[Congressional Record Volume 156, Number 35 (Thursday, March 11, 2010)]
[House]
[Pages H1342-H1348]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
PRO-LIFE WOMEN IN HISTORY
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of
January 6, 2009, the gentlewoman from Ohio (Mrs. Schmidt) is recognized
for 60 minutes as the designee of the minority leader.
Mrs. SCHMIDT. Thank you, Mr. Speaker.
I am here today, joined by my good colleague from the other side of
the aisle, Mrs. Dahlkemper from Pennsylvania.
Today, we really want to focus this next hour on women in history
because
[[Page H1343]]
this is the month for women in history. Toward that end, we really want
to focus on women in history who were pro-life.
I would like to begin by talking about the fact that National Women's
History Month traces its origins back to 1911, to the first observance
of International Women's Day. Since that year, countries around the
world have devoted each March 8 to celebrate the economic, political,
and social achievements of women, and they have recognized the many
obstacles women have had to overcome.
In the United States, this day is celebrated as part of National
Women's History Month, first established in 1987 by Congress. A similar
resolution is approved with bipartisan support in the House and Senate
each year, therein recognizing women here in the United States and
around the world. Though, today, as I said, we are going to focus on
pro-life women in history. I am going to start off by talking about a
woman who began this movement in the United States way back in 1792. In
1792, as you well know, we were just becoming the United States--
developing our Constitution, developing our institutions, our Congress,
our Presidency, et cetera.
There was a woman by the name of Mary Wollstonecraft. This woman,
Mary Wollstonecraft, was very, very pro-life. She actually wrote a
book, ``A Vindication of the Rights of Woman.'' In that, she condemned
those who would either destroy the embryo in the womb or who would cast
it off when born, saying, ``Nature in everything demands respect, and
those who violate her laws seldom violate them with impunity.'' She was
really the first pro-life woman in the United States, and we have been
blessed with many since then.
Right now, Mr. Speaker, I would like to ask my good colleague from
Pennsylvania if she would like to join me in this wonderful discussion.
Mrs. DAHLKEMPER. Well, thank you. I thank the gentlelady from Ohio
for leading this special hour today to talk about the importance of
women in history, particularly pro-life women.
I am just pleased that we can work together on this issue, one of
which I find to be of great importance. It is an issue that really is
not defined by party, that is not defined by geography, and that is not
defined by demographics. This is an issue which, I believe, has
national importance, and I am proud to stand here today with my
colleague from Ohio and with my colleagues from other areas to raise
our voices in defense of all in this country.
During the March for Life in January of this year, hundreds of my
constituents from western Pennsylvania, pro-life advocates, visited my
office in the Capitol. I spoke to a large group of Pennsylvanians who
had traveled all day and all night. They'd marched in the cold to
demonstrate their commitment to the unborn, and I was so impressed by
their dedication. Overwhelmingly, it was women and young women who came
to my office to show solidarity in our cause.
When I go home to western Pennsylvania, where my district is
overwhelmingly pro-life in its beliefs, I talk to mothers and
daughters, women of all ages, who thank me for supporting life and who
encourage me to stay strong in this fight.
It is so important that we have women representing the pro-life
movement both here in Washington and in our districts back home. We can
speak to this issue, I believe, in a more personal way than can men. No
one can dismiss us for not understanding. No one can look at me and
say, ``You don't know what it's like.'' I have been in those shoes. At
the age of 20, as a student in college, I found myself unmarried and
pregnant. So I know what it means. I know what it means to choose life.
Today, we are here because National Women's History Month and pro-
life issues do go hand in hand.
The suffragettes who worked so hard to secure our voting rights as
women believed in the right to life. Susan B. Anthony, Elizabeth Cady
Stanton, Alice Paul, and so many others whose names are lesser known
believed in the sanctity of life as strongly as they believed in the
rights of women. Women led the feminist movement, and women led the
pro-life movement. Our voices are the loudest and the clearest for both
of these very important causes. Contrary to what media or other
organizations would have us believe, women can be both feminists and
pro-life.
The bottom line is this: Respect--respect for women in the workplace,
women in the home, in schools, and in the voting booth--and respect for
the rights of the unborn. The principle that motivates both the
feminists and the pro-life movement is one and the same, which is the
belief that people have rights and freedom.
As pro-life women, we believe these rights and these freedoms belong
also to the unborn. We believe they have the right to be born and the
right to live. This is not only consistent with the legacy of the early
advocates of women's rights, but it reinforces their beliefs in the
rights of all Americans.
So I am happy to stand here today with my other colleagues in
Congress, pro-life Members, who are speaking in support of women and
who are speaking in support of pro-life issues.
I yield to my colleague from Ohio.
Mrs. SCHMIDT. Thank you very much to my very good friend from
Pennsylvania.
Right now, I would like to give as much time as needed to my very,
very good friend from North Carolina, Ms. Foxx.
Ms. FOXX. I want to thank my colleagues from Ohio and Pennsylvania
for organizing this Special Order today.
