[Congressional Record Volume 156, Number 87 (Thursday, June 10, 2010)]
[House]
[Pages H4379-H4383]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
BP OIL SPILL DISASTER
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of
January 6, 2009, the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Connolly) is
recognized for 60 minutes as the designee of the majority leader.
Mr. CONNOLLY of Virginia. Mr. Speaker, in the United States right now
we are experiencing an environmental catastrophe. We are experiencing
with the BP oil rig the largest single oil spill in American history.
It's a little hard to contemplate just how big this oil spill is; 21
million to 44 million gallons of oil--four times the oil spilled in the
Exxon Valdez disaster--have so far spilled into the Gulf of Mexico.
12,000 to 25,000 barrels a day--that's a million gallons a day--are
spilling, a rate 12 to 25 times higher than BP's original highest
estimate of 4,600 gallons a day. The biggest oil spill in American
history.
If we want to know just how big that is, this is the extent of the
oil spill today in the Gulf of Mexico. It is the equivalent in terms of
size of Delaware, Rhode Island, and Connecticut combined. Think of that
geography. Hundreds of square miles. That's what this is.
Just recently it was announced that underwater plumes, not just the
surface plume depicted here, have been detected 150 miles away in
distance from the original site of the oil spill.
Locally what that means is essentially we have an oil spill, a
surface oil spill that covers the territory that would be the
equivalent of the distance between Washington, D.C., and New York City.
That's as of today. In my 11th Congressional District of Virginia, that
would mean starting in Dale City near Manassas in Prince William County
and going as far as Wilmington, Delaware. That's the thick oil spill.
The broader oil spill, as I said, would go all the way to New York
City. That's an extraordinary stretch in terms of this oil spill.
This oil spill could have been prevented.
In 1969, an oil well spilled 200,000 gallons of crude oil on the
California coast. In response, like this and other environmental
issues, like the burning of the Cuyahoga River, Congress passed the
National Environmental Policy Act, known as NEPA, in 1969.
{time} 1700
NEPA requires companies to plan to avoid environmental disasters like
that 1969 Santa Barbara oil spill by conducting simple environmental
impact statements. Ironically, the Minerals Management Service, known
as the MMS, granted the Deepwater Horizon rig a categorical exclusion
from this process so it did not have to conduct an environmental impact
statement based on research in 2007 in which the MMS, the regulator,
decided that a deepwater spill would not exceed 4,600 barrels and would
never reach the shoreline. What a tragic, ironic twist of fate. None of
that turned out to be true.
Congressional Republican majorities and the Bush administration even
directed agencies to use categorical exclusions for oil development.
Action by the Secretary of the Interior in managing the public lands,
it said, or the Secretary of Agriculture in managing national forest
systems lands with respect to any of the activities described in
subsection B shall be subject to a rebuttable presumption that the use
of categorical exclusion under the NEPA of 1969 would apply if the
activity is conducted pursuant to the Mineral Leasing Act for the
purpose of exploration or development of oil or gas. An explicit
exemption made for oil drilling in America by the previous
administration. Just following the NEPA process could have led to a
review that would have resulted in better safety equipment. Might have
even resulted in an inspection that might have caught early the flaws
in this design.
The 2009 Government Accountability Office report said that during the
previous administration categorical exclusions were issued far too
frequently and it could lead to serious problems. Well, indeed, it did.
I find this particularly ironical because, in my district, we have been
fighting for a long time to get rail to Dulles, an extension of the
rail system here in metropolitan Washington to Dulles International
Airport. We finally got that process approved last year, but that
process required a NEPA review. This is a public transit project, but
it had to go through a 2-year environmental review that cost millions
of dollars of taxpayer-funded money for a public project. But
ironically, a private oil rig in the Gulf of Mexico was excluded from
that process. It didn't have to do it.
I see on the floor my friend from Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer). I yield to
the gentleman.
Mr. BLUMENAUER. I appreciate the gentleman's courtesy, as I
appreciate his leadership, and I think it is important for people to
understand the genesis of the problem that we are facing here now.
