
carry out the clear congressional intent of passing crippling sanctions 
on the energy and financial sectors in Iran. As the joint explanatory 
statement provides, ``The effectiveness of this act will depend on its 
forceful implementation.''
  Iran could be merely months away from acquiring nuclear weapons. They 
continue to test vehicles that could deliver it. Now is the moment for 
decisive action by the Congress and decisive implementation. If we act 
and this administration forcefully implements these sanctions, we may 
yet see a future of security and peace in the Middle East. But if we 
fail to act, or if these sanctions are not forcefully implemented, 
history may well judge this Congress and this government in the harsh 
aftermath of a flash of light, a rush of wind, and a second historic 
tragedy. Let that not be the case. Let us act in concert today. Let us 
adopt these Iran sanctions. And, Mr. President, do not waive these 
sanctions.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 2 minutes to the 
chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee, a key member of the 
conference committee on this bill, a bill that has a number of areas 
within the jurisdiction of the Ways and Means Committee, my friend, the 
gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Levin).
  (Mr. LEVIN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks.)
  Mr. LEVIN. I want to congratulate Mr. Berman and the ranking member 
that this indeed is a critical achievement not only because it sends a 
clear and unambiguous message that Iran must end its pursuit of nuclear 
weapons, but because it provides the President with powerful tools to 
achieve this crucial objective.
  It will reinforce and enhance the administration's efforts regarding 
Iran. It provides the administration with a renewed mandate and 
substantial leverage to employ against the regime of Iran toward the 
goal of stopping its development of weapons of mass destruction and 
support of terrorism. What could be more important?
  It is also not only fundamentally in the national interest but in the 
interests of the international community. A nuclearized Iran that 
supports terrorism is simply unacceptable. And it's encouraging that 
the U.S. is not acting alone. The international community has spoken. 
Thanks to the administration's leadership, supported by this Congress 
and the support of key allies, the U.N. Security Council adopted 
expansive and severe sanctions on Iran. And this legislation builds off 
of the Security Council sanctions.
  Diplomacy and strong multilateral sanctions have been a critical part 
of this process. The more countries that participate in this mission, 
the more effective it will be. And this bill, thanks to the leadership 
here, has built on this essential premise.
  I look forward to the passage of this legislation, and I thank the 
administration for its leadership on this issue, and you, Mr. Chairman, 
for your tremendous work on moving this legislation forward.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman 
from Indiana (Mr. Burton), the ranking member of the Foreign Affairs 
Subcommittee on the Middle East and South Asia, as well as a House 
conferee on this important measure.
  Mr. BURTON of Indiana. Mr. Speaker, if I were talking to the 
President right now, I would remind him that Lord Chamberlain flew to 
Munich in the late thirties and signed an agreement with Herr Hitler 
that led to 60 million people being killed in World War II. Sixty 
million. We were not in the nuclear age at that time, but we still lost 
60 million people in this world. We are now in the nuclear age, and 
that's why this legislation is so important.
  There are waivers in this bill, and that really troubles me. I didn't 
want there to be any waivers in this conference report, but they are 
there. The President can waive these sanctions. And I would just like 
to say, if I were talking to the President, Look at history, Mr. 
President. Look at what happened because of a weak-kneed approach back 
in the late thirties that led to 60 million people dying in World War 
II, and don't let that happen now. We need to let Ahmadinejad and the 
leaders in Iran know that we mean business. And that means don't waive 
any of the sanctions we are passing here today. You have the authority, 
but don't do it. They are building a nuclear weapon. Everybody in the 
world knows it. And if a nuclear weapon is set off, millions will die, 
and it could lead to a conflagration that would be worldwide in scope.
  So I would just like to say there are problems with this bill. I 
would like to thank the chairman and the ranking member for the hard 
work they put into it. I wish those waivers weren't there, but they 
are. And so we are talking now, if I were talking to the President, 
that's what I would say to him. And I would also like to say, Don't let 
the Russians get away with continuing to give nuclear technology and 
other technology to the Iranians.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 4 minutes to my friend 
from Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer).
  Mr. BLUMENAUER. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  I rise in reluctant opposition, but I want to acknowledge the hard 
work of my friend and colleague, Chairman Berman, in piloting this 
legislation through difficult times. He made some important 
improvements, and I appreciate his willingness to delay final action 
while the administration negotiated far-reaching multinational 
sanctions against the Iranian regime.
  I'm also reluctant because I understand what animates this 
legislation. We are all appalled at the repressive behavior of the 
regime towards its own people, the destabilizing effort it has in the 
international arena, and we all recoil at the prospect of nuclear 
weapons falling in the hands of this regime.
  The problem is the legislation is not likely to accomplish these ends 
and poses problems for this--indeed, any--administration to be able to 
conduct the foreign policy of the United States. I would also oppose 
restrictions of this nature on the Clinton administration or the Bush 
administration.
  The irony is that Congress seeks to impose its will at exactly the 
time the

[[Page H4845]]

