[Congressional Record Volume 156, Number 16 (Wednesday, February 3, 2010)]
[House]
[Pages H539-H546]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
THE FEDERAL BUDGET AND THE ECONOMY
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of
January 6, 2009, the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Akin) is recognized
for 60 minutes as the designee of the minority leader.
Mr. AKIN. Mr. Speaker, our topic this evening, and one that I think
has received some coverage in the media, and is something that is of
concern to many Americans, is the level of spending in the Federal
Government, the budget that has been proposed, the size of deficits,
and overall where the American economy stands. These are all very
important topics. These topics could not be more timely.
The President has just released his new budget for the next couple of
years. We can take a look and see exactly what the numbers are. So
these questions, probably even more so because of the high level of
unemployment, have a quite a number of Americans asking some very
serious questions and have, I would say quite honestly, a number of
people in elected office here in Washington, D.C., extremely concerned
about the fact that we are not doing what we should do in terms of
fiscal responsibility.
Now, one of the things that happens in the political world, and this
may be a surprise to some people, but perhaps not to others, and that
is that sometimes there is a significant gap between what people say
and what they do. And so I prepared a few charts here just to give us
an introduction to this subject about the budget, about spending, and
about what is really true and what is really a significant factor, and
what are more peripheral kinds of questions or issues.
Now, the first statement was made by the President, President Obama,
in his State of the Union address here in this chamber not very many
days ago. This was his comment. He said, ``The true engine of job
creation in this country will always be America's businesses, but
government can create the conditions necessary for businesses to expand
and hire new workers.'' Now, this particular statement is quite true.
In fact, it corrects an extreme misconception that some in government
would love to have passed onto the Americans, but in fact is not true.
And that is that government never can create jobs.
Well, you say, Congressman Akin, how is it that the government can't
create jobs? Can't they take taxpayers' money, go out and hire
somebody, and if they hire somebody doesn't that person have a job?
Well, the answer is yes, but really no. What happens is when the
government hires one person various economists would disagree a little
bit on the exact number, but you take about 2 or 2.3 jobs out of the
private sector for every job that you create in the public sector. So
the government really doesn't create jobs, it simply takes money away
from other people to hire someone. So when you say that the government
is going to create jobs, that is actually economically false.
What the President says here is true, ``The true engine of job
creation in this country will always be America's businesses.'' That is
true. In fact, he went on to acknowledge that it is not just any
business, but it particularly is small businesses. Someone has figured
the statistic that 80 percent of American jobs are in companies that
have 500 employees or less. So small business, that is 500 employees or
less, is very much the place where jobs are created.
Now, we have some people in politics that are always blasting those
rich guys, those people that own businesses. And we are going to tax
the rich guy and make sure that he pays for everything. Well, there is
only one little problem with that theory. And that is that a lot of the
people that own those small businesses are reasonably well to do
because they have successfully put a business together, have managed
it, have taken considerable risks, have spent a whole lot of sleepless
nights worrying about balancing the books, but somehow, in spite of all
of that, they were successful. And they wake up 10 years later, after
they created a small business, and they find out that they are a
millionaire. Now, they may have started sleeping under a park bench
somewhere, and a husband and wife look at each other, and there is a
smile, and they look and they realize that their dream has come true.
{time} 1845
The American Dream worked for the owner of some small businesses. And
what that means is, because those people do have money, they can
reinvest that money in their own business. And when they do, they'll
add a wing on the building, add some new machine tools or a new process
or new idea, and create jobs in America.
So what the President is saying is true--the true engine of job
creation in this country will always be America's businesses. But
government can create the conditions necessary for businesses to expand
and to hire new workers. The government can do that. Maybe it would be
more accurate to say that unless the government gets in the way, that's
the natural cause of small businesses, to grow and to add additional
jobs.
What are the kinds of things that the government can do to try to
create those jobs? Well, they want to create an environment. It's a
little bit like if you're trying to grow a plant, what do you want for
a plant to grow? Well, you've got to have some water, you've got to
have some sunshine, you've got
[[Page H540]]
to have the right temperature. You've got to have the soil conditions
and chemistry more or less right. In the same way you can grow jobs in
America if you keep certain basic factors and functions in perspective.
We're going to go into that in a minute. But let's take a look.
This statement being true--these are the words, but here in fact are
the actions of what is being proposed as you go further into the
speech. First of all, what is being proposed are $2 trillion in tax
increases over 10 years; $2 trillion in tax increases. We're going to
talk about that in a minute, because who's going to pay those $2
trillion? Where's that money going to come from? You bet, it's going to
be taxpayers.
And then we have this job-killing cap-and-tax legislation. My chart
says cap-and-trade. People want to call it cap-and-trade. They really
want to call it the global warming tax. But this cap-and-tax
legislation puts a big tax on energy. Now guess who uses energy, aside
from homeowners, aside from people who drive cars. Of course, small
businesses. They use energy. Depending on the type of small business,
some use a great deal of energy. And so you have here a proposal which
is about an even portion of government redtape and government taxation.
If I had to judge the bill, I think the redtape may be more onerous
than the taxation, which is bad enough. The combination of the two are
deadly to small businesses and deadly to job creation. We'll get into
that in a minute.
What else is being suggested? We're going to have new taxes on
employers who don't offer the government health insurance plan. So now
what we're going to say to people if you're a businessman, Yeah, we're
going to tax you on your energy, but we've got another tax, too, for
you. That is, we're going to tax you on health insurance. And, guess
what? You're going to pick up a big piece of the tab for this
government-run health insurance plan, which supposedly only costs $1
trillion.
