[Congressional Record Volume 156, Number 12 (Thursday, January 28, 2010)]
[Senate]
[Pages S274-S276]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
JOB GROWTH
Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I thank my friend from Vermont. I hope
I will not inconvenience him. I have a very short opening statement. I
thank him for giving me the opportunity to make this statement.
As always, we appreciate the President coming to the Capitol last
night. I take him at his word when he says he wants to work with us on
issues that benefit the Nation and in particular to grow jobs. I would
like to speak this morning about two areas in particular that meet the
criteria of bipartisan achievements and job growth--agreements to
increase our exports and finding more American energy. Those are two
areas upon which we ought to be able to find bipartisan agreement.
The President called for increased exports and for the Congress to
pass trade agreements that have languished under the current majority
in the Senate. Republicans agree with the need to increase trade and
with the need to ratify trade agreements with Colombia and other
important trading partners that so far have met resistance on the other
side of the aisle. We also support passing a sensible bill to help
Pakistan establish reconstruction opportunity zones that actually
increase trade and do not impose self-defeating restrictions. We agree
with the President's call to pass these agreements. We agree that these
agreements will lead to more American jobs. The Congress should act on
these agreements.
The President also called for producing more American energy. This is
an area with a huge opportunity for American jobs that cannot--cannot--
be sent overseas. We agree with his call for more clean energy produced
here in America. We agree with his call for building more nuclear
plants. We agree with his call for increased offshore exploration for
oil and gas. We agree with his call for development of clean coal
technologies. We should build a new generation of clean nuclear plants
in this country. Senate Republicans support building 100 new plants as
quickly as possible. We hope Democrats will join us in that effort,
particularly now with the President's call to action. The President
could start by moving forward on the nuclear loan guarantee program
that was included in the bipartisan 2005 Energy bill. He could also put
forward a plan for dealing with the waste that comes from these plants
in a safe and secure manner.
The President and I agree on the need to meet in the middle to find
bipartisan agreement to grow jobs. I have outlined two specific areas
where the President and Republicans in Congress agree. We know that
increased American energy, without a new national energy tax, will grow
good jobs. We know that increasing markets for our farmers,
entrepreneurs, and manufacturers overseas through trade agreements will
grow good jobs. We can get these done, and I hope the President will
join us in calling on the majority to bring these issues to the floor
in the Senate.
One thing we had hoped to hear more about from the President last
night was the administration's handling of the attempted Christmas Day
bombing. After 9/11, all Americans recognized the need to create and
coordinate myriad tools of defense, security, and intelligence to
protect us from future attacks. That is why Americans are so troubled
by the fact that the administration seems to have lost sight of this
essential requirement for national security out of a preoccupation with
reading the Christmas Day bomber his Miranda rights. Apparently, there
was little, if any, coordination among key components of the
administration's national security apparatus on how to treat this
terrorist who nearly killed 300 innocent people over Detroit on
Christmas Day. Shockingly, the administration then made the hasty
decision to treat him as a civilian defendant, including advising him
of the right to remain silent, rather than as an intelligence resource
to be thoroughly interrogated in order to obtain potentially lifesaving
information.
Republicans have issued a letter to Attorney General Holder demanding
answers to some of the vital questions that arise out of the
administration's handling of this attempted attack. It is critical that
Americans have a full and timely understanding of the policy and legal
rationale upon which the ill-
advised decision surrounding this narrowly averted calamity was made.
Until these concerns are addressed, Republicans will continue to raise
them on behalf of the American people.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Vermont.
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I understand I have 10 minutes.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator is correct.
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I hope the American people watched and
heard President Obama's speech last night and were reassured. I know I
was. There are so many things that he covered, I will not try to repeat
all of them. I would like to expand on one of the very important
matters he raised. On this, I will wear my hat as chairman of the
Senate Judiciary Committee.
The Supreme Court's 5-to-4 decision last week in Citizens United v.
Federal Election Commission. That decision threatens to allow
corporations to drown out the individual voices of hard-working
Americans in our elections. By overturning years of work in Congress,
years of work by both Republicans and Democrats alike--campaign finance
laws, and by reversing a century of its own precedent, the
conservative, activist bloc on the Supreme Court reached an unnecessary
and improper decision that is going to distort future elections. The
Citizens United decision turns the idea of government of, by, and for
the people on its head. It creates new rights for Wall Street at the
expense of Main Street.