Obama administration has secured significant diplomatic success. I am 
concerned that enacting the legislation undercuts our credibility going 
forward.
  As long as the global economy runs on oil, Iran's massive reserves 
continue to make them a player. The world will buy their oil and the 
world will sell them refined oil products. Even with additional 
sanctions, the question is not ``will it work?'' but ``who is profiting 
and how?'' It stands likely that the Revolutionary Guard and countries 
like China will benefit, and not one member of the Iranian elite will 
lack for gasoline, while ordinary Iranians will go without. This is 
particularly counterproductive when one notes, by all accounts, that 
everyday Iranians still like Americans. Yet this legislation allows the 
regime to rally support by blaming the United States for hardships.
  They will use this as an opportunity to end their current 
unsustainable subsidies for petroleum products, which they would have 
been forced to do anyway, only now they get to blame America. This 
approach has been a failure in the past, notably with Cuba, where our 
unyielding aggressive sanctions policy, if anything, has propped up a 
regime that would have fallen into the dustbin of history years ago. 
They didn't stop North Korea from nuclear weapons. The sanctions policy 
against Iraq produced suffering for the people but made no difference 
to Saddam Hussein. Most recently, years of harsh sanctions in Gaza, 
much easier to enforce than against Iran, did not topple Hamas but 
strengthened it, while it created a very difficult humanitarian 
situation.
  This legislation will undoubtedly pass. While it makes some people 
feel better to seem like they are doing something, I strongly suspect 
it will have little constructive result on Iranian behavior--perhaps 
undercut support of the Iranian people for the United States and our 
principles--and is setting a precedent for Congress seeking to direct 
the conduct of American foreign policy. This goes beyond Republicans 
and Democrats, beyond the Obama administration. It's a path that I 
think we should all be reluctant to take, and it's why I am voting 
``no.''
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the 
gentleman from California, Mr. Ed Royce, the ranking member on the 
Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation and Trade, 
and a House conferee on this measure.
  Mr. ROYCE. I thank the gentlelady for yielding.
  And in response to the previous speaker, I will remind my colleagues 
that sanctions did work in South Africa, and that South Africa gave up 
its atomic weapons program.
  The threat, my friends, in Iran is crystal clear, and its regime 
closes in on a nuclear weapon. So a crystal clear response by us is 
urgent.
  While I support this bill, much of this legislation, unfortunately, 
is a muddle. Good sanctions, good sanctions in this bill are weakened 
by delays and by the possibility of waiver after waiver.

                              {time}  1800

  For this, the Obama administration gets the main blame. From the 
beginning, it has insisted on excessive leeway to implement new 
sanctions. It doesn't want to be forced into dramatic action. So, yes, 
we do provide the tools with this bill. They're in there. But there is 
little guarantee that those tools will be used.
  For example, the House-passed bill aimed to target Iran's energy 
sector. Yet with this conference report, a foreign oil company 
assisting Iran's petroleum sector could avoid even the investigation 
required to sanction it for at least 1 year. And the many companies 
from China and elsewhere rapidly building Iran's energy facilities 
today will be surely exempted from these sanctions.
  This report's aggressive financial sanctions rightly aim at Iran's 
Revolutionary Guard Corps. While important, they too can be waived. The 
so-called ``mandatory financial sanctions'' aren't even mandatory. This 
report does require a barrage of reports, certifications and other 
executive branch paper. Meanwhile, in the real world, Iran marches on.
  I would be less critical if the Obama administration, or if previous 
administrations, had applied a single sanction using existing Iran 
sanctions legislation. Instead, the Obama administration has naively 
given Iran time with its ``engagement policy.''
  I'll be supporting this bill because it does give the administration 
the tools should it wish to use those tools. More likely, it will have 
to be pressured into action.
  Mr. Speaker, even robust sanctions might not deter Iran from nuclear 
weapons. We need to give the intelligence community what it needs, 
strengthen our missile defense, target Iran's human rights abusers, and 
bolster its opposition movement. The clock is ticking.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 30 seconds.
  My friend from California raises, as others have, the issue of 
waivers. I just want to remind the body this legislation has increased 
the standard for waivers, tightened the situations when waivers can be 
given. And, remember, we're talking about a process I hope will be 
rarely used, and I think we have to push that notion. We're not talking 
about Ahmadinejad giving the waivers, the Supreme Leader giving the 
waivers, the violating company giving the waivers. We're talking about 
a President of the United States, hopefully quite rarely, utilizing the 
enhanced standard waiver authority, a President who has spent more time 
diplomatically and in every other way trying to estop Iran from 
achieving this goal than any other President in the history of this 
country has ever done.
  I'll stand with this legislation, with this authority, with this 
President as the toughest, most comprehensive sanctions ever on the 
Iran nuclear weapons program.
  I would now like to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New York, a 
key supporter of this legislation, the chairman of the Western 
Hemisphere Subcommittee, Eliot Engel.
  Mr. ENGEL. I thank my friend, Chairman Berman, for letting me speak; 
and I strongly support the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability 
and Divestment Act. I am a proud cosponsor of the bill. This is a 
bipartisan bill, as you can hear, and should be passed.
  Last fall, the world learned of the secret Iranian nuclear enrichment 
facility near the city of Qom. If there was ever any doubt that Iran 
was trying to build nuclear weapons, this revelation dispelled any 
shred of that doubt. We need strong sanctions on Iran to halt their 
development of nuclear weapons. Iran must not be allowed to have a 
nuclear bomb.
  I commend President Obama and Secretary Clinton for achieving a 
strong fourth round of U.N. sanctions against Iran and for bringing 
Russia and China on board.
  As chairman of the Western Hemisphere Subcommittee, I would like to 
call attention to the fact that Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez at one 
time agreed to provide 20,000 barrels per day of refined gasoline to 
Iran and to invest in the Iranian natural gas sector. Iran is an 
importer of refined gas, and this bill will hit them where it hurts in 
their energy and financial sectors.
  I would like to also express my support for section 110 of the bill 
which requires a report on other energy imports into Iran. The U.S. and 
Brazil are the world's largest ethanol producers, and I am glad to hear 
from Brazil's private ethanol producers that they have no plans to 
supply ethanol to Iran for blending into gasoline as they prefer to 
build a global export market, anchored by the large U.S. and European 
markets. That's why this bill is so important. We must continue to 
monitor this area as ethanol imports could undermine energy sanctions 
on Iran.
  The U.S., our allies, and the U.N. have recognized that a nuclear-
armed Iran would be a danger not only to our ally, Israel, but also to 
the entire Middle East and the nuclear nonproliferation regime and is 
unacceptable. When Ahmadinejad says he wants to wipe Israel off the 
face of the Earth, he means it. When he calls the U.S. the great Satan, 
he means it. We need this bill to hit them where it hurts, and I urge 
my colleagues to vote for this bill today.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I am proud to yield 2 minutes to the 
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Garrett), the ranking member on the 
Financial Services Subcommittee on

[[Page H4846]]