Today, we are marking National Women's History Month, and we are
commemorating the brave and principled women who have spoken out and
who have fought for the unborn as well as those who have spoken out for
equal rights for women in terms of our voting. It remains more
important than ever that women speak out on behalf of defenseless,
unborn children, for, each year, more than 1 million of the unborn are
aborted in America.
I want to strongly agree with my colleague from Pennsylvania that one
can be a feminist and that one can also be pro-life.
Today, I am pleased to highlight how some North Carolina women are
standing up for the unborn back in my district. Two women in particular
come to mind today. Toni Buckler and Donna Dyer are in the midst of
leading a 40-day-long vigil in Winston-Salem to bring an end to the
practice of abortion. Their efforts, dubbed 40 Days of Life, are
focused on 40 days of peaceful prayer, of fasting, and of community
outreach on the issue of abortion.
One of the most important and visible parts of their 40 Days of Life
effort is the prayer vigil that is held outside the local Planned
Parenthood facility in Winston-Salem. Every day between February 17 and
March 28, they are bringing together concerned pro-life citizens to
take a stand for the cause of life.
What is truly amazing about this effort is that it does not stand
alone. Hundreds of other cities in 45 States have similar 40 Days of
Life vigils, which seek to raise awareness about the scourge of
abortion and to bring an end to abortion in America.
It is an honor to represent such committed pro-life women as Toni and
Donna. Their efforts echo the voices of early women's rights leaders
like Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, who stood up for
women and for the unborn.
I want to thank all of the pro-life women who are participating in
the Winston-Salem 40 Days of Life vigil. I commend them for their
dedication to the pro-life cause.
With that, I yield back.
Mrs. SCHMIDT. Thank you so much.
At this time, I will yield as much time as he may consume to my good
friend from Louisiana (Mr. Fleming).
Mr. FLEMING. I want to thank the gentlelady, Mrs. Schmidt, for giving
me the opportunity to speak on this subject.
Of course, for those who are in the audience, in the gallery, the
question is probably, What does this guy know about National Women's
History Month? Certainly, what does he know about women in general?
Well, what I can tell you is that a very important woman in my life
gave me life, itself--my mother. She passed away many years ago, but,
obviously, she is someone I can never forget. I have a wife of almost
32 years, and I also have two daughters, one of whom has gifted to me
two grandsons. So I think I know something about the appreciation of
women when it comes to
[[Page H1344]]
National Women's History Month. Let me just mention about abortion and
about my pro-life stance.
Mr. Speaker, I really oppose abortion for four reasons. Number one, I
am a Christian. I believe that only God can give or can take away
innocent life. That is within his prerogative and within his power and
his only.
Number two, as a physician, practicing for over 30 years, I believe
in the protection of life. I don't see any way that abortion could be
considered health care. Health care and abortion are totally different
things.
Number three, as a scientist, I understand that, at the moment of
conception, the unique DNA combination that results remains unique into
history. That unique person can never be replicated by anyone else.
Number four, as a person, I believe that the only way that one can
accept abortion is through something we call dehumanization. What do I
mean by that? We human beings have the distinct ability to think of
other human beings in a less than human way. What are some examples of
this? Well, oftentimes, those who were pro-slavery gave certain
explanations which would suggest that slaves were somehow less than
human beings. Certainly, during the pre-World War II period and during
World War II, we know that the Nazis used a similar characterization in
order to justify what they did to the Jewish people and to many others.
I think that we have to deal with that today, that to accept taking
innocent life, even if it is preborn, requires dehumanization, and I
think we need to come to that recognition.
{time} 1415
If we accept that the unborn child is indeed a human, then I don't
see any way we can justify taking that innocent life.
I also stand today, Mr. Speaker, to just briefly mention that I think
abortion is exploitive of women. There are a lot of reasons for this,
and I will just speak to the area of health care.
Today, there are more than 3,000 American mothers who are victimized
by a procedure, abortion, that ends the lives of small children, the
small children they carry. The harm to women is real and the physical
ramifications are significant.
As a physician, I can tell you that women who have abortions are more
likely to experience more infertility, ectopic pregnancies,
stillbirths, miscarriages, and premature births than other women who
have not had abortions.
Studies have shown that women having had abortions are 3.5 times more
likely to die in the following year; six times more likely to die of
suicide; 7 to 15-fold more likely to have placenta previa in a
subsequent pregnancy, which is a life-threatening condition for the
mother and the baby, and which increases, of course, the chance of
death or stillbirth; and twice as likely to have preterm or postterm
deliveries--and pre-term delivery increases the risk of neonatal death
and certainly handicaps.
In conclusion, Mr. Speaker, I do appreciate the gentlelady giving me
an opportunity to speak on this subject. I think that anytime we think
about women, we have to think about moms, and anytime we think about
moms, we have to think about children, and those children, of course,
are children, in my opinion, from the moment of conception. That is
when life begins. And anything that disrupts that deliberately that is
not of the nature of God is indeed the taking of innocent life and is
not health care.
So I thank the gentlelady, and appreciate the time you have given me
today.
Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore
The SPEAKER pro tempore. All Members are reminded to refrain from
references to occupants of the gallery.