We've heard some of our friends on the other side of the aisle come
to the floor somehow trying to lay this at the feet of the President of
the United States, but sadly, what has happened here in the gulf is a
direct result of policies that we have seen implemented by our friends
on the other side of the aisle when they were in charge, particularly
under the watch of President Bush, where it was routine to come to the
floor repeatedly in efforts to undercut environmental protections,
where agencies that were supposed to regulate the industry were stopped
with refugees from the very industries, from lobbyists and association
executives who are going back now and looking at from whence they had
come.
We had situations that, by the end of the Bush administration, it was
clear in the MMS that there were people in that critical agency tasked
by law with the protection of the public interest who were not only
avoiding that responsibility, they were literally in bed with the
industry.
I look forward to an opportunity in the course of the next few
minutes to discuss with you further the genesis of the problem that we
face and approaches that we should be taking to make sure that we're no
longer held hostage to what even President Bush referred to as our
addiction to oil.
Mr. CONNOLLY of Virginia. I thank my colleague, and I think his point
is a very cogent one, and it's even worse than we're discussing because
not only did we consciously decide during the Bush administration and
by previous Congresses, frankly controlled by our friends on the other
side, consciously to exclude such oil drilling from the regular
environmental review that could have detected problems, but it was
worse than that.
Let me give an example in terms of what measures that at least could
have mitigated the impact of this disaster. Canada, as my friend from
Oregon knows, requires deepwater rigs to have contingency plans for
offshore oil drilling, including the capability to drill relief wells
soon after constructing primary wells. If this well, this Deepwater
Horizon well, had predrilled such relief wells, it would have allowed
the closing of the leak weeks ago, but they weren't required to do so.
Norway and Brazil require something called acoustic valves which are
[[Page H4380]]
backup devices for closing the pipe of a blowout preventer. In 2003,
under the Bush administration, the Minerals Management Service
concluded that the $550,000 acoustic system is not recommended because
it tends to be very costly. I would say to my friend from Oregon, as he
knows, as of June 7, the response to this oil spill cost $1.25 billion
and climbing. That $550,000 investment in an acoustic valve could have
saved billions of dollars and could have saved an ecosystem now at
incredible jeopardy.
I yield again to my friend from Oregon.
Mr. BLUMENAUER. Thank you. As I am listening to your presentation,
talking about what could have happened, what should have happened, and
looking at the magnitude of the devastation that we are facing in an
ongoing disaster, I was reflecting on my experience here in the House
under Republican control and the Bush administration where their first
instinct--the gentleman will recall because he was an important elected
official just across the Potomac and had a front-row view of what was
happening here--that the Vice President convened a secret energy
consultation group, his energy task force, which to this day has not
been revealed in terms of who were the members--although we're most
certain that there were people from BP, for instance, that were there--
that from the outset it was all about trying to cut through these red
tape items, the environmental protection, things that got in the way of
energy production, and not focusing on priorities that would have
reduced our reliance on fossil fuels.
Indeed, there were 105 recommendations. Only 7 involved renewable
energy. We watched, in the year that followed, the Bush administration
actually propose cuts in the renewable energy budget and had tax breaks
that they worked on with the Republican leadership to provide
incentives for more dirty oil production and consistently fought
against efforts that we brought to the floor, including in some
instances bipartisan amendments to raise the fuel efficiency standards
that hadn't been increased in a quarter century.
I'm reflecting on that and saddened that that was the thrust for most
of the last decade, instead of putting us in a position where we would
be less reliant and have better protection.
Mr. CONNOLLY of Virginia. Again, I agree with my friend from Oregon
completely, and as he points out, this didn't happen by an act of God.
This happened because of lax or no regulation, regulation we knew was
necessary and we took a chance. We took a chance. And we took a chance,
why? Because of the almighty dollar. We took a chance because of Big
Oil money, making sure that it influenced the process and made sure
that it was exempted from normal regulatory review. And you have to ask
yourself in those kinds of circumstances, well, what could go wrong?
Let me enumerate a little bit what has gone wrong: 200,000 commercial
fishing, processing, and retail jobs in the gulf for fishing and
seafood on ice; $659 million in annual value on 1.27 billion pounds of
seafood caught in the gulf, the largest source of seafood in America,
not including the value of fish processing or retail or people's
salaries, in jeopardy; $5.5 billion annual value of commercial fishing
industry in the gulf coast, including the value of fish harvest
processing and retail, in jeopardy; $12 billion of expenditures for
25.4 million recreational trips in the Gulf of Mexico at risk; $9
billion in wages for tourism-related industries in the Gulf of Mexico,
employing 600,000 people.