Capital Markets, Insurance, and Government Sponsored Enterprises, as 
well as a House conferee on this measure.
  Mr. GARRETT of New Jersey. I thank the gentlelady for yielding.
  For the past year, I have met with Iranian dissidents who continue to 
protest the presidential elections that occurred a little more than a 
year ago. Many of them have urged me to ensure that Congress enacts 
strong sanctions. We are all too well aware of the existential threat 
that a nuclear-powered Iran would be.
  Today we are about to pass a conference report that was supposed to 
protect Americans and our allies. Yet if that was our goal, I believe 
we only have partial success.
  As a conferee representing the Financial Services Committee, I do 
admit that the sanctions themselves have been improved. I was pleased 
to see that the legislation includes financial sanctions that would cut 
off the connections between the U.S. financial sector and foreign 
financial institutions that do business with Iran.
  Yes, the conference report does add additional types of sanctions, 
and it extends the range of current sanctions. But I remind my 
colleagues that these punishments are hardly crippling, they're hardly 
tough, they're hardly sweeping or even expanded if they are never 
enforced.
  Now, my colleagues on the other side of the aisle claim that this 
time they'll work. But let me remind them of a little bit of history. 
In 1996, Congress passed the original Iran sanctions legislation; but 
in the last 14 years, no President has imposed sanctions, even though 
he has had the authority from Congress to do so. In fact, only one 
investigation was ever initiated. I say that this conference report is 
really only a half measure, a half bill, because 50 percent of it 
depends on who? On President Obama's willingness to implement the 
sanctions and to do it quickly.
  This legislation does in fact have seven separate waivers which the 
President may invoke. In addition, there are three different waiver 
thresholds. The end result is that the President has the option of 
enforcing most of the punitive measures outlined in the report.
  Now, of course multiple Democrats have attempted to reassure me. They 
say that they will now pressure the President to implement the 
sanctions outlined in this legislation. But we've been hearing that for 
16 months. We've been told that the President's attempts to engage the 
U.N. about Iran would produce diplomatic gains. Yet the recently passed 
U.N. security resolution was hardly that significant of a success. 
Furthermore, President Obama himself recognized 2 weeks ago that, A, 
Iran concealed a nuclear enrichment facility; B, Iran further violated 
its own obligations; C, Iran is enriching uranium up to 20 percent.
  Mr. Speaker, for the past year, I have read about and met with 
Iranian dissidents who continue to protest the presidential elections 
that occurred a little more than a year ago. Many of them have urged me 
to work to ensure that Congress enacts strong sanctions. They say that 
they long to be free from the current regime, especially since they too 
are afraid of what would happen if Iran obtained a nuclear weapon.
  Today, we are about to pass a conference report that was supposed to 
protect Americans, our allies, and the Iranians who suffer under 
tyrannical leaders. Yet if this was our goal, I believe we can proclaim 
only partial success.
  As a conferee representing the Financial Services Committee, I do 
admit that the sanctions themselves have been improved. I was pleased 
to see that this legislation includes financial sanctions that would 
cut off the connection between the U.S. financial sector and foreign 
financial institutions that do business with iran's Islamic Guard Corps 
or Iranian banks under sanctions.
  In addition, it establishes a legal framework for U.S. states and 
local governments to divest from foreign businesses that have economic 
ties to the Iranian energy sector. I am also thankful for the provision 
that sanctions those who commit egregious human rights violations 
against the Iranian people.
  Yes, the conference report does add additional types of sanctions, 
and extends the range of current sanctions. But I remind my colleagues 
that these punishments are hardly ``crippling'' or ``tough'' or 
``sweeping'' or even ``expanded'' if they are never enforced.
  My colleagues on the opposite side of the aisle claim that this time 
sanctions will work. but I would like to remind them of a few 
historical facts:
  1. In 1996, Congress passed the original Iran Sanctions legislation.
  2. Yet for the past 14 years, no U.S. President has imposed 
sanctions--even though he has this authority and mandate from Congress.
  3. In fact, only one investigation was ever initiated.
  I say that this conference report is really a half measure. It's 
``half a bill'' because 50% of it depends entirely on President Obama's 
willingness to implement sanctions, and to do so quickly.
  This legislation has at least seven separate waivers which the 
President may invoke. In addition, there are three different waiver 
thresholds. The end result is that the President has the option of 
enforcing most of the punitive measures outlined in the conference 
report.
  Of course, multiple Democrats have attempted to reassure me. They say 
that they will now pressure the President to implement the sanctions 
outlined in this legislation.
  But I've been hearing the same claim for the past 16 months!
  1. We have been told that the President's attempts to engage the U.N. 
about Iran would produce great diplomatic gains.
  2. Yet the recently-passed U.N. security resolution was hardly a 
significant success.
  3. Furthermore, President Obama himself recognized two weeks ago 
that:
  a. ``Iran concealed a nuclear enrichment facility.''
  b. ``Iran further violated its own obligations under U.N. Security 
Council resolutions to suspend uranium enrichment.''
  c. Iran is ``enriching [uranium] up to 20 percent.''
  d. Iran ``has failed to comply fully with IAEA's requirements.''
  e. Iran is the only [Non-Proliferation Treaty] signatory in the 
world--the only one--that cannot convince the IAEA that its nuclear 
program is intended for peaceful purposes.''
  How can you justify the 18-month lapse you've already given to 
President Obama?
  If the majority hasn't been pressuring President Obama for the last 
year and half, why haven't they? After all, the original Iran Sanctions 
legislation has been in effect since before President Obama took 
office.
  If they have been pressuring the President--without results--why do 
they think that he will listen to them now? What articulation can they 
invoke that they failed to give before? Why would the President be more 
likely to listen to them now?
  President Obama seems concerned only about pressuring Iran through 
diplomatic means; he has begged Congress to delay passage of 
sanctions--as if the threat of sanctions would be a distraction or 
roadblock to his  negotiating success. And why would he seek broad 
latitude and carve-outs for nations like Russia if he were serious 
about imposing sanctions on Iran?