Now that's not talking about the amount of cost shifting that's going
to go to various State governments. But you have an extremely expensive
proposal for government to take over one-fifth of the U.S. economy with
this mandated, top down--I think I remember 400 or 500 times in this
3,000-page bill you have the ``shall.'' The government shall do this,
shall do that. And so this is another proposal which the President says
he wants to move forward with. And then it increases taxes on small
business owners who make over $250,000. Well, a whole lot of small
business owners can make over $250,000. But, again, as I have
mentioned, if you put the taxes on these people, they'll pay their
taxes but they're not going to put that money, that tax money, back
into their business to create jobs.
And so what we have here is the words that recognize that businesses
create the jobs, and particularly small businesses create the jobs, but
then in terms of action what we're doing is we're doing the very worst
possible thing that you can do in terms of creating jobs and helping
our economy. Let's take a look. You know, economics can be pretty
boring sometimes. I try to make it as simple as I can.
I'd like to talk to you this evening a little bit about job killers.
If you want to kill a plant, you don't give it any water. If you want
to kill a plant, you let it freeze. There's certain things you can do
that makes it so that a plant dies. If you want to kill jobs, there's
certain things you can do to kill them and there's also things you can
to create them.
Let's talk about the first factor. It wouldn't surprise you perhaps
that the one that I would think of first is taxes. Now how does
taxation affect small business people? Well, it's this way. If you tax
them more and more, they're going to have less money to put into their
business and so they're going to have less money to hire people. And
that's the same effect I was talking about. The government can tax and
hire somebody, but when they do, they're taking that money away from
the small business. And so while you add some government worker, you
lose two employees from the local company.
And so tax increases are absolutely deadly, and they are going to be
a big factor in unemployment. No big surprise. Other people have
recognized this. This is not that complicated. This is not rocket
science. This is not laser science. This is not quantum mechanics. It's
simple lemonade stand-type economics. And other Presidents have
recognized the problem. And so what did they do when they got into a
recession and they're having trouble with unemployment? Well, JFK
understood. He cut taxes. Ronald Reagan understood it. He cut taxes.
And George Bush during the recession also cut taxes. In each of those
situations the economy responded fairly rapidly to those tax cuts. And
why? Because the small businessman is starting to get some money to
plow into his business. So, first of all, taxes are a major factor. And
if you raise taxes a lot, you're going to kill jobs.
What have we just got over here? We've got $2 trillion in tax
increases. We've got the cap-and-tax bill, the thing on taxing energy
with all sorts of redtape in it. We also have the employers--the
socialized medicine bill. Where the government to a large degree takes
over health care, a trillion-dollar tag on that has to be picked up by
a lot of small business people. And then you have, if that's not
enough, increases on anybody making over $250,000. That hammers small
business people. And this list doesn't even mention the fact that the
tax cuts on capital gains, dividends, and death taxes, which were put
in place during the beginning of the last recession under Bush to help
the economy, those are going to expire. So they're going to compound
this problem. So here we have words. We understand that jobs are
created in businesses, but we don't really understand because our
actions are saying we're going to do just exactly what it takes in
terms of tax policy to kill jobs.
The second factor if you want to kill jobs is redtape. Redtape means
that it's more cost for businesses to do their work. If the government
says, Yeah, but you've got to write a report; you've got to do this; to
check with this; got to go to court to take care of this; you better do
that; all of that red tape may not be a direct tax, but the net effect
is it's costing a whole lot of time for an employer to try to comply
with government redtape. Do you think we've got a fair amount of
redtape in America?
Think about the amount the average citizen has in their own life and
then multiply that significantly for the average business. And so
redtape is another big factor. We have words. This sounds good and in
fact this is even true. The trouble is the actions are the exact
opposite.
I recognize that I've been joined by a good friend of mine,
Congressman Bishop, and I'd like to yield you some time if you'd like
to talk a little bit about the budget. I'd like to get into tonight a
couple of different things that have been said, comments that have been
made about this budget. First of all, I want to get a scale of how big
it is. Second of all, I'd like to talk a little bit about can you blame
it on the previous administration. We keep hearing that it was
President Bush's fault that we're in the economic problems. And then
I'd like to get back to the job creation question. But I think you've
got some specific examples from your district where there were jobs
that we're talking about, and particularly an employer that is affected
by this budget. Could you share with us, please?
Mr. BISHOP of Utah. Well, I thank the gentleman from Missouri for
yielding. Yes, this presents a particularly interesting conundrum that
we do have here. The President has talked about how our most important
element is to create jobs. And it is. For our people we need jobs. I
recognize, though, that much of what we have in this budget that you
have already mentioned does not create jobs. It actually has a stifling
impact on jobs.
Some things, though, in which jobs are our responsibility, we also
have put a stifling influence just on the decisions we make. This
budget is $3.8 trillion. That's a whole lot of money. It's $1.6
trillion more than we have. That's a whole lot of money that's going to
go there. And in every one of the budgets that takes place it's about
choices. In our own families we do the same thing. We have certain
things we want and certain things we need. My problem with this budget
right now, specifically in the areas that I am deeply concerned, is
that we have a lot of stuff in here that we want that's being funded
[[Page H541]]
and a lot of things that we need that is not being funded.
One of the few constitutional responsibilities we have in this
country is defense. Last year, you and I were down here with others
very frequently talking about missile defense. It is essential for this
country. We cut missile defense. Once again, it was about
prioritization. I think and I believe you thought we put our priorities
in the wrong place. And you don't build a missile without people. When
we cut our missile defense program, we took jobs away.