That's what's at risk for a mindless, ``drill, Baby, drill''
approach, instead of a thoughtful, careful approach that balances this
kind of sourcing of oil with the readily available alternative energy
sources that we should have, could have been investing in as well.
Since this oil spill, over 27,000 claims have been filed by people
and businesses whose livelihoods have been harmed or lost entirely.
They've filed claims for damages with BP. Through June, BP will have
paid $84 million in lost income claims to people whose jobs already
have been lost in the gulf. Over 78,000 square miles of the gulf are
closed to fishing today because of this spill because it's not safe.
The University of Central Florida estimates that the oil spill could
cut Florida tourism in half, the largest single source of revenue for
the State of Florida, eliminating 195,000 tourism-related jobs and
eliminating $10.9 billion of tourist-generated economic activity in
Florida alone.
I see our colleague from Colorado (Mr. Polis) is on the floor, and I
now yield to him.
Mr. POLIS. I thank the gentleman from Virginia.
This disaster of great proportion is indicative of the culture of
deregulation and the influence of the special interests in the oil
industry and the prevalence of those interests within the Bush
administration, embedded into the regulatory structure. These interests
within the Department of the Interior fought tooth and nail Secretary
Salazar's attempts to bring balance back to the oil and gas industry.
They fought with claims of severe economic hardship. Well, as the
gentleman from Virginia talked about, I think the people of the gulf
coast will be experiencing severe economic hardship, much worse than
anything that these oil companies were worried about.
All actors involved with this unmitigated disaster have taken steps
to try to limit their own liability. BP and Transocean have tried to
spread their profits among shareholders. They've been giving dividends.
They have been trying to decentralize their coffers, already scheming
to get themselves off the hook and to put taxpayers on the hook. These
oil companies are now trying to maneuver to get taxpayer bailouts for
their own bad practices and their own failure to prevent what was a
preventable disaster.
The use of highly toxic dispersants have exacerbated the damage,
leading to underwater plumes of oil. It turns out that the emergency
response plan of BP was riddled with errors, had falsities. It even
listed people who were no longer alive as points of contact in the
event of a disaster.
We need, and I'm sure we will have, a full public accounting of the
fallacies and the flaws in the planning process with BP and their
contractors that have led to this disaster, and it's critical for our
Congress to make sure that these maneuvers to get off the hook for
their own failure to prevent this catastrophe will not meet with
success and that the responsibility will reside with BP and their
contractors.
NEPA requires an assessment of environmental impact for any major
project on Federal lands, but loopholes were placed in that policy in
2005, including a categorical exclusion, saying that oil drilling
doesn't have any risk and, therefore, shouldn't need to do an
environmental assessment.
{time} 1715
The Deepwater Horizon was granted a categorical exclusion in 2007
under the Bush administration. Ironic, because NEPA was first initiated
in 1968 as a response to an oil spill offshore, yes, off the coast of
California, stripped of the very provisions that are one of the main
reasons for its passage by the Bush administration.
We as a Congress need to address the statutory side, and I know that
Secretary Salazar is working hard to fight the entrenched interests
from the oil and gas industry that seek to influence the actions of the
Department of the Interior.
I thank my colleague from Virginia for helping to raise this
important issue.
Mr. CONNOLLY of Virginia. I thank my colleague from Colorado.
I yield again to our friend from Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer).
Mr. BLUMENAUER. I do appreciate our friend from Colorado talking
about the history here, because we hear people come to the floor to
somehow lay this at the foot of President Obama, who has been busy
since the moment he took office dealing with a series of disasters that
he inherited.
But the approach that has been taken by the Republicans when they
were in the majority actually set the stage for this. In 2003, they
added an exemption for all oil and gas construction activities from the
provisions of the Clean Water Act. They had a stipulation that the BLM
had only 10 days to make drilling permit decisions. They had new
authority for the Department of the Interior to permit new energy
projects in the Outer Continental
[[Page H4381]]
Shelf without adequate oversight or standards and then providing, on
top of that, $2 billion for already profitable companies to drill in
ultradeep water.
It is absolutely scandalous that we have had this steady assault.