  Given the pressure that the State Department put on the conferees, I 
do wonder if sanctions investigations will ever result in the actual 
application of sanctions.
  And even if they did, the bill doesn't require prompt action. Some of 
the waivers allow the president to postpone sanctions for up to 12 
months if a company falls into certain categories.
  For example, this means that the president could choose not to 
enforce sanctions against BP, since BP is based in a ``cooperating 
country''--one which voted for the U.N. Iran Sanctions resolution. In 
other cases, the president is given flexibility in issuing a waiver if 
he determines that a company has achieved a 20-30% reduction in 
sanctionable activities.
  In other words, the president could claim that he is complying the 
day after he signs the conference report. But a year or even a year and 
a half could go by with no activity or tangible outcome. Even so, the 
president would technically be in compliance with this legislation.
  Just think about this: we could have a new president (in 2012) before 
this bill would require the president to actually enforce a single 
sanction. He could simply continue doing what he is doing now: cite one 
of the seven waivers.
  So . . . how did we come to this point? Why are we now considering a 
weaker bill than the one that passed the House last December? Why are 
we faced with the potential for such an ineffective outcome?
  I'd like to be able to thank the Democrats for considering this in a 
bi-partisan and constructive manner. But the process was neither bi-
partisan nor constructive.
  In fact, one is hard pressed to describe to this conference as a 
``process'' at all. I certainly don't think that one meeting--which 
involved opening statements only--could ever be defined as a 
``process.''
  During that first (and only) meeting, Members pledged to work 
together to pass tough sanctions. But Chairmen Dodd and Berman never 
called another meeting. I heard nothing

[[Page H4847]]

more. Then, my staff received an e-mail at 2:42 p.m. yesterday. The e-
mail simply read: ``Attached please find a final text of the conference 
report . . . Signature sheet will be available from 3-4 o'clock 
today.''
  In the end, we wind up right where we started--with lots of promises 
from the majority that they will pressure the president to do the right 
thing.
  The numbers tell the exasperating story quite effectively:
  We were allowed zero chances to offer amendments.
  We were allowed zero up or down votes on any section of the report.
  We were given zero chances to revise the draft conference report.
  We have zero ability to offer a Motion to Recommit.
  We had one official meeting between the conferees.
  We had one hour to read the 41-page final conference report before 
the deadline for signing it had elapsed.
  These actions clearly show that the majority never intended to be 
held accountable for watering down the original legislation. They never 
wanted to give us an opportunity to oppose the demands of the White 
House. They never desired transparency and openness so that the 
American public could examine the true positions of their elected 
leaders.
  What are the Democrats afraid of? If the answer is a veto threat, I 
think we should remember our oath which includes the words: ``I will 
support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all 
enemies, foreign or domestic.'' Particularly in this case, our 
principles should have come before our politics.
  We all know that the president of Iran has called Zionists, ``the 
true manifestation of Satan.'' We also know that he has said that since 
the U.S. recognizes Israel, it will ``burn in the fire of the Islamic 
nation's fury.''
  If we truly agree that sanctions are the best non-violent deterrent 
and if we agree that Iran is as little as a year away from obtaining 
nuclear weapon capabilities, why does this legislation grant the 
president so many waivers and so much time to act? Time, unfortunately, 
is most decidedly not on our side.
  As the Joint Explanatory Statement reads, I hope that we will all now 
``urge the President to vigorously impose the sanctions provided for in 
this act.''
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 1 minute to a key 
member of the conference committee, the gentleman from New York (Mr. 
Crowley), a member of the committee.
  Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I was proud to be a member of the House-
Senate conference committee that negotiated the Comprehensive Iran 
Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act, and I will strongly 
support the passage of this agreement.
  This tough set of sanctions makes it clear to the Government of Iran 
that the United States will not stand idly by while Iran destabilizes 
the Middle East, threatens its neighbors, and undermines international 
nonproliferation efforts.
  Under this measure, any company or country doing business with Iran 
will undergo serious scrutiny and could be subject to tough penalties. 
This sanctions measure will also ensure that we expose those that have 
committed serious human rights abuses against Iranians who are 
struggling for democracy and freedom.
  Right now, Iran is being led by Ahmadinejad. His authority is not 
only illegitimate because of how Iran's last elections were conducted, 
but because of his blatant disregard for the international community. 
He has vowed to press ahead with the uranium enrichment and boasted 
that the new sanctions are nothing but, and I quote, ``worthless 
paper.'' He stands in clear and stark defiance of the U.N. Security 
Council, the International Atomic Energy Agency, and indeed the entire 
world's nuclear nonproliferation efforts.
  For the sake of peace and stability, we must act now. We are going to 
show Ahmadinejad that the U.N. sanctions, and these we are about to 
pass today, are not ``worthless paper.'' He is about to be proven very, 
very wrong. The days of the United States turning a blind eye to 
companies propping up Iran's regime are now officially over.
  As long as Ahmadinejad and his cronies remain bent on obtaining 
nuclear weapons and crushing the Iranian people, this Congress and this 
Administration are going to take every possible step to thwart his 
efforts. I am proud to have served on the Conference Committee for this 
legislation and strongly support its final passage.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I am proud to yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Fortenberry), a member of the Committee on 
Foreign Affairs.
  Mr. FORTENBERRY. I thank the gentlelady for the time and her 
leadership on this important issue, as well as Chairman Berman.
  Mr. Speaker, the time to stop Iran's nuclear drive is running very 
short. Unless the community of responsible nations takes decisive 
actions, the world will soon awake to the headline, Iran has a nuclear 
bomb. A nuclear-armed Iran will pose a very real threat to civilization 
itself, increasing the dangers of a destabilizing nuclear arms race in 
the world's most volatile region.
  Iran clearly doubts the collective resolve of world powers. It is not 
difficult to see why. While some European leaders vacillate, European 
corporations continue to do business with Iran. And Russia and China as 
well continue to exploit international hesitancy for their own 
geopolitical and financial gain.
  The community of responsible nations must prevail upon Iran to 
abandon its dangerous nuclear ambitions and forge a new path to 
security and stability for itself. We all look forward to the day when 
Iran is governed by leaders who fully respect the rights of their own 
people and faithfully observe the obligations of international law. 
Today's Iran sanctions legislation represents an intermediate yet 
important step in that sustained effort. We need to do even more.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from New York (Mr. McMahon).
  Mr. McMAHON. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
  I am proud that with this conference report, our country will be at 
the forefront of protecting Israel and the entire international 
community against the growing threat of nuclear terrorism and an arms 
race in the Middle East.
  This sanctions package takes a firm stand against an active state 
sponsor of terror, Iran, by broadening the categories of the Islamic 
Republic's sanctionable activities well beyond the realm of refined 
petroleum.
  Furthermore, without increased global cooperation on the sanctions 
effort and measures to isolate Ahmadinejad's thugs from raping, 
murdering and censoring their own people, these sanctions would not be 
complete.
  For this reason, I applaud the inclusion of both the McMahon 
reporting requirement on global energy sector trade with Iran and my 
bill, H.R. 4647, the Iran Human Rights Sanctions Act, into this bill.
  I know that Americans will rest much more comfortably knowing that 
the criminals of Ahmadinejad's regime now cannot set foot on U.S. soil. 
This bill is necessary to the security of our ally Israel, to our 
Nation, and to the world.
  I therefore urge all of my colleagues to vote for it.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Roskam), an esteemed member of the Ways 
and Means Committee.
  Mr. ROSKAM. I thank the gentlelady for yielding.
  History is incredibly instructive and helpful for us at a time like 
this. August 13, 1961, Nikita Khrushchev gave an order and that was to 
move forward and put up the Berlin Wall. At first, it was just barbed 
wire that morning. And then over a period of time, as we know, it moved 
from barbed wire to concrete and ultimately to the wall and really the 
edifice that was the symbol of an impressive regime. I think we are 
wise to be measured and sobered by those instructions of history.
  This legislation is a step toward dealing with the incrementalist 
vision that Ahmadinejad and the mullahs in Iran have. Now, it has been 
said that there are some weaknesses in the bill and the weaknesses are 
putting a lot of trust, frankly, in an administration that has sort of 
underperformed in this area. But my hope is and my expectation is that 
the administration will use this tool, recognize the serious threat, 
and recognize the type of tool that they're able to use to go after 
this regime. This is an important piece of legislation, and I am 
pleased to support it.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, can I ask how much time there is remaining 
on each side.