Unfortunately, in this particular budget, once again we go after
another kind of missile program and have decided to take it out. What
it simply means is this budget decides to go after NASA and take away
the Constellation program and specifically the Ares 1 rocket. Now I
hate to say this, but Time magazine determined what were the Fifty Best
Inventions of the Year. And the number one invention was the Ares
rocket. This is our process to replace the space shuttle. This is how
we are moving into space exploration in the future. I hate to say this.
I think space exploration is one of the core responsibilities of the
Federal Government.
But in taking this out what you are doing is cutting 7,000 jobs
nationwide of people involved in space, engineering, math, and science,
which--once again, the President wants to encourage kids to study and
to go into engineering, science, and math, but we don't have any
responsibility of trying to encourage that on the real side. And where
the problem comes is the people that make the motors for these rockets
make the motors for our missiles.
Mr. AKIN. Let me just get the connect, because you're building up to
something here. What you're saying is that there are solid rocket
motors that are being built in America, which are very high-tech, and
they're being built by a particular company. And they're used for the
space program but they're also used for something else. Is that
correct?
Mr. BISHOP of Utah. In defense.
Mr. AKIN. In defense. So it's not just space. It's also our defense.
I yield.
Mr. BISHOP of Utah. Both of those are core responsibilities of the
government and one that this administration has decided to cut. And
it's not necessarily that they are companies that are making these--
there's actually two companies in America that do make those motors;
one hasn't made any in a couple of decades. But it is people that do
it. When you cut these programs--when you cut the missile defense last
year and you cut this rocket program this year, the people with the
expertise that we need to build the defense of this country are going
to be gone. They're either going to find another job or, unfortunately,
they're going to go on unemployment so we can pay them for not doing
their jobs that we need to defend us.
This is one of the travesties of this particular budget. And it would
be okay with me, perhaps, if they had come up with a new plan, a new
role for NASA, something they are going to move us forward with, but
they did not. All they did is simply cut the program, throw people out
of work--if it goes through, I should say. We still have the right to
say what it is. But this budget would cut the program, throw people out
of work and, more importantly, fail for us to defend this country,
which is our constitutional responsibility. It would fail to allow this
country to move forward in space exploration and in defense because the
industrial base of this country would be gone.
The acquisition guys over in the Pentagon understand it. They say
it's not necessarily about jobs, it's about the kinds of jobs. And
therefore it is important for the future of this country to have the
right kinds of jobs in the industrial base. And it's not simply a
spigot you can turn on when once again we decide, oops, maybe we had
the wrong idea and we need more missiles to defend us against the
Iranians and the North Koreans and who knows what else might be out
there. You can't just pick it up again. If you lose the capability, you
lose the capability. And, I'm sorry, in this budget we lose the
capability we need to defend this country.
It's not just about the amount of money. It's about where we put our
priorities and do we do what we need to do first and then cover the
wants. I'm sorry; we're paying a lot of money for a lot of wants. Let
me give you a simple example. If you took what we spent in the stimulus
last year for ACORN alone, you could fund this program again and still
have close to $2 billion left over.
{time} 1900
Mr. AKIN. Wait a minute. You are telling me that the ACORN program,
the one where we've got people going to jail for voter fraud and all
other kinds of strange and weird behavior, registering illegals,
registering people that don't exist, turning them out to vote, and even
on videotapes, we see them encouraging people to build brothels and to
bring in underage illegal immigrants, that organization? You are saying
that funding could be instead directed?
Mr. BISHOP of Utah. That program got more funding in the stimulus
bill that was passed last year than it would take to carry on with this
program moving forward.
Mr. AKIN. What you have said--and I just want to reinforce. There is
a difference between jobs and jobs, is what you are saying. Some of
these things are very high-tech kinds of jobs. They require building
companies over a good number of years, building capabilities, putting
that team together, and you've got to have enough work to keep that
team operating or else they just have to dissipate and go somewhere
else. And if we need that capability for the defense of this Nation,
that, in many of our opinions, is the primary function that we must
perform here. There are a lot of other things that might be nice if the
Federal Government did it, but if we have invading armies riding across
our country, we're not very effective.
Mr. BISHOP of Utah. I think you are exactly right, and that's why,
with all due respect, this is like a double disappointment to me. Not
only are we spending too much and taxing too much, but we are not
spending it in the right place.
Mr. AKIN. We're not even spending it in the right place. You know,
that's a very, very visible kind of thing. You can see a solid rocket
voter has a lot of technical kinds of aspects, how those have been
developed, and we have an advantage on that from a technology point of
view. Now you are basically saying that we're going to give that up for
spending it on what, on something like ACORN? That's why a whole lot of
people out there are really wondering what we're doing down here.
Congressman, thank you for joining us. I notice that we are joined by
Dr. Burgess, a good friend of mine. We're talking about the budget and
about job creation and how those things connect. I also was trying to
take apart a little bit because we hear some good words, and yet the
actions of what we're doing don't seem to fit. So if you can join us,
please.
Mr. BURGESS. I appreciate the gentleman yielding. When I heard what
you were doing, I wanted to come down here and talk. You know, a week
ago we heard from the President here in the House of Representatives,
and he talked about this recession that he inherited. Okay, it's almost
as if no President has ever had to deal with a recession before.
I don't know about you, but 20 years ago, we had a pretty bad
recession where I lived in north Texas. In fact, I remember it very
well because--I'm a doctor--the medical group that I was in was under
such stress from this recession that it splintered apart, broke up. I
found myself on January 1, 1990, beginning a whole new venture as a
solo practitioner in obstetrics and gynecology in my town. And quite
honestly, I wondered how I would make it. The recession was rough. We
didn't have anyone coming down from Washington with a big bag of dollar
bills saying, You guys doing all right? You need some more cash? We'll
be glad to front it to you. At that time, the bad actors were the
savings and loans that had imploded. But real estate markets had
fallen, energy prices had fallen, and Texas was certainly upon hard
times.