The gentlewoman from Ohio is recognized.
Mrs. SCHMIDT. Thank you again, Mr. Speaker.
To continue with Women's History Month and to focus on pro-life
women, I want you to imagine, Mr. Speaker, what it was like to be an
American woman in the 1700s and 1800s.
It surprises me to have to say this, but at that time women could not
vote, we could not hold property, we could not inherit property if we
were married, we could not control our own money or sit on a jury or
testify on our own behalf. We needed somebody to testify for us if we
were involved in a criminal case. We couldn't assemble or speak freely.
We couldn't keep our children if we were divorced, and sometimes even
when we were widowed. There was no such thing as marital rape, and no
woman had ever graduated from college.
Mr. Speaker, that almost sounds likes some Third World countries
today, and yet that is the kind of an environment women faced in the
1700s and 1800s. Once women realized that we needed to have our rights
reserved in the Constitution, other feminists stepped forward.
One of those feminists was Elizabeth Cady Stanton. She was a pretty
moxie woman, because at the time when women were pregnant--and you
couldn't even say the term ``pregnant,'' I am not even you could say
the term ``with child''--they were supposed to stay at home and not be
seen until the child was born.
What did Elizabeth Cady Stanton do? She shocked Victorian society,
because she paraded through the streets showing the baby inside of her.
And people were aghast. But people were also surprised at the voice of
the message that she was carrying, because, you see, at the time of the
feminist movement as we know it today with Elizabeth Cady Stanton and
Susan B. Anthony, they were fighting for all people's rights; not just
the right of women, but the right of the African American, man and
woman, and also the right of the child, African American and white.
They were fighting for everyone.
It was Elizabeth Cady Stanton who I think was the most shocking of
all, because what she did was she showed her feminism on the streets.
One of the things that she said was, ``When we consider that women are
treated as property, it is degrading to women that we should treat our
children as property to be disposed of as we see fit.''
Now, think about that: ``When we consider that women are treated as
property''--I think you could probably put in there the African
American as well--``it is degrading to women that we should treat our
children''--at that time the African American slave child as well--"as
property to be disposed of as we see fit.''
This was a letter to Julia Ward Howe, October 16, 1873, recorded in
Howe's diary at Harvard University library. So these are a pro-life
feminist's words.
Mr. Speaker, her statue is in the hall just beyond these doors, and
yet when I was a child in school, I never heard she was pro-life. I
knew she was pro-woman and pro-freedom for all mankind, but nobody ever
said she was also protecting the unborn. And yet she was.
But it wasn't just Elizabeth Cady Stanton that was holding these
views. It was also her good friend, Susan B. Anthony. Susan B. Anthony,
who also wrote, ``Guilty? Yes, no matter what the motive, love of ease,
or a desire to save from suffering the unborn innocent, the woman is
awfully guilty who commits the deed. It will burden her conscience in
life, it will burden her soul in death.''
Mr. Speaker, these words were written over 100 years ago. I want to
repeat them. ``Guilty? Yes, no matter what the motive, love of ease, or
a desire to save from suffering the unborn innocent, the woman is
awfully guilty who commits the deed. It will burden her conscience in
life, it will burden her soul in death.''
Mr. Speaker, we hear that sentiment today from women who have had
abortions and come around and realized that this was the wrong decision
for them, and that they wish they hadn't made that decision, that they
wish they could have made the decision for life.
But she wasn't the only person, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, or Susan B.
Anthony, that felt like this. I bet most people in Congress don't know,
Mr. Speaker, but we actually had a female candidate at the time of the
feminist movement in the 1800s, and her name was Victoria Woodhull. She
was the first female candidate for President.
December 24, 1870, this was the first female President candidate, a
strong opponent of abortion. She said, ``The rights of children as
individuals begin while they remain the fetus.''
Think about that. First off, in 1870, long before women had the right
to
[[Page H1345]]
vote, the right to have a divorce, the right to own property, the right
to represent themselves in court, this courageous woman ran for
President. Now, we know she didn't get very far, but criminy, Mr.
Speaker, she certainly had a voice, and it is a voice that I think is a
shame that history doesn't highlight, regardless of her message on
abortion. Again, as a history major, I never knew that this woman ran
for as a history major, I never knew that this woman ran for President
in the 1870s, Mr. Speaker, and I will bet most of our colleagues didn't
know that either.
But it wasn't just Victoria Woodhull that talked abortion. It was
also someone by the name of Alice Paul. Alice Paul, another person that
was part of the Equal Rights Amendment, stated in 1923 that ``abortion
is the ultimate exploitation of women.'' That was Alice Paul. She was
the author of the original Equal Rights Amendment and opposed the later
version of the ERA because it promoted abortion.
But before I forget, I also want to talk about Sarah Norton. Sarah
Norton first challenged Cornell University to admit women. Think about
that: Women couldn't go to college. Sarah Norton, right out there
fighting to go to college, just as a man, also pondered whether there
would ever come a time when the right of the unborn to be born would
not be denied or interfered with.