Congress, on behalf of the American people, struggled for years to
enact campaign finance reform. Virtually every American wanted campaign
finance reform. We finally did that in a bipartisan way in the landmark
2002 McCain-Feingold Act overcoming a filibuster and passing it with a
bipartisan supermajority. This milestone campaign finance reform
strengthened the laws, protecting the interests of all Americans by
ensuring a fair electoral process. It was a matter of serious
consideration by Congress, and was signed into law by President George
W. Bush.
In the 2003 case McConnell v. the Federal Election Commission, the
United States Supreme Court upheld the key provisions of the McCain-
Feingold Act against a First Amendment challenge. That was consistent
with 100 years of judicial precedent and law, including a longstanding
criminal law prohibiting corporations from contributing to Federal
election campaigns. We have long prevented corporate contributions to
Federal campaigns, at least since the time of President Teddy
Roosevelt. The prohibitions included in the Tillman Act were signed
into law in 1907.
Now only 6 years after upholding 100 years of precedent, resolving
the question in McConnell, and after a number of other Supreme Court
opinions upholding these campaign regulations as needed to ensure
fairness in elections, a thin majority of the Supreme Court, made
possible by President Bush's appointment of Justice Alito, has thrown
out important parts of the law, and they have run roughshod over a long
line of longstanding Court precedent. This is a threat to the rule of
law. It overrules congressional efforts to keep powerful, monied
interests from swamping individual voices and interests. This decision
puts the special interests of big oil, banks and insurance companies
ahead of the interests of the American people, and it risks corrupting
our political process. It shows no deference to Congress and no respect
for the rule of law as reflected in
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the precedents of the Supreme Court. I agree with Justice Stevens, who
wrote in his extraordinary dissent in Citizens United:
[T]he court's ruling threatens to undermine the integrity
of elected institutions across the nation. The path it has
taken to reach its outcome will, I fear, do damage to this
institution.
At his confirmation hearing, Justice Alito, under oath, testified
that the role of the Supreme Court is a limited role. It has to do what
it is supposed to do vigilantly but also has to be equally vigilant
about not stepping over the bounds and invading the authority of
Congress. That was then when he was seeking confirmation. This is now.
As Justice Stevens' dissent makes clear, the narrow majority of the
Justices, including Justice Alito, substituted their own preferences
for those of the duly-elected Congress, despite 100 years of the
Supreme Court's own precedents.
This is the most partisan decision since Bush v. Gore. That decision
by the activist conservative bloc on the Supreme Court intervened in a
presidential election. This decision is broader and more damaging in
that they have now decided to intervene in all elections. Just as in
Bush v. Gore, last week, the conservative activists currently on the
Supreme Court unnecessarily went beyond the proper judicial role to
substitute their preferences for the law. Last week's decision is only
the latest example--yet perhaps the most extreme--of the willingness of
a narrow majority of the Supreme Court to render decisions from the
bench to suit their own ideological agenda.
I believe that the activist conservatives now on the Supreme Court
got this decision dramatically wrong as a matter of constitutional
interpretation and also common sense. Corporations are not the same as
individual American men and women. They do not have the same rights,
the same morals, the same ideals. They do not vote. They do not have
the same role in our election as individual citizens. When the Supreme
Court made its landmark decision to ensure election fairness through
the constitutional protection of the principle of one-person-one-vote,
it did the right thing. Last week, the conservative bloc undermined
that core constitutional principle by imposing its view that moneyed
corporations should dominate the airwaves and election discourse.
Rather than abiding by the limitations that Congress has developed to
ensure a multitude of voices in the marketplace of election contests,
they decided that the biggest corporations should be unleashed so that
they can be the loudest and most dominant at the expense of our
democratic principles.
At the core of the first amendment is the right of individual
Americans--individual men and women--to participate in the political
process, to speak and, crucially, to be heard. That is what the
campaign finance laws were designed to ensure; that American men and
women could be heard and fairly participate in elections. This right is
fundamental to the legitimacy of our democracy--to our ability to
govern ourselves because it is the foundation of our other rights.