The reason this came to mind was the story recently about the number
of people in the administration who worked in a private sector job, and
the number is astonishingly low. It's in the mid-single digits. No
wonder when this administration looks around for solutions, their
tendency is not to go to
[[Page H542]]
people who have actually done things in the past that have been
creative and successful and created new jobs.
In February of 2000, I had ended my first month in this new medical
venture, and I didn't have any money. I couldn't take any money home
certainly because I didn't have any money, and I had nurses on my
payroll that were depending upon me. Their families were depending upon
me. It was a tough time. It was hard to borrow money. I went down to
the bank and borrowed $12,000 to meet payroll for that 2-week interval.
The banker was not kind to me. He charged me 14 percent interest.
Mr. AKIN. Whoa, whoa, whoa. Stop just a minute. There wasn't somebody
with bailout money from the Federal Government to come just give you
some free money?
Mr. BURGESS. No, my bailout was my friendly banker who said----
Mr. AKIN. Fourteen percent interest?
Mr. BURGESS. For a 6-month loan.
Mr. AKIN. You can say that with a smile on your face today, but that
banker wasn't too good a friend.
Mr. BURGESS. It was $12,000 to meet--I realize here that $12,000
doesn't even calibrate as budget dust with what we do. But $12,000 was
an enormous sum of money to me at the time. I'm not going to be able to
take a paycheck home, but I had to be able to pay my employees. No
money was coming across the counter because I'm an OB/GYN. You've got
to wait a few months before the delivery occurs, and you get paid for
the work. I was so scared--
Mr. AKIN. Sort of one of those 9-month lead time type of things.
Mr. BURGESS. Correct. I was so scared about what the future held for
me. I did some mental calculations, and if it cost me $25,000 a month
just to pay my employees, what is my world going to look like in June?
I'm borrowing for operational expenses, and I have got no way to really
catch up that slack. Well, to make a very long story abbreviated, money
did start coming in over the counter. That was the last money that I
ever had to borrow.
But boy, I'll tell you what, when we come down here and we talk about
this budget, I remember just how I felt those days. How was I going
home to face my family? No paycheck. You talk about tightening your
belt, there just wasn't a belt to tighten. We didn't have anything. I
knew I had to continue to perform for my patients because I was
obligated to do that. I knew I had to continue to perform for my
employees because I was obligated to do that. I didn't ask any
questions. I didn't whine about it. I went down and did what I had to
do, which was borrow $12,000, and it scared me to death. It scared me
to death.
And we're going to borrow $1.9 trillion tomorrow just to meet our
debt obligations for the next, what, 14 months? Are you kidding me? And
the problem is, we've got an administration where no one has ever
worked in the private sector. No one's ever had to go down and borrow
that money, put their name on the line. No one's ever signed a paycheck
on the front. All of their paychecks are signed on the back. That's our
problem. Their natural tendency is to look for the government to get
bigger because that's where the solutions come from.
No, the solutions come from the private sector, the small business
entrepreneur, the doctor, the cardiologist, the saddlemaker, air
conditioner repairman. That's what has made this country great. That's
where the recovery of our economy lies, and we are fixing to kill the
goose that laid the golden egg with this massive debt.
What's going to happen when we have to monetize $1.9 trillion? What's
going to happen to the interest rates? I paid 14 percent in February of
1990. You know what, that might look like a pretty good deal 10 years
hence when we get to monetizing.
Mr. AKIN. You know, Dr. Burgess, what you have communicated here,
aside from being a doctor--we always put doctors sort of in a special
category and maybe a little bit of an elevated platform. But what you
have communicated is just the heart of a guy that has a business and
how much risk you took and how you plowed into unchartered territory,
just trusting that you could generate that business and then get the
business going. And afterwards, you had employees. You provided a great
product for people, and there are a whole lot of Texans who are
thankful to Dr. Burgess for delivering them. But you gave us an
understanding of how that whole system works. And just like your one
example, there are really thousands upon thousands of business owners
that are looking at this thing, and saying, What in the world is going
on?
Now we've talked about words and then actions. Here are some words,
but families across the country are tightening their belts and making
tough decisions. The Federal Government should do the same. Hey, that
sounds pretty good. That's what you were just talking about, Doctor,
that families have to tighten their belts and take a good look and make
choices between one thing and another.
Congressman Bishop just made a brilliant explanation of why the
Federal Government is making lousy choices. Not only are we spending
too much, taxing too much, borrowing too much, but we're also doing it
for the wrong reasons. And that just doesn't make a whole lot of sense.
This is starting to get to the point where I think things are going
to get interesting. We're going to bring on another witness, a
fantastic young man who really does know something about budgeting. The
big question I think that comes to a whole lot of Americans' minds is
this question: When is too much too much? When do we get to the tipping
point where the whole thing, just like a table, dumps and the whole
economy just basically falls to pieces? You know, just like in your
business, if you had borrowed too much, you could have pushed it too
far. You intuitively knew that.
What happens when we start getting into this? We're saying that
families across the country are tightening their belts, but we, sure as
the dickens, are not because with our actions, we're going to double
the debt in 5 years, raise the deficit to a record $1.6 trillion this
year. That's 10.6 percent of GDP.