[[Page H4848]]

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from California has 7\1/2\ 
minutes, and the gentlewoman from Florida has 6\1/2\ minutes.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
Speaker of the House of Representatives, the gentlewoman from 
California.

                              {time}  1815

  Ms. PELOSI. I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I thank him for 
his great leadership in bringing this very important legislation to the 
floor.
  And I want to commend Leader Hoyer and Whip Cantor for the bipartisan 
spirit with which this bill was brought to the floor. The leadership of 
the committee, Mr. Berman, Ranking Member Ros-Lehtinen, thank you to 
both of you for your leadership in bringing us together around this 
very important issue.
  I am proud to rise in strong support of the Comprehensive Iran 
Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act, which will provide the 
President with more tools to address the looming nuclear threat from 
Iran.
  All Members of Congress, regardless of party, agree: A nuclear Iran 
is simply unacceptable. It is a threat to the region, to the United 
States, and to our allies across the globe.
  The Iranian regime has demonstrated time and again its refusal to 
work in good faith to eliminate the threat of nuclear weapons in the 
Middle East and around the world. In the last year, Iran has concealed 
major nuclear facilities, repeatedly blocked U.N. nuclear inspectors 
from doing their job, and openly threatened to, as the Iranian 
President said, ``wipe Israel off the face of the map.'' These actions 
reflect a clear record of defiance. Now Iran must take steps to 
demonstrate its willingness to live as a peaceful partner in the 
international community, and we must use all of the tools at our 
disposal to stop Iran's march toward nuclear capability.
  This month, under President Obama's leadership, the U.N. Security 
Council passed its most far-reaching set of sanctions yet, targeting 
Iran's nuclear program and financial system. Today, with the passage of 
this legislation and when it goes to the President's desk to be signed, 
we will give the President new tools to impose sanctions against 
companies that sell Iran technology, services, know-how, and materials 
for its energy and petroleum sector. And we offer foreign banks a 
choice, they can deal with institutions that support weapons of mass 
destruction and terrorist activities or they can do business with the 
United States. This is the strongest Iran sanctions legislation ever 
passed by the Congress.
  My colleagues, no discussion of Iran at this time is possible without 
condemning the actions of the Iranian regime of 1 year ago when they 
responded to public protests with deadly force.
  The American people stand for peace and security for the people of 
Iran. We look forward to a relationship with them. We look forward to a 
day when Iran is a productive partner for us, for its neighbors, and 
the world. Until that day, we must ensure that Iran is prevented from 
obtaining the nuclear weapons that would threaten global and regional 
security.
  Again, I thank our distinguished chairman, Mr. Berman, Ranking Member 
Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, Mr. Hoyer, and Mr. Cantor for giving us this 
opportunity, in a strong bipartisan way, to support the Comprehensive 
Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act, and hope that we 
can have a unanimous vote today.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Franks), the chairman of the National 
Security Working Group of the Republican Study Committee.
  Mr. FRANKS of Arizona. I thank the gentlelady for yielding.
  I rise in strong support as a co-sponsor of this bill.
  Mr. Speaker, we live in a moment in history when the terrorist State 
of Iran is on the brink of developing nuclear weapons. If that occurs, 
all other issues will be wiped from the table and whatever challenges 
we have in dealing with Iran today will pale in comparison to dealing 
with an Iran that has nuclear weapons.
  Over the last 16 months, the Obama administration has dithered and 
pretended to pursue effective U.N. and U.S. sanctions against Iran, yet 
Mr. Obama has not enforced even one of the sanctions that already exist 
in the law against even one company doing business with Iran. The 
question now is: Will the President enforce the new sanctions we are 
about to pass or will he waive them like he has all of the others?
  Mr. Speaker, the last window we will have ever to stop Iran from 
gaining nuclear weapons is rapidly closing. I pray the Obama 
administration will wake up in time to prevent Iran from becoming a 
nuclear-armed nation and from bringing nuclear terrorism to this and 
future generations.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 1 minute to a 
very distinguished member of the conference committee, the vice chair 
of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Nuclear Nonproliferation, 
Terrorism and International Trade, my friend from Georgia (Mr. Scott).
  Mr. SCOTT of Georgia. Thank you very much, Chairman Berman. I want to 
commend you for the excellent leadership you have provided on this 
extraordinarily critical issue.
  Ladies and gentlemen of the Congress, on the bleached bones of many 
great past civilizations are written those pathetic words, ``Too 
late.'' They moved too late. Let us hope and let us pray that we are 
not moving too late here on this measure.
  This is a critical piece of legislation. The Iranian regime, without 
any question, is after securing a nuclear weapon. The Iranian regime 
has already declared that they want to wipe Israel off the face of the 
Earth. This, quite honestly, is our last best chance to avoid the only 
other way we will be able to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear 
weapon, and that is through the use of military action.
  The only necessity for the triumph of evil is for good people to do 
nothing. Well, we are here today as good people, and we are doing 
something very important by passing this strong sanctions bill.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Kansas (Mr. Moran), a member of the Agriculture, Veterans' Affairs, and 
Transportation Committees.
  Mr. MORAN of Kansas. Mr. Speaker, today we have before us the 
toughest, most comprehensive Iran sanctions ever considered by 
Congress, and I pray that we're not too late.
  Iran is the world's leading state sponsor of terrorism, funding and 
arming terrorist groups like Hezbollah and Hamas. It has already 
produced enough low enriched uranium to produce two nuclear weapons. 
And since February, Iran has been converting its low enriched uranium 
to a level of 20 percent, which represents 85 percent of the work 
necessary to produce weapons-grade fuel.
  This legislation imposes critical energy and financial sanctions 
that, if implemented, will make Iran think twice--at least we hope and 
pray will they will think twice--about continuing their illegal nuclear 
program.
  There is a key to all of this: These sanctions must be implemented. 
For too long, our efforts to stop Iran have been half-hearted. Our 
determination to stop Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons capability 
must exceed Iran's determination to get a bomb. President Obama must 
immediately enforce these sanctions. We cannot and must not allow Iran 
to have nuclear weapons capability.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 1 minute to my 
friend from Fresno, California (Mr. Costa), a member of the committee 
and the conference committee and very helpful in our efforts here.
  Mr. COSTA. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman and the ranking member, 
for your good work on this legislation.
  I, too, stand in strong support of the conference report, H.R. 2194, 
the Iran Sanctions, Accountability and Divestment Act of 2010.
  As a conference committee member, I know this piece of legislation 
represents a monumental step forward in our fight against Iran's 
nuclear arms quest. These sanctions are a dramatic improvement. These 
tough new petroleum and financial sanctions will put further 
restrictions on the ability of the Iranian regime to continue their 
nuclear aspirations and their oppression of the Iranian people that has 
been

