[Congressional Record Volume 156, Number 66 (Wednesday, May 5, 2010)]
[House]
[Pages H3182-H3183]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
FINDING A VOICE ON SUDAN
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a previous order of the House, the
gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Wolf) is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. WOLF. ``If President Obama is ever going to find his voice on
Sudan, it better be soon.'' These were the closing words 2 weeks ago of
columnist Nicholas Kristof.
Having first traveled to Sudan in 1989, my interest in this country
has spanned the better part of 20 years. I've been most recently there
in July of 2004, with Senator Brownback. We were the first
congressional delegation to visit Darfur, where genocide has taken
place. We saw the same scorched earth tactics from Khartoum in the
brutal 20-year civil war with the South where 2.1 million people
perished. I remain grateful for President Bush's leadership in bringing
about an end to the bloodshed with the historic signing of the CPA. But
that peace is now in jeopardy.
Fast forward to 2009. I was part of a bipartisan group in Congress
who called for the appointment of a special envoy shortly after
President Obama was elected. What was once a successful model for Sudan
is not having the desired effect today. And I'm not alone in that
belief. Last week, six respected NGOs ran ads in the Washington Post
calling for Secretary Clinton and Ambassador Rice to exercise
``personal and sustained leadership on Sudan'' in the face of a
``stalemated policy.''
Today, I join the chorus of voices in calling on the President to
empower Secretary Clinton and Ambassador Rice to take control of this
languishing policy in Sudan. They should oversee quarterly deputies'
meetings to ensure options for consequences are on the table. In fact,
I call on the President himself to exercise leadership in this regard,
consistent with the explicit campaign promises he made about Sudan--
promises which, to date, ring hollow. There is a pressing need for
renewed and principled leadership at the highest levels--leadership
which is clear-eyed about the history and the record of the
internationally indicted war criminal at the helm in Khartoum.
In addition to the massive human rights abuses perpetrated by the
country's leader, Bashir, Sudan remains on the State Department's list
of state sponsors of terrorism. The same people currently in control in
Khartoum gave safe haven to bin Laden. Bin Laden lived in Sudan from
1991 to 1996. I believe that this administration's engagement with
Sudan, under the leadership of General Gration, and with the apparent
blessing of the President, has failed to recognize the true nature of
Bashir and the NCP. While the hour is late, the administration can
still chart a new course.
Today, I sent a letter to the President, which I submit for the
Record, outlining seven policy recommendations and calling for urgent
action.
When the administration released its Sudan policy, Secretary Clinton
indicated that benchmarks would be applied to Sudan, that progress
would be assessed, and that ``backsliding by any party will be met with
credible pressure in the form of disincentives leveraged by our
government.'' But in the face of national elections that were neither
free nor fair, and in the face of continued violations of the U.N. arms
embargo, in the face of Bashir's failure to cooperate in any way with
the International Criminal Court, there are no disincentives. This is a
worst case scenario and guaranteed, if history is a guide, to fail.
More than 6 months have passed since the release of the
administration's Sudan strategy, and implementation has been
insufficient at best and altogether absent at worst.
During the campaign, then-candidate Obama said regarding Sudan,
``Washington must respond to the ongoing genocide and the ongoing
failure to implement the CPA with consistency and strong
consequences.'' These words ring truer today than ever before. But the
burden for action, the weight of leadership, now rests with this
President and this administration alone--and there are lives at risk.
The stakes could not be higher.
I close, Mr. Speaker, with a slight variation on the words of
Nicholas Kristof: If President Obama is ever going to find his voice on
Sudan, it had better be now.
[[Page H3183]]
House of Representatives,
Washington, DC, May 5, 2010.
Hon. Barack H. Obama,
The President, The White House,
Washington, DC.
Dear Mr. President: ``If President Obama is ever going to
find his voice on Sudan, it had better be soon.'' These were
the closing words of New York Times columnist Nicholas
Kristof two weeks ago. I could not agree more with his
assessment of Sudan today. Time is running short. Lives hang
in the balance. Real leadership is needed.
Having first travelled to Sudan in 1989, my interest and
involvement in this country has spanned the better part of 20
years. I've been there five times, most recently in July 2004
when Senator Sam Brownback and I were the first congressional
delegation to go to Darfur.
Tragically, Darfur is hardly an anomaly. We saw the same
scorched earth tactics from Khartoum in the brutal 20-year
civil war with the South where more than 2 million perished,
most of whom were civilians. In September 2001, President
Bush appointed former Senator John Danforth as special envoy
and his leadership was in fact instrumental in securing,
after two and a half years of negotiations, the Comprehensive
Peace Agreement (CPA), thereby bringing about an end to the
war. I was at the 2005 signing of this historic accord in
Kenya, as was then Secretary of State Colin Powell and
Congressman Donald Payne, among others. Hopes were high for a
new Sudan. Sadly, what remains of that peace is in jeopardy
today. What remains of that hope is quickly fading.