Let's put this into perspective. It's one thing to have a deficit
during a year; but when you compare the deficit to the overall product
of the whole Nation, that's a significant statistic. And last year, we
set a record. The year before we set a record. During the time George
Bush was finishing and Nancy Pelosi had this Congress, we had a $450-
something billion deficit. That was big. That was 3.1 percent of GDP.
That was too much spending. And then we come back around to '09 and
what do we do? We go from $4.5 billion--oh, billion isn't a big number
anymore. Let's try trillion--to $1.4 trillion of deficit. That's three
times more with the current President, and when you look at it as a
percent of GDP, 9.9 percent of GDP.
So now we've learned our lesson, right, for 2010. Certainly that was
too much. No. No. We're going to go for $1.6 trillion instead of $1.4
trillion and 10.6 percent of GDP. When is enough enough?
My good friend Congressman Hensarling, I don't want to pick on Texas
too much, but you have really taken the lead on a number of these
economic issues. We need some help tonight, and we need to ask that
question, When is too much too much? Please help us.
Mr. HENSARLING. Well, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I
certainly appreciate his leadership tonight on an issue that is of
great concern to every American. Every American who has children, every
American who has grandchildren and are wondering, What is Washington
doing drowning them in a sea of red ink? Again, when you say, How much
is enough, we are already there. So I think it's been somewhat of a
surreal experience for the American people as of late to see Washington
go mad.
Never in the history of our Nation, do I believe, have I seen such an
explosion of spending of deficits and debt. As a lot of the public
know, the President of the United States on Friday came and spoke to
the Republicans in the House, and I give the President credit for doing
it. I think it speaks well of his character that he would come and
speak to us, something that our own Speaker I don't believe has ever
done.
I had the opportunity to speak to the President at that exchange, and
I asked our President, I said, Mr. President, your last budget that you
submitted tripled the national debt over 10 years and took the cost of
government
[[Page H543]]
from its historic level of roughly 20 percent of our economy up to 25
percent. I mean, we haven't seen such levels of government since World
War II, the cost of government relative to the economy. I asked the
President that question, and the President didn't answer. The President
declined to answer the question on Friday. But you know what, he
answered the question on Monday, and he answered the question with this
document because on Monday, the President submitted his proposed budget
for the United States of America for the next fiscal year and for the 9
years following.
Guess what we found out in this document? What we found out was that
the answer to the question is a resounding ``yes.'' President Obama has
now said to the American people loud and clear, Yes, I will triple the
national debt over 10 years. I will triple the national debt. Yes, I
will take the level of government to levels we haven't seen since World
War II, up to 25 percent of our economy. This is a breathtaking
document. The levels of debt, the levels of deficit, the levels of
spending are simply breathtaking. The largest budget in the American
history, $3.8 trillion.
Mr. AKIN. I would like to just butt in. I do butt in a few times. And
before you jump a little bit further, one of the things that the
President said--because I was at the meeting when you asked the
question. One of the things that we heard was, Well, you know, I
inherited a lot of this stuff. It was like saying, It's not my fault
that I'm spending all of this money.
And this is hard for me to understand. I'm thinking, Look, you've got
the previous President. He spent, with the Pelosi Congress, about $450
billion, which you and I, gentleman, thought was too much. It was too
much deficit, and we didn't like that. In fact, we vote against a lot
of that kind of spending. But that is, in a sense, water over the
bridge or down the river or wherever the water goes. Now he is taking
that and triples it in his very first year.
{time} 1915
How can you blame the guy that came before you when you were three
times doing more than he did? Could you explain that, because I don't
get it. How can you blame that on someone else?
Mr. HENSARLING. Well, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and it's an
important point to make. Simply because, as opposed to leading, too
often, frankly, we see the President, we see the Speaker, we see our
colleagues on the other side of the aisle saying, Well, the truth is,
you Republicans spent too much money.
Well, guess what? I agree. But only Congress, only Congress can spend
money. Congress has the power of the purse. The only money the
President can spend are those monies that are authorized by Congress.
Now, the President can propose. The President may be given pots of
money by Congress that he can allocate. But, ultimately, it is Congress
that controls the power of the purse under our Constitution.
Now, we had 12 years where Republicans controlled Congress, wrote the
budgets, wrote the spending bills. And I wasn't proud of the deficits
that occurred in those years, but they averaged about $104 billion a
year.
Mr. AKIN. So, gentleman, just taking a look at some notes I had, this
would be about from 1996 to the year 2007, and you total that up at
about $1.2 trillion. So that's 12 years of Republican deficit spending,
more or less.
Mr. HENSARLING. Well, if the gentleman would yield, I think the most
important point here--and we shouldn't spend, obviously, a lot of time
on the blame game. The American people want solutions. But what we
typically hear from our friends on the other side who aren't offering a
solution to the fiscal crisis is that it's your fault.
Here's what I would say. I'm sorry that Republicans spent as much as
they did, but our average deficit when we controlled spending was $104
billion. We've now had 3 years for Democrats to control spending, and
the average deficit is $1.1 trillion.
And so, what I would tell the gentleman and the American people is
that what was an annual deficit under Republicans has turned into a
monthly deficit under Democrats. And again, I'm not proud of the
spending. Many of us on this floor fought our own party leaders for
more fiscal restraint. But as far as an order of magnitude, I mean, you
can't even compare the two. When it comes to spending and deficits,
Republicans are rank amateurs compared to Democrats.
Mr. AKIN. I'd like to interrupt you just so you can say that again,
because that's really hard to get your mind around. In other words,
what you're saying is that what Republicans spent in 1 year, the
Democrats are averaging in 1 month, so they're 12 times faster spending
money.
You have a chart, I see.
