[Congressional Record Volume 156, Number 55 (Monday, April 19, 2010)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2399-S2400]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
SCHEDULE
Mr. REID. Following leader remarks, the Senate will be in a period of
morning business until 3 p.m. today, with Senators allowed to speak for
up to 10 minutes each during that time. Following the closing of
morning business, the Senate will turn to executive session to debate
the nomination of Lael Brainard to be Under Secretary of the Treasury.
At 5 p.m. today, there will be a cloture vote on that nomination.
Last week, I filed cloture on five nominations. It is my hope we will
be able to work out time agreements on each of these nominations. If we
are unable to do so, we will be in session around the clock until we
have votes on all these nominations, with speeches and votes taking
place during that time. Upon disposition of the nominations, we will
turn to the legislation to reform Wall Street.
Financial Reform
Holding these huge banks accountable for the enormous economic crisis
of recent years is about more than dollars and cents. It is about
fairness and justice. It is also about learning lessons from the
mistakes of the past so we are not bound to repeat them.
Those who cared only to boost their own holdings and accounts must be
held accountable. To those who gamed the system, the game is over. Wall
Street's ability to recklessly risk a family's future must be a thing
of the past. Those who dealt in deception and benefited from the cover
of darkness
[[Page S2400]]
must be called out and brought into the daylight. That is why the bill
we will bring to the floor includes the strongest protections ever
against Wall Street greed. It will also give families more control than
ever over their own finances and give consumers more clarity so they
can make the right financial decisions.
Our bill will not end taxpayer bailouts--that is what some say, but
the fact is, that is what it is all about. It will end taxpayer
bailouts. It will hold Wall Street accountable for its excess and the
harm it does and make sure banks fully disclose what they are betting
on and, for once, make it more clear what people are allowing these
banks to do.
Our bill creates an independent agency to protect consumers, and it
stops banks from taking excessive risks with families' hard-earned
savings. We are cracking down on the subprime mortgage scams and
forcing big banks and credit card companies to deal more honestly with
their consumers.
It is a good bill. I support it because I support transparency,
accountability, and economic security. Those opposed to it favor
secrecy, irresponsibility, and reckless risk taking. I am sure my
counterpart, the distinguished Republican leader, has some thoughts to
share on this reform as well.
When the Senate hears from him, I assume he will continue to make the
case, the very weak case he has made for the past week or so in the
Chamber and out over the airwaves. This bill is about accountability
and honesty, so let's hold the legislators to the same standard when
they talk about it. Before my Republican friends repeat more false
claims, let's acknowledge some basic facts. The bill that will come on
the floor will protect taxpayers, will not leave taxpayers with the
tab, as the other side pretends. This bill is not a bailout.
Republicans know that, although they refuse to say it, and the
Presiding Officer has done remarkably good work in going toward that
end.
After all, if this were such a good deal for Wall Street bankers, why
are they lobbying so hard against it? This is a bipartisan product and
includes many Republican ideas that were proposed during months--I
repeat, months--of negotiations with Republican Senators. Chairman Dodd
has worked for months with Ranking Member Shelby and Senator Corker.
Senator Dodd has led bipartisan working groups and held bipartisan
meetings. All these meetings produced solid, bipartisan ideas that will
be in the legislation we bring to the floor.
Last November, Senator Shelby said Democrats and Republicans agreed
on nearly 70 percent of the bill. Last month, Senator Shelby said
negotiators agreed on nearly 80 percent. Senator Corker said the
negotiations were constructive and said consensus is in sight.
So the Republican leadership's claim that this is a one-sided effort
doesn't pass the laugh test. This plan is not partisan, as the other
side pretends. Republicans know that, although again they refuse to say
it. They also refuse to admit whose side they are on. Earlier this
month, the Republican leader and the head of the Republican Senate
Campaign Committee went to Wall Street. They met with the bankers and
hedge fund managers who benefited more than anyone from the broken
system and, of course, are trying harder than any to stop us from
fixing it; that is, the hedge fund managers and the bankers. So every
time Republicans make false claims, at this late stage of the process,
they are saying they want to protect their special interest friends on
Wall Street.
Rather than stand for taxpayers and shareholders, they want to stand
with the same bankers who cost 8 million American workers their jobs,
devastated so many families' economic security, and jeopardized our
Nation's economic stability. Every time Republicans repeat their tired
talking points, what they are saying is they want to stop reform.
The American people who bore the burden of Wall Street's greed
couldn't disagree more. We learned recently that the SEC is
investigating Goldman-Sachs for its role in the financial meltdown. I
am glad the Government is looking at Goldman and other firms involved
in this disaster, but this is not just about executives or the traders.
It is not just about familiar faces and bold names. This is about our
ability to trust in the financial system. It is about families keeping
their homes and knowing their savings will be safe. It is about right
and wrong. Again, it is our job to get to the root of the problem. The
culprits are shortsightedness and selfishness. They are greed,
deception, and irresponsibility. Wall Street looked out for only their
immediate, fleeting gain. So far, the same is guiding our Republican
colleagues. Wall Street adjourned itself with short-term success rather
than to think about what is right for our economy in the long run.
So far, Republicans in the Senate have shown they share that same
concern, that callous concern. Wall Street dealt in myths and
misinformation and with disregard for hard-working families. So far,
Republican Senators are following the same game plan. Wall Street sees
no need to ensure this kind of crisis never happens again. So far,
neither do our Republican friends. Wall Street ran wild because there
was no transparency.
The Senate Republican strategy has been transparent as can be; all
they want is to stop necessary reform in its tracks. I agree with Paul
Krugman, Nobel Prize-winning economist, who last week called Republican
tactics ``a shameless performance.''
We have seen them run these plays before on health care and other
issues. They didn't work then and they will not work now. The system is
broken. Consumers need better protection, taxpayers need our guarantee
that they will never again be called on to bail out a big bank. That is
plain to see. You can draw a straight line from the lax oversight and
excess greed on Wall Street to the collapse of the housing market on
Main Street, throughout Nevada and across America. Here is the
difference. We want to change the rules. Republicans want to change the
subject.
Executive Nominations
As I indicated, we now have five nominations before us. I wish I
could say Wall Street reform is the only arena in which Republicans are
playing partisan games, but that is not true. It is a matter of fact,
not opinion, that Democrats treated President Bush's nominations far
better than Senate Republicans are treating President Obama's. In fact,
no President has been treated such as President Obama has been treated
as far as his nominations--no President.
President Obama has 99 administration nominees awaiting confirmation
by the full Senate. At this point in President Bush's first term--take
that as an example--the Senate had confirmed all but five. We have
confirmed all but 99, 99 to 5. Many Americans have never heard these
nominees' names before, but that doesn't make their jobs any less
critical to our country. This is about one party deciding government
should not work and deciding they should not have to work either. They
are preventing people from going to work to make our country better.
They are outright abdicating their constitutional responsibility to
confirm or deny the President's nominees. Their decisions are grounded
in reflexive partisanship, not principled argument. Republicans are
treating judicial nominees the same way. President Obama had 22
judicial nominees awaiting confirmation--22 are awaiting it right now.
At this point in President Bush's first term, the Senate had confirmed
all but 7, 22 to 7. That means Republicans have stalled more judicial
nominations than they have allowed us to vote on. Many of these
nominations reported by the Judiciary Committee, many without dissent,
have been pending for months and months. Every time Republicans stand
in the way of our judicial system's ability to do its job, the public
pays the price.
This is not how the Senate is meant to operate nor how it has
operated in the past. This is unique. This is unprecedented and
indefensible.
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