[Congressional Record Volume 156, Number 50 (Monday, April 12, 2010)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2189-S2190]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
FINANCIAL REFORM
Mr. NELSON of Florida. Mr. President, after the extension of
unemployment benefits is accomplished--and we will get it done--we will
take on financial reform. Remember back, the failure of Lehman Brothers
and the near collapse of our financial system and, as a result, the
passage of $700 billion of taxpayer money to bail out Wall Street? Back
in the fall of 2008, the break down in our financial system fueled one
of the worst economic downturns since the early part of the last
century. The stock market plunged. The credit and capital markets
froze, and real economic activity took a nosedive.
While we are seeing some slight improvement in both the markets and
the economy as a whole, too many people remain unemployed and
underemployed. In Florida, the unemployment rate has surpassed 12
percent. The unemployment rate in Florida is now the sixth highest in
the country. Since the crisis began in the fall of 2008, a lot has
happened. We elected a new President. We passed an economic
[[Page S2190]]
recovery bill. We passed health reform. We passed an enhanced home
buyer tax credit. We passed several measures of tax relief for small
businesses. But there is one thing we have yet to do that is at the top
of the list; that is, to try to help clean up Wall Street and our
excesses in the financial system. We owe it to taxpayers so they do not
face another $700 billion bailout in the future. Never again should we
use taxpayer money to bail out reckless and freewheeling Wall Street
bankers.
Our colleagues on the Banking Committee have put forth one proposal.
It includes a new consumer financial watchdog. It also includes new
rules for the regulation of derivatives--those things that have fancy
names such as credit default swaps, which are insurance policies on
losses that you would have in other investments. Listen to what one of
the richest people in the world, the sage of Omaha, Warren Buffett,
says. He refers to all of those very clever financial instruments as
``financial weapons of mass destruction.'' That is Warren Buffett. If
there is one lesson from the former Goliath insurance company, AIG, it
is that we better get serious about regulating derivatives.
The Banking Committee bill includes new rules for liquidating large
financial institutions when they become insolvent. It tightens rules
related to capital requirements, liquidity, and the use of leverage.
But when the Banking Committee bill comes to the floor, we must
strengthen and improve the legislation to rein in the greed that ran
amok, that nearly brought down our entire financial system altogether.
Of course, we can expect a vast army of lobbyists who will descend to
protect various financial fiefdoms from these new transparency and
accountability rules.
I will offer a number of amendments on the floor. I want to mention
one today, the Wall Street Compensation Reform Act. This bill I have
already introduced, and which I will offer as an amendment, hopefully
will restore some sanity and common sense to executive pay practices on
Wall Street.
The legislation is simple. It encourages large banks and financial
institutions to adopt widely accepted compensation practices. Banks
that fail to adopt those standards would lose the benefit of certain
tax deductions. They could no longer deduct the large compensation
payments they make to highly paid employees.
I have read with astonishment the recent reports that Wall Street
banks continue to pay outlandish bonuses to undeserving executives.
Many of these institutions--and this is what gets your blood pressure
going up--are still living on taxpayer-funded life support.
In most business professions, executive pay will follow performance.
Managers and executives usually are rewarded for creating lasting
value. Unsuccessful managers and executives are shown the door. But
apparently these basic commonsense principles have been lost on a lot
of the Wall Street firms. This year, Wall Street bonuses were in the
range of $150 billion. Eighteen months after the fall of Lehman
Brothers, it is back to business as usual for the major banks.
We have been here before. We had the same debate last spring when AIG
paid those absurd bonuses to the financial traders who managed one
major accomplishment: They drove their company into the ground.
Although we had lots of legislation introduced, Congress again failed
to act. The army of lobbyists descended to make sure that was the case,
and here we are again.
I daresay there is almost a unanimous recognition that poorly crafted
executive pay practices at major financial institutions contributed to
the near collapse of the financial system--what ultimately brought
about the $700 billion taxpayer-funded bailout.
The general counsel of the Federal Reserve Board has testified that
compensation practices in the banking sector were a contributing cause
to the crisis. In January, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation
found that ``excessive and imprudent risk taking remains a contributing
factor in financial institution failures and losses to the Deposit
Insurance Fund.''
Current pay practices encourage excessive risk taking because short-
term gains are heavily rewarded even if they are unsustainable. The
negative consequences of severe losses in a company are often
externalized and shifted to the shareholders or to the public.
The Federal safety net for financial institutions encourages traders
and executives to take unnecessary risks. The most obvious example is
the $700 billion Wall Street bailout. Executives who should have left
without their shirts instead left with golden parachutes.
Real and meaningful financial reform must include changes to the
existing compensation culture in the finance industry. And, oh, are we
going to get resistance as we put forward this idea.
Under the amendment I am going to offer, major banks and financial
institutions could only deduct their large executive compensation
payments if the pay complies with rules that focus on rewarding long-
term performance. The principles were developed by the Financial
Stability Board, the council of major central banks. The Federal
Reserve was instrumental in developing these compensation principles.
Under the amendment I will offer, tax deductions for major banks and
financial institutions are going to be conditioned on the following:
compensation payments over $1 million must be performance based and at
least half of the performance-based compensation must vest over an
extended period of 5 years or more. This is going to tie compensation
not only to performance but to long-term performance.
Another part of this amendment requires that, for executives at
public companies, at least half of the performance-based compensation
must be paid in employer stock. Compensation agreements for top
executives must include a claw-back provision that retracts the
deferred compensation in the event of ethical misconduct. Also in the
amendment, compensation agreements must prohibit employees from
engaging in personal hedging strategies, such as compensation
insurance, that undermine the very risk alignment principles we are
creating.
This amendment creates a new and meaningful executive compensation
disclosure requirement in order to empower the company's shareholders
and the company's investors to hold banks accountable for what they pay
their senior executives.
The special interests certainly are going to argue that Congress
should not get involved in compensation decisions. They are going to
say the private marketplace knows best. They are going to argue if
Congress passes measures like this, Wall Street is going to pack up its
bags and move to greener pastures abroad.
Unfortunately, right now, what the market knows is that big, short-
term gains lead to big bonuses, and big losses lead to taxpayer-funded
bailouts. Enough of this. We are going to have the opportunity to take
real steps to reform compensation practices. It is my hope--perhaps
naively so--that the Senate would unanimously approve this concept. It
will not be unanimous, but I believe we can get 60 votes to break a
filibuster, and I think we can pass it. The American taxpayers' funds
are at stake.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The clerk will call the roll.
The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. REID. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, it is so
ordered.
Moment of Silence
Under the previous order, there will now be a moment of silence in
solidarity with the people of West Virginia on the loss of the miners
in the Massey Energy mine disaster last week.
(Moment of silence.)
Mr. REID. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The clerk will call the roll.
The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. COBURN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, it is so
ordered.
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