Mr. HENSARLING. Again, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Now, this covers the last several years of when Republicans
controlled the budget. It's in the blue, and you can see declining
budget deficits until the Democrats took control of Congress.
Mr. AKIN. So the blue in your chart were Republican, and those were
the budgets, and the amount that's above the line was how much our
deficit was, right?
Mr. HENSARLING. Correct.
And so, again, I'm not proud of the fact that there were deficits
under Republican control, but look at the 3 years once the Democrats
came into control. Look at what happened in 2007. Look at what happened
in 2008. Look at what happened in 2009. And again, it just goes to show
that what was an average annual deficit under Republicans has now
become an average monthly deficit over Democrats.
Now, I know the President, again, is fond of saying, well, it's not
my fault. I inherited a mess. Well, I have two observations. You know
what I would say to the President? Yes, Mr. President, you're right.
You inherited a mess. I agree. But guess what? When it comes to
trillion dollar deficits, you inherited it from a Democratic Congress.
And also, Mr. President, if I recall properly, you were a Member of
that Democratic Congress. You were a United States Senator and your
voting record was about as pro-spending as there was. So to some
extent, if I had the opportunity to speak to the President again, I'd
say, Mr. President, you kind of inherited the problem from yourself to
some extent. But even if you didn't--let's just say that the
administration is absolutely blameless--then why, Mr. President, are
you making it worse?
Mr. AKIN. It's not just making it worse; it's tripling it in the very
first year, tripling it from 450 billion all the way up to 1.4
trillion.
I'd like to come back to you, Congressman Hensarling. I want to ask
you that question that I was getting at, and that is--I think a lot of
Americans want to know this--when do we hit some tipping point? Does
anybody know? Is there a certain point here where we have to really pay
attention, that we're going to get things so far out of kilter that the
whole deck of cards is going to fall and there's nothing we can do? I'd
like to get back to that.
But we have another guest from Florida joining us, Congressman Posey,
and I'd just encourage you to join us on this question about the
budget, the tremendous level of spending, the tremendous level of
taxing, and the tremendous level of debt that we're picking up.
Mr. POSEY. Well, I thank the gentleman from Missouri for recognizing
me.
That's only half of it, and what they are spending and wasting is in
the wrong direction. We just want to talk a little bit about the wrong
direction Congress is going, and I hope they won't go further in the
wrong direction as they continue to follow the President in the wrong
direction.
Now, I want to just remind you that when the President was in my
district campaigning, he made a pledge--it's all over the Internet
right now--that he would close the gap between the space shuttle
program and the Constellation program. Initially, it was 3 years that
we were going to outsource jobs to Russia to launch our astronauts. It
was $30 million per astronaut for ours and all the international other
astronauts that we promised to launch. The gap was 3 years. The gap
grew to 4 years, 5 years, 6 years, looking at 7 years now or maybe
more. The cost the Russians are going to charge us now is $50 million
per astronaut. And when we have
[[Page H544]]
no more shuttles and no alternative launch vehicle of our own, Lord
only knows what they're going to charge us.
But back to the campaign promise. The President promised that he
would close this gap, the time period between the shuttle's last flight
and the first Constellation flight of the Aries, where we could launch
men on the Aries.
Mr. AKIN. So, in other words, for people that are not that familiar
with the space program, what we're moving from is the old technology of
the shuttle, which we see launched in those beautiful pictures with the
hydrogen and oxygen central fuel on the main rocket engines and then
the two solid boosters. So you see those two tanks on the sides of the
aluminum, and I think it's ammonium chlorate or something. So you've
got two solid motors, and you've got the hydrogen-oxygen in the center,
those three take off. We're replacing that, right, with a new vehicle?
Is that what you're talking about?
Mr. POSEY. Correct. And the new rocket would allow us to go back to
the Moon as well as back and forth to the international space station
as well as, ultimately, to Mars, our manifest destiny, if you would.
Mr. AKIN. So this is a more powerful system?
Mr. POSEY. More powerful than the Saturn V back in the Apollo days,
actually, carry more people.
So the President promised that he would close this gap because, as
the gentleman from Utah (Mr. Bishop) mentioned, we will lose, if we
don't close that gap, 7,000 of the best and brightest space team
members this country has ever seen, and he would ensure that we
remained first in space.
Now, space is the only thing the United States of America is
universally, unequivocally, undeniably respected for around the globe.
A lot of countries respect us for a few things. Some respect us for
nothing. Some respect us for a lot of things. But the only thing that
we're universally respected for, bar none, is our space program. We are
first in space. And it's a matter of national security. And it's a
matter of economic security. We know all wars aren't fought with
bullets and bombs anymore.
So the President made these two promises. They were witnessed and
they're online. He also said, we need to lead in this global
marketplace in high technology development, and we need to encourage
more children to go into math and science. We know now that we are only
training one-tenth the number of engineers that we need, and half of
them are foreign students that we expect to go back to their own
countries. And we know China is graduating 10 times more of these high-
trained, highly specialized engineers than we are. That's not a good
end game, by the way.
Mr. AKIN. I want to get you to your point. What you're saying is he
made a promise that we're going to close this gap. Now, does the budget
close the gap or not?
Mr. POSEY. Well, we'll get there. The first thing that happened is he
accepted the resignation of Michael Griffin, the inspirational genius
behind the Constellation program and the Aries rocket. And for 6
months, when they were having the meetings, the NASA chair remained
empty without an administrator.
Mr. AKIN. So first of all, no administrator to replace him, which
doesn't look like something is on the fast track.