Luckily, we stopped that in 2003 when the other body used the
filibuster constructively. But we faced it in 2005, as they actually
were able to put those provisions in place, which our friend from
Colorado and you, sir, Mr. Connolly, have pointed out. It continues to
bedevil us.
Sadly, some of our friends on the other side of the aisle simply
haven't gotten the point. In this Congress, the gentlewoman from
Minnesota, Mrs. Bachmann, who has no shortage of opinions on this,
introduced legislation that would have required, would have required
that the Secretary of the Interior waive any application of Federal law
that requires a permit under lease for drilling. It would require a
waiver from all of those nagging little requirements any time oil got
expensive, over $100 a barrel, throw it all out the window, and yet has
the audacity to try and shift responsibility under this.
I think it is something that we all need to be focusing on and not
allow the people who helped create this problem to rewrite history.
Mr. CONNOLLY of Virginia. I, again, am in complete concurrence. This
didn't happen somehow by happenstance. This happened by virtue of a
conscious decision, by Congress' control, by our friends on the other
side, and by the Bush administration to find all kinds of waivers and
exemptions from normal regulatory review and from simple commonsense
protections in the event something did go wrong, all at the altar of
oil exploration and fossil fuel energy dependence, quite frankly. It
could have been prevented and it could have been mitigated.
There was another one of our colleagues who, during the campaign of
2008, accused the Democratic Congress that came into power after the
elections of 2006 of being the drill-nothing Congress, and she called
on Mr. McCain to open up ANWR and both the east and west coast to
unrestrained oil drilling for the sake of energy independence, a worthy
goal. But that's not the only answer, and we have to weigh the costs
and the benefits when we open up unrestricted oil drilling on pristine
coasts.
Let me talk, if I may, just about my own home State of Virginia, what
could go wrong in Virginia. I am a member of the Virginia delegation
who has opposed unrestricted opening up of our shores to oil drilling
because of the feared consequences if something went wrong.
What's at stake? Tourism in Virginia Beach alone in Virginia
generates $1.4 billion annually in economic activity. Tourism in
Virginia Beach alone supports 15,000 jobs. Virginia has the longest
stretch of undeveloped barrier islands on the east coast, irreplaceable
habitat for birds in the east coast flyaway.
All of these resources would be lost to an oil spill off Virginia's
coast if it were comparable to the oil spill that has hit the gulf
coast. In fact, closer to home, the entire Chesapeake Bay would be
covered by a film of oil today if that oil spill had occurred here
instead of occurring in the gulf coast.
In addition, unrestricted oil drilling threatens the presence of the
United States Navy in Virginia, terribly important in terms of military
investment in the Commonwealth of Virginia. The Deputy Secretary of
Defense for Readiness issued a report in May that stated explicitly
that offshore oil development would impair Navy operations in 78
percent of the area, in a recently proposed lease sale, to 20.
The Department of Defense said that all development could preclude
live ordnance testing, aircraft carrier movement, shipping trials, and
other surface and subsurface training. Offshore oil development could
result in the Navy moving an aircraft carrier out of Norfolk, reducing
job opportunities and contractors in Virginia.
We have a lot at stake economically in my State. There's the
environmental consequences, but there is also the presence of the Navy
that could be jeopardized if we moved to the ``drill, baby, drill''
philosophy of offshore oil drilling.
Mr. BLUMENAUER. I appreciate your putting in context not just the
potential threat to your State of Virginia, but to all of us here who
work and celebrate our capital region and the Chesapeake Bay, having
those precious resources at risk.
I appreciate your exploring a dimension that I must admit I really
hadn't thought through adequately: the threat unregulated,
indiscriminate, offshore oil drilling could pose to military readiness.
Your point about what could happen in terms of naval operations and
training is one that I don't think has been given voice in this debate.
I have been spending a lot of time working on it. This is new
information to me, and I deeply appreciate your putting it out before
the American public this evening.
I think this issue that we are wrestling with has many dimensions
that require us to step back and expand the scope of inquiry, the need
for our fixing a broken regulatory system.
We have referenced the fact that the administration, despite the
previous administration talking about the addiction to foreign oil, did
nothing about it, and, in fact, even after we regained control, worked
against our efforts to try and increase efficiencies.