You know, Mr. Speaker, we have to think about the way women were
treated back then and why they came to this conclusion. Again, as I
said a moment ago, they had no rights. They were very much like the
slaves of that time. They had no voice, no right in court, no real
rights at home. If they were raped, they had no way to address the
rape. And if they found themselves in a situation where they had a
child as an accident, there was no other choice but to either carry it
and be like Hester Prynne in ``The Scarlet Letter'' or to have an
abortion. And many times the people they were involved with didn't want
society to know that they were the father of that child, and so they
would force these women into a situation to have an abortion.
Again, Mr. Speaker, there were no rights for women at the time. They
couldn't go to court and say, ``my neighbor raped me'' or ``I had an
affair with a neighbor, he was a married man,'' kind of like Hester
Prynne in ``The Scarlet Letter.'' They had no rights. But they could be
forced into situations that they disagreed with.
I think that is why these women who were so much at the forefront of
the feminist movement were also at the forefront in talking about the
right of life for all people.
What amazes me in all of this struggle is that up until the 1970s,
people really didn't believe that abortion should be legal in the
United States. There was a lot of controversy going on at the time, and
I think I became involved in this movement because where I come from in
Cincinnati, Ohio, a piece of the Right to Life movement in the Nation
was actually born in my district, or actually not my district, but the
First Congressional District, the district that borders mine.
It was with folks like Barbara and Jack Willke and folks like my
parents, who are from my district, that really realized that abortion
could become the law of the land, and they wanted to prevent that. So
they became very proactive at the State level. They went to the State
legislature and talked with the legislators, telling them if they were
going to consider having abortion legal in Ohio, that was the wrong
thing to do.
They weren't unique to Ohio or unique to Cincinnati. This was really
going on all throughout the United States, these little pockets of
discontent about the issue of abortion, and they were beginning to
weave together into a national movement.
But it is Barbara Willke who said to her husband Jack, a physician,
``You know, Jack, the Constitution gives everybody the right to life,
including the unborn child.'' And he looked at her and he said,
``Barbara, that will be the name of our movement.''
Well, we know that that name didn't just stay in Ohio, but there is
also the National Right to Life Movement, and Barbara and Jack Willke
have been at the forefront of this movement since its inception in the
early 1970s. Jack Willke has served not only on the board of the
Greater Cincinnati Right to Life, but he has also been on the board of
the National Right to Life, serving as its president. Currently today
he is with the Life Issues Institute, but he and Barbara continue to be
on the forefront of abortion.
I am going to ask those wonderful folks if they could bring those two
posters over for me.
Now, back in the 1970s, when the ERA movement was going around,
people wanted to have an additional amendment to the Constitution
stating in full force that women were equal and should have equal
protections, but the problem with the movement was that they also
wanted an equal protection for abortion.
{time} 1430
At that time, the public really started to figure out where they were
on that issue: Did they believe in abortion or not believe in abortion?
And toward that end, there were a lot of mixed reviews. People
certainly didn't want to have women suffer from back-alley abortions,
but at the same time the question was: Should they have an abortion
after all? And before the States could figure it out on their own, the
Supreme Court, in 1973, handed down the decision of Roe v. Wade. And we
all know what that said: that women have the right to an abortion.
Well, folks like Barbara and Jack Willke and my parents and myself
were aghast because we really understood that life begins at its
inception. And you can't question life at its inception, because if you
do, you compromise life throughout history. So we began to work very,
very hard to end it.
What I really think is interesting is that while in the beginning of
the seventies and eighties it appeared that women were on the edge of
believing that women should have abortion rights, today the trend is
changing. I have to digress a minute because the pro-choice women have
been very smart on this. In fact, it was in the late eighties, early
nineties, that they realized with ultrasounds that women were
recognizing that that baby inside of their womb really was alive and
breathing and moving and had a little personality. And so they started
to wane back on whether they agreed women should have the right to an
abortion or not. And so they made a language change. What they said
was, instead of calling it pro-life or pro-abortion, anti-abortion or
pro-abortion, they changed the name to pro-life or pro-choice.
Now the pro-choice, pro-abortion folks were very smart in that
marketing approach because we as a society believe in choices, Mr.
Speaker. We go to the grocery store--in my town, it would be Kroger,
Meijers, Biggs, or Super Value--and you have an array of deli meats,
you have an array of cheeses, you have an array of fruits and
vegetables, and just anything that you're willing to pay for. In fact,
in some of these stores you can even buy furniture. We love choice. How
many restaurants offer a salad bar where you can get all kinds of
salad? We like choice. You go to a department store and how many kinds
of shirts and shoes and ties and sweaters can we buy? We like choice.
And so it was a very smart marketing strategy because at the time
when women were starting to hesitate on whether women should have the
right to an abortion because of the ultrasound, the pro-choice tag made
them feel that yes, indeed, maybe women should have that right.
But you know, Mr. Speaker, it's interesting, because as technology
has come full forward and as we've had 3D with technology, women
stepped back a few years ago--back about 10 years ago--with ultrasounds
that we have today and recognized that even as a child is at the age of
2 weeks, it begins to appear to look like a child. And they started to
hesitate on whether abortion should be legalized and women should have
that right.