Mr. POSEY. Six months later we got General Bolton. He's the new
administrator, and he's a first-class guy and he'll do a good job. But
as soon as Bolton was named, the President created a commission known
as the Augustine Commission to tell us how we continue to explore space
under current budget conditions.
The Augustine Commission met a number of times. They reported to the
Science and Technology Committee, and they basically said in their
report, you can't do that on the cheap. You just can't do what needs to
be done to keep America first in space, much less close the gap. You
can't do it on the cheap. It's going to take about another $3 billion a
year.
Well, we were certainly looking forward to that extra money being put
into the program. For as little as 1 percent of the failed stimulus
plan spending, we could have flown that shuttle for 5 years and closed
that gap.
Mr. AKIN. So 1 percent of the stimulus bill, which was, I think,
about $800 billion or so, was it, the one that didn't work, at least
the rocket motor probably would have gone. This one, we lit it and it
fizzled.
Mr. POSEY. Well, you know, the stimulus bill was all about supposedly
employing people. Now, these are not low-wage jobs in the space
industry. I think the average, with benefits, is about 80,000 per,
spread out all across this country, and no State is spared the benefit
of space technology that's been developed. However, while we are having
people train to hold road signs that say ``Stop'' and ``Go'' to
regulate traffic, we are getting rid of, literally giving the pink
slips to the brightest and greatest scientific minds that we have.
And I want to take you back to Apollo and tell you what's going to
happen to those people. We had the best engineers in the world who were
laid off in Apollo literally pump gas at gas stations until their homes
were foreclosed, and then they were forced to move on, never to return
to the space program again. We had to completely rebuild the space
program again, as Mr. Bishop very eloquently discussed a little while
ago.
Mr. AKIN. I was just going say that you are really, in a sense,
making the same case that Congressman Bishop just made; that is, you
get some very, very highly trained people, you get the program all set
up, it takes years, a whole lot of research to do it, and then you just
cut it off at the knees.
I do have to move along because I wanted to recognize Mr. Bishop on
this point, and I promised I'd get back to Congressman Hensarling. So
let me come back to you, but we are getting a little close on time.
Congressman Bishop.
Mr. BISHOP of Utah. I appreciate the gentleman from Florida and what
he's saying. I think we're saying the same thing.
There are some core responsibilities the government would have to do,
and the government has promised that they would do these. And the
people working on the NASA side are the same kinds of people we need on
the defense side. And one would think, as Mr. Hensarling showed the
amount of money that's being thrown around in this particular budget,
with all that, with $3.8 trillion, you could at least cover the needs,
at least cover what we have to do.
Mr. AKIN. And gentlemen, both of you have made a very significant
point. You're saying 1 percent of that stimulus bill--there wasn't a
stimulus bill, of course. It didn't work, and stimulus bills don't work
very well anyway. But 1 percent of that would have taken care of that
promise, would have kept those very high-tech jobs in Florida, and
would have----
Mr. POSEY. Around the country.
Mr. AKIN. Around the country. Okay. And of course the rocket motor,
the solid rocket technology, these are places where the priority needs
to be, the thing that--what government can provide for the national
defense. It's not State governments. This is something that should be
fundamental to our thinking down here.
Mr. BISHOP of Utah. If I could ask the gentleman from Missouri,
because I appreciate you said the key word of ``priorities.'' Before we
actually deal with our priorities, we have to look at what is in this
budget and what isn't in this budget, and I think what the gentleman
from Texas is going to show is we could have done better for the
American people in this proposed budget, and we must. The status quo is
not acceptable. The way we've been doing things is not acceptable.
There has to be a better alternative.
{time} 1930
I would be happy to yield.
Mr. AKIN. I would like to yield to the gentleman from Texas,
Congressman Hensarling. I think you have a chart. You want to give us a
visual picture. We've been talking some boxcar kinds of numbers, but
sometimes a simple graph is worth an awful lot.
Mr. HENSARLING. I thank the gentleman for yielding one more time.
Again, the President, that budget that the President has submitted to
the American people is simply breathtaking; breathtaking in its
spending, breathtaking in its deficits, breathtaking in its debt.
This is a budget that will ultimately put us on the road to
bankruptcy.
[[Page H545]]
There is no other way around it. And I am not exaggerating these
points. But look at the trajectory of the spending under the
President's proposed budget. And as we continue to run deficits, the
red ink is there for a purpose. We have never seen spending at these
levels.
Now the gentleman asked a question earlier. At what point do we reach
the point where that red light is blinking? We're there. Most
economists believe that you cannot sustain a debt to the economy or GDP
ratio of over 3 percent, that anything over that long term is
unsustainable. The President is proposing a $1.6 trillion deficit, the
largest in American history for this budget, which would weigh in at
10.6 percent of our economy, largest debt to the economy ratio since
World War II. The deficit never falls below $700 billion under his
proposed budget plan. They average a trillion.
The deficits under this proposed budget will average a trillion
dollars a year. And so the gentleman asks, is this sustainable? And the
answer is no.
And what I really don't understand is we had Dr. Peter Orszag, who is
the Director of the Office of Management and Budget, who writes this
budget for the President. Had him before the Budget Committee
yesterday. And in open committee, the Director of the Office of
Management and Budget who wrote this said, Yes, it is unsustainable. He
himself admits that long term this spending plan of the President of
the United States is unsustainable for the American people, which begs
the question, well, then, Mr. President, why don't you put a plan on
the table to solve the problem? Where's the leadership?
This is a man who was elected to be President of the United States of
America. His own director of Office of Management and Budget says this
is fiscally unsustainable.