It's going to take time. I agree that the administration needs to
move quickly to weed out the MMS. I wish they could have cleaned house
earlier, but obviously these things take time. It's hard to undo 12
years of running roughshod over safety and environmental regulations in
17 months. But it is also a vivid call for a new energy future in which
the deepest water is the last place we look, not the first, for new
energy sources.
I would look forward to discussing that further, but I know you have,
Mr. Connolly, some specifics in terms of some of the legislative
provisions that we have been working on as Democrats in Congress.
Mr. CONNOLLY of Virginia. Yes, we need to clean up the mess we
inherited from previous Congresses and, frankly, from the previous
administration. Today, for example, the House passed S. 3473, which
increases advanced cleanup funding paid for by BP so that the Coast
Guard can use those funds for oil cleanup.
I have introduced a bill just tonight that would prevent the evasion
of the NEPA process; moving forward, no more categorical exclusions for
deepwater oil drilling. They have to pass the NEPA review process, just
like my transit system and rail to Dulles did in a public project.
H.R. 5214, the Big Oil Bailout Prevention Act, introduced by our
colleague, Mr. Holt from New Jersey, would raise the oil liability cap
from $75 million to $10 billion so the taxpayers aren't left holding
the bag because of an accident caused by the negligence of an oil
company such as BP.
Our colleague from the State of Washington (Mr. Inslee) is
introducing legislation to require oil wells to use the best available
safety technology, which might borrow from technology that's already
available and being used by countries like Canada, Brazil, and Norway.
Of course, you, Mr. Blumenauer, have or will soon introduce legislation
to repeal the oil and gas tax loopholes and direct funds to clean
energy.
The ultimate solution is to get off fossil fuel dependence and look
to, in a meaningful way, those alternative sources of energy that could
really help lessen our dependence, if not wean us entirely off, the
dependence on foreign oil.
In my own home State of Virginia, the potential offshore wind power
is enormous, dwarfing the potential for offshore oil.
For all of the sturm und drang in my State about whether we should
drill, baby, drill off the shores of Virginia, the entire estimate of
reserves, maximum, off the shore of Virginia, with the largest
coastline, barrier island coastline on the east coast, is the
equivalent of no more than 6 days of oil supply.
Do we really want to risk the tourism industry, our environment,
perhaps permanently, and the presence of the Navy in a State that has
always been home to the United States Navy for 6 days' worth of supply?
I think not.
So the Democrats in this House have, in fact, introduced legislation
that will address and remedy this situation and make sure that never
again are American citizens put at risk by the negligent behavior and
the unregulated behavior of Big Oil offshore oil drilling.
[[Page H4382]]
Mr. BLUMENAUER. I must say how much I appreciate the legislative
approach that you bring to the job. I can see the experience and
leadership that you demonstrated in years of actual hands-on dealing
with the public in a very direct and personal way in local government
with some spectacular successes across the river from our Nation's
Capitol, as evidenced in the simple, commonsense approach that you are
taking here in terms of being practical, being direct, things that will
make a difference. I really appreciate that spirit that you bring to
the Capitol.
Mr. CONNOLLY of Virginia. I thank you for your courtesy and
graciousness, but I would say that clearly my colleague from Oregon is
a model for all of us, especially those of us new here to the Congress,
for his environmental leadership and for his legislative legerdemain.
Mr. BLUMENAUER. I would like to pivot, if I could, just on the last
point that you made, which I think, at the final analysis, is the most
important.
It is important to understand history. It's important to not allow
people who got us into this mess to rewrite it, to point fingers, to
obscure, to try and get partisan advantage from something that they,
sadly, helped create in the first place. That would be a tragedy in and
of itself.
But it is where we go from here, what we learn from these lessons,
what we understand is required. It is outrageous to me that the spill
off the Santa Barbara coast that inspired the first Earth Day was
fought with essentially the same technologies that we have available
today.
{time} 1730
All the time, all the energy, the resources that were thrown at it by
the Federal Government was used basically by the industry to have more
and more esoteric, sophisticated deep-drilling opportunities, not
dealing with making sure that it was safe.
So we are trapped in time 40 years at the negative end of this
equation, when the ultimate disaster, which was predictable, perhaps
not avoidable, but is much worse because of the focus.
But it is the transition to clean energy technology that I would
conclude my remarks. I see we've been joined by our friend we have
referenced earlier, our colleague, Congressman Holt, who has some great
legislation moving.