[[Page H4849]]

well documented before and since the elections 1 year ago. These 
sanctions will send a strong signal that our Nation will not stand for 
the development of this regime's nuclear arms program, especially with 
such violent threats against our ally, Israel, and others in the 
region.
  This legislation is an important part of the solution, as we keep all 
our options on the table, to our longstanding concern about the 
prospect of a nuclear Iran. I encourage my colleagues to support this 
important piece of legislation.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from Texas, Judge Poe, a member of our Committee on Foreign 
Affairs.
  Mr. POE of Texas. I thank the gentlelady for yielding.
  Our quarrel, Mr. Speaker, is not with the people of Iran; our quarrel 
is with the Government of Iran and its consistent philosophy to 
annihilate the State of Israel, and also to the violations of human 
rights that it commits against its own people.
  The people of Iran have spoken out against their illegitimate 
government, and because of that they have been brutalized, they have 
been jailed, they have been shot, and they have been imprisoned for a 
long time all because of freedom of speech.
  The sanctions in this resolution go against those in the Government 
of Iran who deny human rights to their own people. That is one aspect 
of this resolution that is very important to make sure that the people 
of Iran, the good folks in Iran who want to replace their government 
have human rights, and especially that ability of freedom to speak out 
against their illegitimate government that seeks to destroy not only 
the State of Israel, but the entire West.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the time for 
debate be extended by 10 minutes, divided equally between the chair and 
ranking member.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from California?
  Mr. STARK. I object.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Objection is heard.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the majority leader of 
the House, a tough taskmaster on this issue because of his passion for 
this legislation, the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer).
  Mr. HOYER. I want to thank the chairman for yielding.
  I want to thank Ms. Ros-Lehtinen, my good friend, for the leadership 
she continues to show on a repeated basis on this issue and so many 
other issues. I want to thank Mr. Berman. I very much wanted to get 
this to the floor to move this week. He has done that. I want to thank 
Senator Dodd as well for his work. And I want to thank all the members 
of the subcommittee. I also want to thank Rob Andrews of New Jersey, 
who was so vital to the central idea of how we could put appropriate 
pressure on this.
  I want to say to my Republican friends who have been talking about 
the Obama administration, frankly, the Bush administration and the 
Obama administration have both been working towards trying to resolve 
this issue with Iran. Frankly, the Obama administration has, for the 
first time, gotten a strong resolution through the Security Council. We 
had the opportunity of just meeting with the President of Russia, 
Ranking Member Ros-Lehtinen, the Speaker and I, and others, and Mr. 
Berman. He said it was a tough thing to do, but he worked very closely 
with President Obama and they were able to get it done. So this is not 
a time for pointing fingers. We're united on this. This is not a 
difference, but this is a unity, a unity of purpose and commitment.
  Every one of us understands the deep danger of a nuclear Iran. That 
danger includes a new nuclear arms race as Iran's regional rivals 
scramble to build competing arsenals, plunging the world into a new era 
of proliferation. No one wants that. The danger includes as well a 
nuclear umbrella for terrorist groups like Hamas and Hezbollah to stage 
more brazen and deadly attacks, especially on our ally Israel, but not 
exclusively. There are 250,000 Americans in harm's way from Iran as we 
speak.
  And the danger includes, on a more basic level, a new era of fear for 
all of those in range of Iran's missiles. All of those consequences 
will be felt even if Iran's missiles remain on the launch pad or if its 
nuclear weapons remain buried. Could we imagine those weapons being 
used? We would be foolish not to, as long as those weapons are in the 
hands of a regime whose President denies the Holocaust, stokes hatred, 
and openly threatens Iran's neighbors.