So what do they bring to the American people? They bring a
``commission.'' I am happy to look at a commission if it's fair, if
it's real; if it's not just a political figleaf. But it begs the
question again. What the administration is counting on is we're going
to have some commission, and they're going to propose something and
maybe Congress will enact it and we will save money that way.
Again, I would say to the President, With all due respect, Mr.
President, where is your plan? If you know that you're on the road to
bankruptcy, why don't you put a plan on the table that solves it?
What else does the President suggest? They talk about a vaunted
freeze. Well, unfortunately there is no freeze in the budget. After the
$1.2 trillion stimulus plan, after several hundred billion of omnibus
spending plans, another omnibus spending plan, after the proposed
almost $2 trillion takeover of our health care system, after a proposed
$800 billion carbon tax, after increasing spending on what we call
nondefense discretionary--basically the nondefense component of what
Congress votes on every year--that has increased 84 percent in the last
2 years.
And my point is to the gentleman of Missouri is that after this
explosion of spending, what we hear is the rhetoric of where we have a
spending freeze. But guess what? When you look at it, 87 percent of the
budget is not subject to the so-called freeze.
Second of all, the President decides, I am not even going to turn on
the freezer for a full year. I am going to wait a full year before I
turn on the freezer, and then I am going to turn it right back on after
just a few years on 13 percent of the budget.
So when you crunch the numbers, what you discover is what the
President's bold plan is to provide fiscal responsibility at a time of
fiscal insanity is that he proposes to grow government by 49 percent
over the next 10 years instead of 49.3 percent. Now, if that's a
freeze, I would hate to see a spring thaw.
I will yield back.
Mr. AKIN. You've really answered the question. We are on some very,
very shaky ground economically, and you're saying we're already there.
The thing that is frightening is--and this is something that just
kind of amazes me--we got punished by voters to a large degree, from
Republicans and Democrats, that said you guys are spending too much.
And then what happens is we come down here and triple the rate of
spending. No wonder people are mad. It's like the people in this
Chamber are tone deaf.
Now, you certainly are not, gentlemen, and I am very thankful. I know
the American public is thankful for the fact that you hold the line,
and you're making clear what the priorities are and the fact that we
can't just run out of control. It's a little bit like the guy that
says, I am going to stop smoking next month; I am going to stop eating
too much next month, and just continues with a pie eating contest.
Mr. HENSARLING. If the gentleman would yield one more time.
Not only has there been this explosion of debt and deficit, there is
nothing to show for it but the deficit and debt. Where are the jobs?
We're told that if we have this massive stimulus program that jobs
would be created, unemployment would never go past 8 percent--and we
are still mired in double-digit unemployment.
Mr. AKIN. The answer to that, as you know, it was a stimulus package.
It stimulated the creation of a lot of government handouts and jobs,
but it isn't going to fix the unemployment problem.
Congressman Posey from Florida, I thank you for coming out tonight.
Your expertise, particularly the expertise in your district. And
Congressman Bishop, and I just have got a minute or two and I will
close with you in a couple of minutes.
Mr. POSEY. Just three quick points.
Not only are they spending too much, obviously, but they're spending
it in the wrong direction. They're touting an extra $6 billion that
they're going to put into NASA to create 1,500 jobs. But I told you how
7,000 of them are going to be lost. How did that make any sense to
anybody? It doesn't pass a straight-face test.
I love commercial launches. I support commercial launches,
nongovernmental rockets, and the development of them. But we cannot
give up a manned space flight program that works, and it's cost
effective for us right now.
So I implore Congress to keep the President's promises honest and
fulfill those promises that the President made. The President obviously
is not willing to do that. I hope Congress is.
Thank you, sir.
Mr. AKIN. Thank you very much.
One of the things is we talk about this deficit budget and all, I
think a lot of Americans may not understand we've got something
stalking us here. People talk about this, that, and the other thing. If
you want to talk about the fiscal concern that we need to be watching
in our country, it comes from Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security.
This is the budget that is being proposed. This is how much money we
have in terms of receipts. This is the money that is coming into the
government. This is what we're proposing spending. And if you take a
look at that, more than half of that is Medicare, Medicaid, and Social
Security.
Those programs are called entitlements. What that means is we wrote
some laws a long time ago. It's like a machine and somebody's turning
the crank and it spends money, and it's spending more than half of what
this budget shows and quite a bit more than what we have in terms of
receipts. So that is a big question. And that is one of the things that
we must deal with.
Congressman Hensarling has been very direct in the fact that we need
some solutions. We don't need to be on the same drug and drag it out
until we're completely on our back. We have to start taking a look at
these problems, take some sober-minded solutions and start moving
forward with a plan. We've not seen that. We think American people want
that leadership.
Mr. HENSARLING. I want to make it very clear. This isn't just us
saying it. Listen to this. The Wall Street Journal yesterday, ``All of
this spending must be financed, so deficits and taxes are both
scheduled to rise to record levels.''
CNBC, ``The deficit for this year would be 10.6 percent of the total
economy, a figure unmatched since the country was emerging from World
War II.''
The New York Times, ``The budget projects that the deficit will peak
at nearly $1.6 trillion in the current fiscal year, a post-World War II
record. It would then decline but remain at economically troublesome
levels in the remainder of the decade.''
[[Page H546]]
CNBC, ``Part of a record $3.8 trillion budget that would boost the
deficit beyond any in the Nation's history.''
It is unacceptable. We have better alternatives.
Mr. AKIN. Thank you, Congressman Hensarling and Congressman Posey.
And I thank you, also, Congressman Bishop, for joining us tonight.
Thank you, Mr. Speaker. I think that concludes our hour.
____________________