And if you look at this chart, what you see is that this was a Gallup
Poll. A 2009 Gallup Poll. The majority of Americans--this was the first
time, Mr. Speaker--a majority of Americans, 51 percent, consider
themselves to be pro-life over the terminology pro-choice. So this
isn't pro-abortion versus anti-abortion. This is pro-life over pro-
choice, the pro-abortion marketing verbiage.
What we see is that in 2001, 40 percent believed in pro-life. Forty-
nine percent
[[Page H1346]]
believed in pro-choice. Back in 2005, it was 42 to 52. In 2006, 45 to
47. We're tightening up. In 2007, 42 to 51. In 2008, 46 to 48. In 2009,
43 to 50. And in 2009, it has finally come full circle to where the
pro-lifers are at 49 and the pro-choicers are at 44.
So we have seen this very narrow trend all the way through, finally
eclipsing just about a year ago. And I think it's because women
especially, but men as well, realize that that baby in the womb is
actually a human being. And that human being deserves to have the right
to life.
The other interesting thing that I think we need to talk about as we
focus on women in history is that women really oppose the use of
Federal funds for abortion. Even if they're pro-choice women, they just
don't think Federal funds should be used for abortion.
Now, the late Henry Hyde--Mr. Speaker, I'm not sure whether you had a
chance to serve with Henry Hyde. I did have the luxury to serve with
the gentleman from Illinois. But it was Henry Hyde after Roe v. Wade
became the law of the land that decided that maybe we shouldn't have
Federal funding for abortion. And so in the appropriation bill he put
in an amendment, which we still continue to use today, that said there
shall be no Federal funding for abortion, period. And this has been the
law of the land for the last 30 years.
And when you ask folks today--now this was a Quinnipiac poll,
December 2009, and this was for women: Do you support or oppose
allowing abortions to be paid for by public funds under a health care
reform bill, well, 25 percent support it, 70 percent oppose it, and
folks that weren't sure of the answer were about 5 percent.
So I really think that, Mr. Speaker, there's a real clear message
here that women, whether they're pro-choice or pro-life, do not believe
that we should have Federal funding for abortion. They just don't think
that's a smart way of using taxpayer dollars. I have to agree because,
Mr. Speaker, when we are discussing the bill of the moment--and the
bill of the moment is health care, it's the bill that touches
everyone's mind. It's a bill that is something that will be a game-
changer in the United States, if passed.
One of the things that is in that bill is the public funding of
abortion. From what I have gleaned, there will be a dollar of every
premium paid to women's reproductive health that will allow for all
kinds of things for women, including abortions. I think that when you
look at the polling and you see that 70 percent of women oppose Federal
funding of abortion, I think we should listen to the will of the
people. And whatever we do on this health care bill, at least let's
listen to the women of today. Because as we look at women in history,
we really have to recognize that we do have a choice today.
My good friend, Dr. Roe, just came. Before I give Dr. Roe a chance to
speak on this, I want to mention that in women in history we've come a
long way, but we still have a long way to go. And when you think about
the first woman to try to run for President way back in 1870, I think
it's ironic that the first woman to serve in this House was in 1917.
Her name was Jeannette Rankin. This was 2 years before women got the
right to vote. Yet, today in the House there's about 275 women in total
that have ever served here, Mr. Speaker.
We have a lot of pro-choice women, we have got pro-life, we have got
some that probably haven't made up their mind. But we have really got a
long way to go when you think of the thousands of men that have served
here. I think that's why it's so important, as we debate this issue of
health care, to listen to women, because it is women that are saying,
Wait a minute, not with my tax dollar.
Right now I've been joined by my good friend from Tennessee. I will
give you as much time as you need, sir.
Mr. ROE of Tennessee. Thank you very much for holding this Special
Order on health care and the life issue. As I was walking over here, I
thought back to my medical school years and how this issue of abortion
ever came up. I followed it from the time I was a medical student, when
abortion was illegal in this country, until it was legalized. At that
time, pregnancy was basically a mystery. It was described as tissue.
I've heard of a human being described in a lot of different ways.
But as ultrasound came along and we were able to view noninvasively
inside the woman's uterus to see what was actually going on, an
astonishing thing happened. I will tell you, after 30-plus years of
practicing medicine, it will make your adrenaline flow to look at a
baby and watch it grow from the time you see a flicker of a heart beat.
We can see that around 28 days post-conception. I can remember the
first time to this day. It's been over 30 years since I saw that. And
to see that within weeks develop into a little person at around 12
weeks. And certainly now with the new 3D ultrasounds, it is amazing
what you can see.
This is a person there. You watch them move, you watch them breathe,
you watch their eyes blink, and so on. They're people. If you have any
question about what's in the uterus, simply look at an ultrasound and
there will be no doubt in your mind that it is a person there. I know
that in our area certainly a higher percentage than even 70 percent
oppose abortion funding using their tax dollars to end life. That's
exactly what it is. It's certainly illegal in this country now. But I
think the pendulum is swinging. We have a very limited amount of
resources for health care in this country. I think we will talk about
certainly the need for reform. But abortion is not health care. It is
not. And we should not be using our tax dollars, as precious as they
are, to provide care.
