[Congressional Record Volume 156, Number 44 (Monday, March 22, 2010)]
[Senate]
[Pages S1785-S1786]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
HEALTH CARE
Mr. ALEXANDER. Mr. President, I have been in and out of public life a
long time, and I have never had anything affect me in a personal way
like the health care debate. I got up this morning in West Millers Cove
in Blount County and drove to the Knoxville airport, and almost every
single person with whom I talked on the way into the airplane had
something to say to me about the health care debate. When I get on the
plane, here comes another fellow right down the aisle, hands me a note,
and says: Thanks for all your hard work. None of them are for the
health care bill passed last night. They are all deeply concerned and
deeply worried about it, and they see it as I see it. They see it as a
historic mistake.
Unlike the Social Security bill, the Medicare bill, the Medicaid
bill, the civil rights bills of 1957 and 1964 and 1968 and later, all
those bills passed with significant bipartisan support. But the bill
last night was a completely partisan act. The only thing bipartisan
about it is the opposition to it. I think it is important that we
continue to say why that is true.
The fundamental mistake is that the bill basically expands a health
care delivery system that we all know is too expensive at a time of
enormous concern about the national debt. In the middle of a great
recession, we are expanding a health care delivery system that we know
is too expensive; instead of focusing our attention and working
together to set as a goal of reducing the cost of the health care
delivery system so more Americans can afford to buy insurance. That is
the basic difference of opinion.
The Democrats believe we should expand the system we have now. Of
course, they make some changes, but basically it is an expansion of a
system that is too expensive, and they make it more expensive. We
believe what we should do, instead, is to reduce the cost of the
American health care delivery system, and by doing so make it possible
for more Americans to be able to afford health insurance.
Here is what the bill does now, as we see it. It imposes even larger
taxes on job creators in the middle of a recession. It will mean
Medicare cuts and premium increases for millions of Americans. The
Medicare cuts, it is said, are alright because there is some fraud and
abuse in Medicare. We agree with that. But what we are saying is that
Medicare, according to its trustees, is going broke by 2010, and every
penny of savings in Medicare ought to go to Medicare to help make it
stronger. This bill spends almost all the money on a new entitlement,
and the bill last night cuts Medicare even more deeply.
Some say: Well, it only hurts providers and hospitals. Well, those
hospitals are the ones that may announce, as some are announcing, that
we are not going to accept Medicare patients anymore because we are
already being reimbursed so little. But it also cuts Medicare
beneficiaries' benefits. The Congressional Budget Office says that
fully half of those who have Medicare Advantage--and that is one out
four Medicare beneficiaries in the country--will see their benefits
cut. That is what this bill does.
As far as premium increases go, the President and I had a little
friendly discussion about that at the health care summit. I said: For
millions of Americans, individual premiums would go up. He said: No,
they won't. I said: With respect, Mr. President, the Congressional
Budget Office says yes, they will, by 10 to 13 percent, on the average.
He said: Oh, no, oh, no, they will be getting a better policy. But that
is like saying: If the government requires you to buy a better car and
it is more expensive, it may be better but it is still more expensive.
For a variety of reasons individual premiums are going to go up, and
one is the government requirement that you buy a better policy.
Senator Collins, who was the insurance commissioner in Maine, has
surveyed her State, and her conclusion is that 87 percent of the
individual policies there will be more expensive under this bill. It is
true that maybe half of those persons would get subsidies--paid for by
taxpayers--but that still leaves maybe 40 percent of the individual
policies in Maine where individual premiums will go up. They will go up
because we are dumping more people into Medicaid--the State program for
low-income Americans--and we don't reimburse physicians and hospitals
adequately for those patients.
Today, one-half of doctors won't see new Medicaid patients. So what
do hospitals and the doctors do when they do see a Medicaid patient?
They transfer part of the cost of seeing that patient--that Medicaid
patient--on to someone who has private insurance. So that forces
premiums to go up.
When you have a provision in the bill, as this bill does, which says
that my policy can't go up much when compared with my son's policy,
well, that might keep my policy from going up so much, but my son is
going to be paying a lot more. So younger Americans are going to be
very surprised as the cost of their policies goes up. Then the
provision in the bill with the requirement to buy policies was
weakened, and because it is weak, a lot of young people especially may
not join the policy. When they do not, that will leave sicker and older
people within the system, and that will help drive premium costs up as
well. So for all those reasons, for millions of Americans, it is
accurate to say that premiums will go up.
I was at the University of Tennessee this morning--a tremendous
university. Dr. Chu, the President's Energy Secretary, is visiting
there today and tomorrow. I wish I could be with him to talk about the
work they are doing, between the Oak Ridge National Laboratory and the
university and its science program. Senator Bingaman has visited there
before. But one of the undercurrent stories in America today is the
condition of America's public higher education. State funding for
public higher education has been flat for the last 10 years.
Why is that? Because Medicaid costs continue to rise. Governors can't
control those budgets or control those costs, and the reason they can't
is because we write the program up here and then send them about a
third to 40 percent of the bill. They cannot afford it, so what do they
do? They cut the amount of money that goes to the University of
Virginia or the University of Tennessee or the University of New Mexico
or the University of Wyoming and then what happens? Either quality goes
down, fewer students are served, fewer faculty are attracted or tuition
goes up, which is why the students are protesting in California about
the 34-percent increase in tuition at the University of California.
They probably didn't even imagine the reason for that
[[Page S1786]]
is the Federal Government is causing Medicaid costs to continue to rise
and Governors, therefore, make cuts and tuition goes up. This bill will
make that worse.
Then, on top of that, you have the last-minute takeover of the
Federal student loan program. Suddenly, 19 million students--well, 15
million of those 19 million will go to the Federal Government to get
their loan, beginning in July, instead of to 2,000 lenders across the
country. The Government is saying we are going to save money. That may
be true. But guess what the Government is going to do with its money.
They are not going to say: Because the Government can borrow the money
at 2.8 percent it is going to cost us less to operate the program,
therefore, we are going to give students the savings. They are going to
spend the savings. So they are going to borrow it at 2.8 percent and
loan it to the students at 6.8 percent. That is overcharging America's
students to help pay for the health care program.
These students are not Wall Street financiers. They are working
people, some of them pretty grown up, in their thirties and forties,
going back to Walter State Community College. They often have a job.
They are not going to be very happy when they find out they are paying
higher interest. The estimate that we have made in our office is it
might be $1,500-$1,700 dollars over 10 years in more interest. That is
the amount the Governor is going to be overcharging them to pay for
other government programs, including health care.
The action that is being taken may be historic. But we believe that
it is a historic mistake and that throughout the rest of this year the
debate will not end about health care; but it will change. It will be
larger than just health care.
As the President himself said last year, the health care debate is a
proxy for a larger debate about the role of government in America's
life. We believe that is a debate our country should have, and we
believe the country will soundly reject a policy of more taxes, more
spending, more debt, and more Washington takeover.
I yield the floor.
Mr. BINGAMAN. Mr. President, I heard my colleague's comments about
health care. I will plan to return to the Senate floor to discuss
health care in some detail in the next couple days.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from New Mexico.
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