                              {time}  1830

  Even so, our administration has pursued a dual-track strategy with 
respect to Iran.
  On the one side is the administration's policy of engagement. I 
support that policy. John Kennedy said that we should never fear to 
negotiate, but we ought never to negotiate out of fear. I think he was 
correct. Jim Baker, in the days before we went into Kuwait, was talking 
to Saddam Hussein to see if the matter could be resolved.
  On the one side, as I said, is that policy of engagement. This 
engagement reversed years of diplomatic silence during which Iran's 
nuclear program grew. It showed the world our patience; it tested 
Iran's willingness to negotiate in good faith, and it built 
international support for sanctions.
  Sadly, the time limit for engagement has come and gone. It is time to 
pursue the second prong of the dual-track strategy--pressure. The 
International Atomic Energy Agency tells us that Iran has now enough 
low-enriched uranium for two bombs; Iran has attempted to hide nuclear 
facilities, and has refused to cooperate with the demands of the IAEA 
and the U.N. Security Council to suspend enrichment.
  Let's be clear: Iran is blatantly defying the will of the 
international community. This is unacceptable. That is not a partisan 
position. It is almost a unanimous position of the administration and 
of this Congress. That is why this is the right time to bring strong 
economic pressure to bear on the Iranian regime.
  I rise in strong support of this resolution. I urge its support.
  I, again, thank Mr. Berman and Ms. Ros-Lehtinen for their leadership 
in bringing this critical resolution to the floor.
  I join my colleagues as well in saying that enforcement of the 
resolutions that Iran has adopted, that our European colleagues have 
adopted, and this resolution will be critical, and the understanding 
that it is to be enforced needs to be understood by Iran.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
  Mr. Speaker, it may surprise some to learn that the penalties in the 
Iran Sanctions Act of 1996 have never been imposed on a single 
individual or a company. Only once has a company even been found to be 
in violation of its provisions, but sanctions were immediately waived 
by the Clinton administration due to the protests by the Russian, 
French, and Malaysian Governments, which did not want their companies 
penalized for doing business with Iran. It should be noted that the 
same companies--Russia's Gazprom, France's Total, and Malaysia's 
Petronas--are still providing the Iranian regime a vital economic 
lifeline through energy-related investments.
  I and other members of the conference committee had hoped that this 
bill before us would avoid repeating past mistakes--that is, avoid 
undermining its effectiveness by giving the President an option of 
doing nothing. This was not to be.
  The result is that the President is authorized to waive not only the 
imposition of sanctions for refined petroleum transactions, investments 
in Iran's energy sector, and aid to Iran's programs on weapons of mass 
destruction, missile, and advanced conventional weapons, but even on 
basic investigations and determinations of some sanctionable 
activities.
  With respect to the inclusion of financial sanctions and a visa ban 
against those committing serious human rights abuses against the 
Iranian people, not only can the President waive the sanctions, but he 
can waive the requirement to name and shame these human rights abusers 
by listing them publicly.
  Some will argue that this bill goes further than any before in 
forcing the President to act. However, it is disingenuous to make such 
a claim given that the President could have issued an

[[Page H4850]]