But I would just conclude my observations that we don't want to be in
a position where we continue to be tethered to the oil spigot, to have
the United States consume 10 percent of the world's oil supply going
back and forth to work every day, that it is past time for us to move
forward.
I appreciate the leadership of both you gentlemen in our livable
communities issues, where we provide more tools to local government and
more choices to people so they don't have to burn a gallon of gas to
get a gallon of milk, that there are more sensitive land uses, that we
fight against mindless sprawl, that we give people an alternative to
the automobile in case they don't want to drive or can't afford to
drive or maybe there are some people that we all know who probably
shouldn't drive--giving them choices to walk and use transit, cycles;
be able to make a system that is more sustainable, that is complemented
by a clean energy future with tidal, wind, solar, geothermal, and
investment in making our facilities now more energy-efficient.
We have the capacity right now, with what we know how to do, things
that we have off the shelf or almost ready for installation, we could
be completely Kyoto-compliant, save consumers and taxpayers money, and
preserve our national security.
I hope that this is one of the lessons we carry away, not just
understanding history, not just taking some of this terrific
legislation that will help a difficult situation be a little better and
take the taxpayer off the hook, but make sure that we are not in this
dependency in the future.
Thank you. And I really appreciate your leadership in presenting this
today and your courtesy in permitting me to take part.
Mr. CONNOLLY of Virginia. I thank you so much.
I think our colleague from Oregon has done such an incredible job in
this body on so many environmental fronts, not least of which, of
course, the livable community initiative that he made reference to.
Thank you so much for joining us tonight.
I see our friend from New Jersey (Mr. Holt) is here, and I now yield
to Mr. Holt.
Mr. HOLT. I thank my good friend from Virginia.
I, too, want to pay tribute to the work that our colleague from
Oregon has done under the umbrella of liveability, having to do with
transportation, housing, I mean, even such things as the location of
post offices in town.
There are so many things over the years that Mr. Blumenauer has
worked on to try to make communities livable and sustainable--
sustainable in the way they produce and use energy, and livable in the
sense of getting the best quality of life through our transportation
decisions, our housing decisions.
What is so heartbreaking about the catastrophe that is under way in
the Gulf of Mexico right now is that it did not have to be.
As I left to join you here on the floor, they were showing on one of
the news networks fish flopping sadly, trying to get air, trying to get
out of the oil, clearly doomed. We have seen the birds washing ashore.
It did not have to happen.
The oil spill is unprecedented in scale, but it is not unprecedented
in kind, in our experience. In fact, I was talking with the
Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency yesterday, and she
said, do you know how many oil spills we're dealing with essentially
daily? Not on this scale, but it should be expected, it can be
expected, in fact it must be expected that, if you drill, you will
spill.
As our colleague from Oregon was saying, for BP to go into this with
no preparation whatsoever--I mean, they talk about they are a company
that manages risk. Well, if they manage risk, they know, by definition,
things can go wrong. That's what risk means: There is a down side.
Well, what preparations, what plans, what studies, what research did
they do for the down side? None.
Now, we are in the process of not only extending the liability
limit--and today we removed the per-incident limit so that the Coast
Guard is not constrained by the $150 million limit, which they are
already pushing up against--but we also must make sure that there is an
enforcement of standards within the Minerals Management Agency
separating those who grant the leases from those who collect the
royalties on the leases from those who enforce the standards. We
haven't done that. So we must do that, and we must do that soon, so
that if any oil drilling is going to continue, that preparations are
made for the down side.
I hope, in fact, that we wean ourselves from this archaic fuel as
soon as possible. I mean, what does the word ``fossil'' mean to most
people? That means out of date. What we are talking about here, what
these companies have been developing ever-more-sophisticated
technologies to do is to bind ourselves more strongly to an archaic way
of powering our society and our economy. It is archaic. We should be
moving away from it as rapidly as possible so that this won't happen
again, because it need not happen again.
I thank my friend for drawing our colleagues' attention to this and
talking about those things that we will be doing over the next couple
of weeks, lifting the liability limits to put in place research
programs and regulatory programs for the future.
Mr. CONNOLLY of Virginia. I thank our friend from New Jersey and
thank him for his leadership as well.