Let me just give you an example of what we're trying to do in our
State of Tennessee right now. This year, because of the budget crunch,
we're limiting our State health insurance plan; and Medicaid, or
TennCare in our case, is limiting doctor visits to eight per year. So
you as a patient, if you were a patient of mine in Tennessee and you
had Tennessee Medicaid, you can only come see me, and that's all the
State will pay for, no matter what your condition is. Also, we will
only pay $10,000 per year, no matter how many hospitalizations. That's
all you're going to get paid. So those costs are shifted.
Right now, in Tennessee, with our Medicaid system, we're rationing
care. What we should be doing before we massively expand the system is
to adequately fund what we currently have. Certainly, funding abortion,
not only is it just the public doesn't want it, it's the wrong policy.
So I think the current bill that currently has this language in there
should not be passed certainly in this body.
I yield back.
Mrs. SCHMIDT. I thank you. I have just been joined my good friend
from Minnesota, Mrs. Bachmann. Would you like to add to the
conversation?
Mrs. BACHMANN. I'd love to. Thank you so much. I appreciate the
gentlelady from Ohio for inviting me. I also want to honor her for her
service as the head of the Pro-Life Women's Caucus here in the United
States Congress. We benefit greatly from your leadership, and we
appreciate all that you do.
This is the first issue that all of us have to deal with, the issue
of life, going all the way back to the Declaration of Independence. If
you look at the Declaration, the inalienable rights, the rights that no
government can give, that no government can take away, that were given
to each one of us, a very personal right by our Creator, the first one
is life. And that's why this issue is central in every debate that we
have--how will we as an American government and society deal with
vouchsafing life. Because in the Declaration it goes on to say that
governments were instituted to secure the inalienable right of life.
That's why we're here--to make sure that life is a value that we uphold
and that we save.
I appreciate so much the chart that the gentlelady has put up to
demonstrate that 70 percent of Americans oppose funding for abortions.
That's what we're going to see in this health care bill going forward.
I'm sure my colleague, Dr. Roe, had addressed that very well: that
Americans don't want to have their tax dollars pay for other people's
abortions and have their consciences violated. That's why we have seen
the Catholic bishops all across the country so heavily involved in this
health care debate, because they know what will happen.
The Alan Gutmaker Institute tells us that there will be more
abortions if we have government-subsidized abortions. As a matter of
fact, there will probably
[[Page H1347]]
be a good 30 percent increase in the number of abortions that we
currently have today. That wouldn't be good for the women of America,
abortion-minded women, and it certainly wouldn't be good for the next
generation.
{time} 1445
You know, in so many countries across the world today, whether it's
Russia or in Eastern Europe or Western Europe, certainly Italy--Greece
has a population replacement rate of 1.3--all of those nations are not
replacing themselves. There is a very high level of abortion that is
occurring in those nations. We don't want to see that here in the
United States. We are at replacement, but our population levels could
fall. It's not good when a Nation's population levels fall below
replacement. The countries now, like Russia and in Western Europe, are
dealing with that fact.
It's also a vital interest, just for the sake of abortion-minded
women, that they have alternatives. All too often what we see are women
that are put into a position that they don't want to be in by their
parents, by pressuring boyfriends, to tell them, Have an abortion
because it will cost me money. It will cost me embarrassment. But it's
the woman who pays the price. The woman pays the price emotionally.
I have just looked at some figures that said that women who have an
abortion have a higher risk of death and are six times more likely to
commit suicide. That's such a terrible, horrible outcome for women.
There are things that we can do for women who find themselves in an
unplanned pregnancy.
We have pro-life centers all across the Nation that would love to
help women, whether it's with free pregnancy tests, free ultrasound
tests where they can see their unborn baby alive, moving within their
womb. And then there is also help, whether it comes from free clothing
during the pregnancy, free help with baby supplies once the baby comes.
If a mother chooses that she would like to have her baby adopted,
there are services that are available that are free, open to women to
help them with the adoption, and situations where women can actually
help and choose the family that her baby will be raised in. There are
great options for life. My husband and I have been involved in foster
care, helping children as well who are in less than ideal
circumstances.
I thank Dr. Roe for all the very strong work that he's done with the
pro-life movement, and also my colleague Congresswoman Jean Schmidt.
Mrs. SCHMIDT. Thank you.
You know, one of the things that I'm proud of is the fact that it's
not just conservative women that have been at the forefront of this
debate. As we all know, this debate, as I said before, began in 1792,
and when Mrs. Wollstonecraft was the first pro-life woman, she really
wasn't that conservative. She was very, very radical.
One of the things I forgot to mention was that her name may be
unknown, but her daughter's name is not. You see, if you have ever read
the book Frankenstein, her daughter Mary Wollstonecraft Shelley wrote
it. And this lovely little girl never even really got a chance to know
her wonderful mother because her mother died giving birth to her.