Executive order to implement a wide array of additional Iran sanctions, 
but he didn't.
  The version passed by the House prohibited the entry into force of a 
nuclear cooperation agreement with any country assisting Iranian 
proliferation. Its purpose was to prevent a country that is undermining 
U.S. efforts to stop Iran's nuclear weapons program from being rewarded 
with a lucrative nuclear cooperation agreement.
  That prohibition is not included in the conference report. The text 
before us does include the prohibition in the House-passed bill on 
transfers of U.S. nuclear technology to a country that has jurisdiction 
over entities that have assisted Iran's proliferation programs. 
However, it provides the President with what amounts to a waiver to 
approve such transfers on a case-by-case basis, and if the President 
deems it to be in vital national security interest. It also wipes the 
slate clean regarding any proliferation violations that took place 
before the date that this bill is enacted. Some of us view this to be a 
carve-out for Russia.
  Mr. Speaker, at long last, the time has come for us to act. The time 
is now. We should support the conference report and ensure that the 
sanctions are vigorously enforced.
  I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, would you tell me the remaining time on each 
side?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman has 3\1/2\ minutes remaining.
  Mr. BERMAN. I am very pleased to yield for the purpose of making a 
unanimous consent request to my neighbor, the gentlewoman from 
California (Ms. Harman).
  (Ms. HARMAN asked and was given permission to revise and extend her 
remarks.)
  Ms. HARMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the strongest-
ever sanctions package.
  This sanctions package is not targeted at the Iranian people. Its 
passage signals that our government is united in Bipartisan opposition 
to the Iranian government's flagrant disregard of the United Nations 
and the world community as it recklessly pursues a nuclear weapons 
program.
  Iran and its proxies Hamas and Hezbollah encircle Israel and threaten 
U.S. troops--as well as Sunni populations--in the Middle East.
  Increased economic sanctions pit our strength against Iran's 
weakness. And this package, which builds on recent U.N. and E.U. 
actions, bans companies from selling refined petroleum, blocks 
correspondent banking relationships with Iranian banks, and targets 
financial activities by the Revolutionary Guard or Iranian human rights 
abusers.
  It also authorizes divestment by state and local governments from 
companies involved in Iran's energy sector.
  Kudos to Chairman Berman, who negotiated a very narrow Presidential 
waiver, and to the Treasury Department's indomitable Stuart Levey, 
whose focus and talent over many years have shown lawmakers, literally, 
how to ``follow the money'' and have brought us to this point.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield for the purpose of 
making a unanimous consent request to the gentleman from Colorado, Mr. 
Jared Polis.
  (Mr. POLIS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks.)
  Mr. POLIS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the Comprehensive 
Iran Sanctions Act to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons.
  Mr. Speaker, a nuclear-armed Iran would pose a threat to regional 
stability, to Israel, and to our national security, and above all, to 
the world. Passing strong sanctions against the Iranian regime is a 
critical step that we must immediately take in order to protect the 
world against this threat. Ahmadinejad is not a rational actor.
  Congress must do all in its power to deter Iran from getting nuclear 
weapons and persuade the regime to halt their nuclear program--as the 
international community has repeatedly demanded. Iran has rejected the 
Administration's attempts to engage diplomatically; if we wish to avoid 
either military action or accepting a nuclear-armed Iran, we must 
incapacitate the regime's ability to pursue these weapons through tough 
sanctions.
  The United States and our allies are at a critical juncture in our 
efforts to prevent Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons. Iran continues 
to reject international proposals that would provide their regime with 
the resources to have a safe and secure civilian nuclear power program, 
but limit the Nation's ability to build the world's most destructive 
weapons. Iran now has enough low-enriched uranium that, when further 
enriched, could be used to fuel two nuclear weapons.
  This is why Congress has acted swiftly to counter this threat and why 
the President also supports enacting new sanctions. While Congress has 
taken the lead on crafting this bill, preventing Iran from obtaining 
nuclear weapons has been one of the Obama Administration's top 
priorities.
  Under the President's leadership, the U.N. Security Council recently 
passed a new round of strong sanctions that will help to cripple Iran's 
nuclear weapon program. As proof that the administration's commitment 
to diplomacy is working, the U.N. resolution included support from 
China and Russia, who before had hesitated to press Iran to stop its 
nuclear program. In addition to the U.N. sanctions, the European Union 
is also currently in the process of instituting its own sanctions.
  This powerful package of new sanctions that was developed by House 
and Senate Democrats would substantially augment these ongoing 
multilateral efforts by the U.N. Security Council, the European Union, 
and others.
  Therefore, I urge my colleagues to support this bill. This bipartisan 
legislation will provide us the necessary tools to stop the spread of 
nuclear weapons to Iran, a nation that continues to sponsor terror, 
endanger our allies, and threaten our troops in the region. The 
sanctions are tough, focused, and results-oriented. This important step 
is critical to countering the threat of a nuclear Iran.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield for the purpose of 
making a unanimous consent request to a valued member of our committee, 
the gentlewoman from Texas, Ms. Sheila Jackson Lee.
  (Ms. JACKSON LEE of Texas asked and was given permission to revise 
and extend her remarks.)
  Ms. JACKSON LEE of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of 
H.R. 2194, to avoid the nuclear attack that Iran represents to the 
world and to Israel. I rise to give strong support to H.R. 2194, and I 
ask my colleagues to support it.
  Mr. Speaker, this legislation provides another tool for the President 
to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons by allowing the 
administration to sanction foreign firms who attempt to supply refined 
gasoline to Iran or provide them with the materials to enhance their 
oil refineries. These sanctions would further restrict the government 
of Iran's ability to procure refined petroleum. Currently, the 
availability of petroleum products is stagnant in Iran. Private firms 
have decided that the government of Iran's refusal to cooperate with 
the multilateral community on nuclear proliferation generates a 
significant risk to doing business with Iran.
  I would like to thank Chairman Berman for incorporating my concerns 
about the human rights situation in Iran into the findings of this 
legislation. It is important that we acknowledge that, throughout 2009, 
the government of Iran has persistently violated the rights of its 
citizens. The government of Iran's most overt display of disregard for 
human rights happened in the presidential elections on June 12, 2009. 
As I said on June 19, 2009, ``we must condemn Iran for the absence of 
fair and free Presidential elections and urge Iran to provide its 
people with the opportunity to engage in a Democratic election 
process.'' The repression and murder, arbitrary arrests, and show 
trials of peaceful dissidents in the wake of the elections were a sad 
reminder of the government of Iran's long history of human rights 
violations. The latest violations were the most recent iteration of the 
government of Iran's wanton suppression of the freedom of expression.
  It is important that we are clear that our concerns are with the 
government of Iran and not its people. The State Department's Human 
Rights Report on Iran provides a bleak picture of life in Iran. The 
government of Iran, through its denial of the democratic process and 
repression of dissent, has prevented the people from determining their 
own future. Moreover, it is the government of Iran that persecutes its 
ethnic minorities and denies the free expression of religion. As we 
proceed with consideration of this legislation, we should all remember 
that the sole target of these sanctions is the Iranian government.
  Mr. Speaker, the government of Iran has repeatedly shown its disdain 
for the international community by disregarding international 
nonproliferation agreements. Iran's flagrant violation of 
nonproliferation agreements was evidenced most recently in the 
discovery of the secret enrichment facility at Qom. The government of 
Iran's continued threats against Israel, opposition to the Middle East 
peace process, and support of international terrorist organizations 
further demonstrates the necessity for action. Iran with nuclear 
weapons and a mindset to destroy Israel cannot be tolerated by the 
world community.
  We must stop Iran's determination to become a nuclear power. Iran's 
recent actions towards the international community reflect a very small 
measure of progress. Iran's decision to allow International Atomic 
Energy

[[Page H4851]]

Agency, IAEA, inspectors to visit this facility was a positive sign, 
but not a sufficient indication of their willingness to comply with 
international agreements. The recent announcement that Iran will accept 
a nuclear fuel deal is also indicative of their willingness to engage 
in dialogue, though it remains to be seen what amendments they will 
seek to the deal. While these actions indicate a small degree of 
improvement in Iran's position, the legislation before us today 
demonstrates that only continued dialogue and positive actions will 
soften the international community's stance towards Iran.
  I would also like to emphasize that the legislation before us 
provides only one tool for achieving Iran's compliance with 
international nonproliferation agreements. I continue to support the 
administration's policy of engagement with Iran and use of diplomatic 
talks. I believe that diplomacy and multilateralism are the most 
valuable tools we have to create change in Iran. After those tools 
fail, I believe that the sanctions are an appropriate recourse.

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