Let me close by pointing out that there is a danger to bumper-sticker
public policy making. Those who lived by ``drill, baby, drill'' now
have to examine not only their consciences but the consequences of the
actions that flowed from that strident call. ``Drill, baby, drill'' has
now become ``spill, baby, spill.''
The Governor of Louisiana today, Bobby Jindal, when he was in this
body in 2005 said the following: ``We have a choice. Many of my
colleagues do not want us drilling for oil off the coast of Florida and
do not want us to drill for oil off the coast of California. I would
ask those colleagues to join with me in
[[Page H4383]]
providing incentives so that we can drill for oil in the deep waters of
the Gulf of Mexico. The people of Louisiana,'' he said, ``welcome this
production. We know it is good for our State, our country, and our
economy.''
I wonder if the Governor of Louisiana might pause today in calling
for the government's assistance to clean up the worst oil spill, and
arguably one of the worst environmental disasters ever to descend on
our country, to consider whether that public policy statement made
sense then and whether it makes sense now.
The consequences of that philosophy of unrestricted oil drilling,
irrespective of the environmental concerns, irrespective of the need
for reasonable and prudent regulatory oversight to protect the public
from precisely this kind of unmitigated disaster, have now actually
happened because a whole bunch of people in a position to know better
put oil ahead of everything else, including the public interests.
I yield to my friend from New Jersey.
Mr. HOLT. I thank the gentleman.
You spoke earlier about the liability, a very important principle
that has been to some extent and should be to the full extent of
American law in this area, which is, ``polluter pays.'' That has been
the basis of the Superfund program. That should be the basis for the
oil liability legislation.
BP has said they will pay reasonable costs and that sort of thing. We
shouldn't have to take their word for it. We shouldn't have to take the
word of a company that has flagrantly cut corners in the past at huge
cost to life and natural environment, whether you're talking about the
Texas City refinery, whether you're talking about the blowouts on the
North Slope of Alaska, whether you're talking about the blowouts on the
pipeline in Alaska, whether you're talking about failure to level with
the American public and even with the Coast Guard and the experts on
how much oil was escaping from this very well. The number keeps
shifting, and the oil company, I think, has not been fully forthcoming.
So this company asks us to take their word for it that they will pay,
that they will pay for the cleanup, that they will pay for the
environmental damages, they will pay for the economic damages and
dislocation. I want that established in law. The liability limit should
be raised to many billions of dollars, if there is a limit at all.
Now, some here in the Congress, particularly from the other side,
have said, ``Well, but you'll drive out the mom-and-pop, you'll drive
out the small independents.'' Well, you have to have the ability to
prevent and repair and pay for any damages when you go into business.
The point of the oil liability legislation is not to protect small
businesses; it's to protect our environment and the life of American
citizens and the well being and economic opportunities for American
citizens. And that means that the consideration should be how much
damage can be done, and the liability limit should be large enough to
cover the damage that can be done, not to ask whether this is going to
put too much of a burden on a small company. The consideration should
be, what is the damage? And there should be adequate liability to cover
that.
I'm hopeful that, in the next week or so, we will raise this
liability limit from the laughably small number of $75 million to at
least $10 billion. And I thank the gentleman for joining me in this
effort. The American public is crying for it. They want to know that in
law and in fact BP will be held responsible for the damage they have
done.
{time} 1745
Mr. CONNOLLY of Virginia. I thank my colleague from New Jersey.
Again, I thank him so much for his participation tonight and for his
leadership, especially in leading us in a legislative remedy.
I want to end with this: on June 10, 2008, one of our colleagues
actually said the following:
There are 3,200 oil rigs off the coast of Louisiana. During Katrina,
not a single drop was spilled. Actually, 600,000 gallons were spilled,
but more than 7 billion barrels have been pumped from these wells over
the past quarter century. Yet only 1-1/1000th of 1 percent was spilled.
We would suggest that John McCain revisit his reservations about ANWR
and run against the ``drill nothing'' Congress. Energy development and
the environment are not mutually exclusive. In fact, this Republican
colleague said, we would suggest that the first joint town hall meeting
with Barack Obama, proposed by McCain, be held on one of those offshore
Louisiana rigs.
Surely, I hope our colleague did not mean this rig, the one that blew
up, caught on fire, cost a number of lives, and led to the largest
environmental disaster in American history.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back.
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