But it was women like Mrs. Mary Wollstonecraft; it was women like
Lucretia Mott; it was women like Susan B. Anthony; it was women like
Cady Stanton who really brought this to the attention of America over
100 years ago. And even today, we have women from all over the country
making a difference on this issue.
There is a group of women called Feminists for Life, and they've got
some pretty liberal thoughts on other social issues in America, but
they're really dead on on this issue. I had a chance to meet with them
the other day, and Serrin Foster is one of the leaders in that. She
wrote a paper that she gave to Wellesley College on March 3, 2004, that
talks about the feminist case against abortion, and that's really where
I got a lot of my literature. It's amazing what she talks about in here
and how women throughout society who have had abortions, what social
ills tend to fall to them, just as my good colleague from Minnesota
brought up. The depression, the anger, the suicide rate. There's even
talk that there could be some physical harm that could happen with
abortion.
And I don't know if my good friend Tennessee knows anything about
that, being the doctor that he is, but are there any physical risks to
abortion?
Mr. ROE of Tennessee. Oh, certainly, there are. Again, thank you for
having this conversation, because what you're doing today is that you
and Michele are speaking for the unborn. They cannot speak for
themselves, so you're here on the floor of the House speaking for them.
Yes. I mean, throughout my career, I remember a case that I had--and
I won't obviously disclose anything other than just a case I had in
over a 30-year career--of a patient that I had known for years. She
came in one day and had tears in her eyes. This was a woman in her
fifties now. And she told me, she said, I have to tell you something. I
had known her for a long time very well, even as a friend I had known
her. And she told me, I had an abortion years ago, and I have got to
share this.
Many of the problems I traced back through the 20 years, 25 years I
cared for her were directly related to that abortion and the
psychological impact that it had on her and her life. And we had a long
talk that day, just as a friend to a friend. I hope she left there that
day and could go on and continue her life.
So many women won't share things that are very negative--or people,
not just women, but men and women both--a very negative part of their
life that they're not very happy about and later realize it was a very
bad decision. What we're trying to do here today is to prevent women
from suffering that psychological damage.
And the other thing that Congresswoman Bachmann just brought up a
minute ago was adoption. As an OB/GYN doctor--that's what I do. I have
delivered almost 5,000 babies. I can assure you, I can find hundreds of
babies a home right now in one town. I can't tell you how many friends
of mine that have gone to Eastern Europe, to Russia, and to China to
adopt babies. And those are very lucky children who get to come and
live with these families.
But why are we doing that when we have babies right here in America
that you can adopt? And I will assure you that it would be no cost to
the families. Those medical costs will be cared for by these families
who desperately need and want children. And what you brought out about
a life that is lost, you never have the opportunity to find out what
that person could and would be, boy or girl. Maybe they will be a
Congressman or a President or a doctor or someone who discovers a cure
for----
Mrs. SCHMIDT. Or a Heisman Trophy winner.
Mr. ROE of Tennessee. Exactly. Or a Heisman Trophy winner. And even
though he is from the University of Florida, and I am from Tennessee, I
have to brag about that young man, that great young person. But those
are the things that I think we have to talk about.
And the other thing that you hear discussed a lot, Congresswoman
Schmidt, is that you will hear about third trimester abortions. It's
about the life of the mother. And I have to say this right now, there
are no medical indications whatsoever for that procedure, a third
trimester termination of life. There are none. I will be willing to sit
and debate with over 30 years of experience to tell you there's only
one reason for that procedure, and that is to kill the baby. That's the
only reason. And if anyone wants to debate that, I will be glad to do
it here on this House floor or in a medical setting. But I want to make
that a part of the Record today. We, again, are here today to advocate
not only for the unborn but for the mother who bears the problem, the
brunt of what happens to her.
Mrs. SCHMIDT. And I think it's interesting that as we continue to
debate this since Roe v. Wade, sometimes the media inadvertently sends
a pro-life message. There was a movie a few years ago which captured
Hollywood's attention, and it was called ``Juno.'' It was about a young
girl and a young guy, high school age, and she found herself pregnant.
I remember the scene vividly in the movie where she was going to go to
have an abortion, and her friend was standing outside the
[[Page H1348]]
abortion clinic with a sign. And she said, ``What are you going to do,
Juno?'' and she kind of sloughed her off. Her friend screamed, ``It's
got fingernails.''
So when Juno goes in and she fills out the paperwork, she hears
somebody wrapping their fingernails, somebody filing them, somebody
chewing on them. And what does she do? She leaves. The end of the
story, we know the outcome, she finds a wonderful woman who wanted a
child, wanted to be a mother, and she gives that child to a loving arm.
Now, I know that sounds like a Hollywood fantasy, except I have
someone very close to me who worked with me on a daily basis, and 11
years ago, he and his current wife, the lady he married, had a Juno
experience, and yet today, they are a loving family. They had their own
child, and they're doing just fine. I got to meet his birth daughter,
and she is a beautiful young lady. Who knows in another 10 years or 20
years what she will aspire to. Maybe to just be the greatest mother of
all or maybe be the next President of the United States. But he and his
wife made that decision.