I was part of a bipartisan group in Congress who urged you
to appoint a special envoy shortly after you came into
office, in the hope of elevating the issue of Sudan. But what
was once a successful model for Sudan policy is not having
the desired effect today. I am not alone in this belief.
Just last week, six respected NGOs ran compelling ads in
the Washington Post and Politico calling for Secretary
Clinton and Ambassador Rice to exercise ``personal and
sustained leadership on Sudan'' in the face of a ``stalemated
policy'' and waning U.S. credibility as a mediator.
In that same vein, today I join that growing chorus of
voices in urging you to empower Secretary Clinton and
Ambassador Rice to take control of the languishing Sudan
policy. They should oversee quarterly deputies' meetings to
ensure options for consequences are on the table.
There is a pressing and immediate need for renewed,
principled leadership at the highest levels--leadership
which, while recognizing the reality of the challenges facing
Sudan, is clear-eyed about the history and the record of the
internationally indicted war criminal at the helm in
Khartoum. We must not forget who we are dealing with in
Bashir and his National Congress Party (NCP). In addition to
the massive human rights abuses perpetrated by the Sudanese
government against its own people, Sudan remains on the State
Department's list of state sponsors of terrorism. It is well
known that the same people currently in control in Khartoum
gave safe haven to Osama bin Laden in the early 1990s.
I believe that this administration's engagement with Sudan
to date, under the leadership of General Gration, and with
your apparent blessing, has failed to recognize the true
nature of Bashir and the NCP. Any long-time Sudan follower
will tell you that Bashir never keeps his promises.
The Washington Post editorial page echoed this sentiment
this past weekend saying of Bashir: ``He has frequently told
Western governments what they wanted to hear, only to reverse
himself when their attention drifted or it was time to
deliver. . . . the United States should refrain from
prematurely recognizing Mr. Bashir's new claim to legitimacy.
And it should be ready to respond when he breaks his word.''
Note that the word was ``when'' not ``if'' he breaks his
word. While the hour is late, the administration can still
chart a new course.
In addition to recommending that Secretary Clinton and
Ambassador Rice take the helm in implementing your
administration's Sudan policy, I propose the following policy
recommendations:
Move forward with the administration's stated aim of
strengthening the capacity of the security sector in the
South. A good starting point would be to provide the air
defense system that the Government of Southern Sudan (GOSS)
requested and President Bush approved in 2008. This defensive
capability would help neutralize Khartoum's major tactical
advantage and make peace and stability more likely following
the referendum vote.
Do not recognize the outcome of the recent presidential
elections. While the elections were a necessary part of the
implementation of the CPA and an important step before the
referendum, they were inherently flawed and Bashir is
attempting to use them to lend an air of legitimacy to his
genocidal rule.
Clearly and unequivocally state at the highest levels that
the United States will honor the outcome of the referendum
and will ensure its implementation.
Begin assisting the South in building support for the
outcome of the referendum.
Appoint an ambassador or senior political appointee with
the necessary experience in conflict and post-conflict
settings to the U.S. consulate in Juba.
Prioritize the need for a cessation of attacks in Darfur,
complete restoration of humanitarian aid including ``non-
essential services,'' unfettered access for aid organizations
to all vulnerable populations and increased diplomatic
attention to a comprehensive peace process including a viable
plan for the safe return of millions of internally displaced
persons (IDPs).
When the administration released its Sudan policy last
fall, Secretary Clinton indicated that benchmarks would be
applied to Sudan and that progress would be assessed ``based
on verifiable changes in conditions on the ground.
Backsliding by any party will be met with credible pressure
in the form of disincentives leveraged by our government and
our international partners.'' But in the face of national
elections that were neither free nor fair, in the face of
continued violations of the U.N. arms embargo, in the face of
Bashir's failure to cooperate in any way with the
International Criminal Court, we've seen no ``disincentives''
or ``sticks'' applied. This is a worst case scenario and
guaranteed, if history is to be our guide, to fail.
Many in the NGO community and in Congress cautiously
expressed support for the new policy when it was released, at
the same time stressing that a policy on paper is only as
effective as its implementation on the ground. More than six
months have passed since the release of the strategy and
implementation has been insufficient at best and altogether
absent at worst.
During the campaign for the presidency, you said, regarding
Sudan, ``Washington must respond to the ongoing genocide and
the ongoing failure to implement the CPA with consistency and
strong consequences.'' These words ring true still today.
Accountability is imperative. But the burden for action, the
weight of leadership, now rests with you and with this
administration alone. With the referendum in the South
quickly approaching, the stakes could not be higher.
The marginalized people of Sudan yearn for your
administration to find its voice on Sudan--and to find it
now.
Sincerely,
Frank R. Wolf,
Member of Congress.
____________________