And so when I saw ``Juno'' and knowing his story, I thought, This is
real. And yet Hollywood, for whatever reason, didn't see the power in
the message. Mr. Speaker, I truly believe this country is recognizing
that every life is precious, and I think what is equally compelling is
the fact that last year in the Presidential debate, the issue of
abortion took center stage, and it took center stage because a little
unknown Governor from Alaska was suddenly thrust into the limelight and
could have been the Vice President of the United States. And with her
came a family, and in that family came their last child, and their last
child has some issues. And most cases in the United States when parents
are met after an ultrasound where indications say that your child will
have a mental handicap, a mental issue, they are given the opportunity
to abort the child. I think the numbers are--Doctor, am I correct?--
about 80 percent do have an abortion when they believe that they're
going to have a child that will not have what society deems as a
``normal life.'' And yet she had Trig, and Trig has become the face of
life.
I think it's interesting that as history continues to develop, that
this wonderful woman, Sarah Palin, continues to be at the forefront of
the media, and her child is right there. And together, that family is
the face of life. And she is, I think, our most current and prominent
member of women's history. Yet again, another woman who was pro-life.
I was hoping my good friend Mrs. Dahlkemper could get back. She had
to go to a hearing. But I want to say that--is she here? Oh, good. Mrs.
Dahlkemper just came back.
Mrs. Dahlkemper, my good friend from Pennsylvania, I want to give you
the opportunity to close this wonderful hour and to thank you for your
participation and all that you do for the cause.
Mrs. DAHLKEMPER. Well, thank you. And again, thank you to my
colleague Mrs. Schmidt from Ohio, who has been a good friend and is
obviously a defender of women's rights and a defender of the rights of
the unborn. And to all those who have joined us here this afternoon as
we have had this special hour, as we recognize Women's History Month
and we recognize the women that fought for our right to vote, for our
right to serve our country as so many of us are now; although,
unfortunately, still only 17 percent of Congress. Those women also
fought for the right of the unborn, and I think it's important that we
remember that as we remember them and what they do for us.
As I was on a plane flying down here yesterday, I was sitting next to
a woman who was from my hometown, and we were talking about many
different things. And as we got up to leave the plane, in front of us
sat her daughter and her granddaughter and her granddaughter with Down
syndrome. She was telling me how it was only her granddaughter's second
time to fly on a plane. One of the things that she expressed to me is
that she is afraid that someday there will no longer be Down syndrome
children in our world, and yet they are so loving and the beauty that
they bring to our world, if you have ever known or been hugged by a
child with Down syndrome.
We have a wonderful place in my community called the Gertrude Barber
Center that just has done wonderful work with those children over the
years. But they are precious. They are very precious, and I think
that's the important thing here is that they all bring gifts to our
world and they bring gifts to our lives.
When I think about, as I mentioned in the beginning, my own son who
is now 30 and the grandchild that he's brought into my life and what
he's doing as a young man, the value of all of these children, born,
unborn, we have yet to see what they will bring to our world.
Mrs. SCHMIDT. Thank you. This is really a bipartisan debate. One of
the things I know my good friend from Pennsylvania and I will agree
with, there is nothing better than having grandchildren. It is worth
having children, isn't it?
But to my good colleagues from Tennessee and Minnesota, do either one
you have want to add anything before we lose this hour?
Mr. ROE of Tennessee. I agree with both of you. I'm not sure why I
had kids first. I just need to go to grandkids. They are so much
better. But I think that you can't imagine life--I know I have heard
this right here--without our children and without our grandchildren.
When you see a child out there--anybody that would abuse a child, I
have no tolerance for them whatsoever. But to have a hug from a child,
it doesn't matter whether that child is challenged or not, it's love.
And I can't imagine life without mine and my grandchildren.
I thank you for the opportunity to be here today.
Mrs. BACHMANN. And if I could just add, I think that it's so
important that you have offered this opportunity for us to honor and
recognize Susan B. Anthony, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Mattie Brinkerhoff,
Victoria Woodhull, Mary Wollstonecraft, Alice Paul, among many other
women who stood strong for women's rights and for the value of women in
the country, but also, to be clear, that these women also stood for the
unborn. They weren't on a wild tear to make sure that women could have
the right to an abortion. They stood strong for women's rights,
understanding that it's all women, born and preborn, that need to have
their rights secured.
So I am very grateful that you posted this Women's History Month, and
especially highlighting the fact that our foremothers who went before
stood for life, just as we stand for life today. So I thank you, and I
thank Representative Dahlkemper.
{time} 1500
Mrs. SCHMIDT. As we go back out into the hall and we look at that
statue of the women who gave us the opportunity to be able to be here
on the floor today, not only did they give us the right to vote, they
gave all children the opportunity to have the right to life. And it
wasn't until Roe v. Wade that that was taken away.
Maybe we can be the generation of women that will find ourselves with
a statue out in the hall that will give all children, all God's
children back the right to life. Thank you all for this.
I yield back the balance of my time.
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