Last week's decision puts these inalienable rights at risk by
ignoring not only the extensive findings of Congress in passing the law
but also logic and reality. The loud megaphones that can be bought by
corporate money can drown out the unamplified voices of individual
Americans. This is true even in an age when the Internet has vastly
expanded avenues for citizens to speak to each other. The campaign
finance laws passed by Congress reflected clear reasons for treating
individuals and their free speech rights differently from corporations
and their money. We have done so for at least 100 years. We sought
additional reforms after the corruption of Watergate, and again at the
turn of this new century. Those reforms and reasonable regulation are
now left in tatters.
The purported principles of the conservative activists cannot be
limited to section 441b of title 2 of the United States Code, as
amended by section 203 of the McCain-Feingold Act. If corporations can
use their wealth to make independent expenditures for electioneering
because they are now suddenly being given, by five people on the
Supreme Court, constitutional rights in elections, what can prevent
them from contributing to individual campaigns? What principle allows
us to bar foreign corporations--foreign corporations--from likewise
engaging in campaign communications?
The largest companies garner annual profits of hundreds of billions
of dollars. They are doing this even during one of the greatest
financial disasters in our Nation's history. If even a fraction of that
money were directed toward political activity, those companies would
have the financial power to dominate and determine this country's
elections and the laws of this country. To put this in perspective, as
Doug Kendall of the Constitutional Accountability Center pointed out
after the decision, if Exxon-Mobil diverted only two percent of the $45
billion in profits it generated in 2008, ``this one company could have
outspent both presidential candidates and fundamentally changed the
dynamic of the 2008 election.'' The same could be said for numerous
other companies who will now be able to dwarf the contributions and
voices of individual Americans.
The risks of this new ruling extend even further. The conservative
activist majority in Citizens United fails to make clear whether the
new ``rights'' it has conferred are limited to American corporations or
if they apply to foreign corporations. Can the Chinese or subsidiaries
of Chinese corporations or Saudi oil companies now also spend unlimited
amounts of money and come in and decide, in effect, American elections?
Saudi Aramco is estimated to be worth $781 billion. Petro China's
estimated net worth is $100 billion, with profits rivaling Exxon
Mobil's, in the tens of billions each year. Likewise, Venezuelan oil
takes in tens of billions a year. A German insurance company named
Allianz is worth $2.5 trillion. Another insurance concern, ING Group,
is valued around $2 trillion. HSBC Holdings is valued at almost $2.5
trillion, with annual sales of almost $150 billion. Bank of American
itself has sales of over $100 billion a year. Then there are the Wall
Street firms and investment houses, which certainly will not support
planned banking industry reforms.
It is hard to envision this is what the Founders, who threw off the
shackles of oppression, meant to enshrine in the Constitution when they
wrote the First Amendment. It is also hard to understand how these
conservative activists, who sound incessant alarm bells about the
dangers of applying foreign law and recognizing rights for noncitizens
in our courts, now cannot understand the threat of this encroachment on
the very core of our democracy. The Citizens United decision is
disconnected from the plain text and history of the Constitution, the
careful policy choices of the elected branches, and the guidance of the
Supreme Court's own legal precedents and the rule of law.
I am also disappointed with the Justices, who as nominees before the
Senate, when they were testifying under oath, proclaimed their belief
in judicial modesty and judicial restraint, could then turn around and
so brazenly ignore the proper judicial role and in so cavalier a manner
overturn Supreme Court precedent and override the rule of law. In his
dissent, Justice Stevens noted that ``there were principled, narrower
paths that a Court that was serious about judicial restraint could have
taken.'' In deciding an unnecessarily broad question--when the parties
themselves advanced numerous, narrower grounds of decision--the
``majority has transgressed yet another `cardinal' principle of the
judicial process.''
I cannot remember a time in my 36 years in the Senate when I have
come to this floor to criticize even decisions I disagree with, but
this one I am because it goes to the very core of our democracy, and it
will allow major corporations, which should have laws written to
control their effect on America, to instead control America. That is
not the America I grew up in. It is not the America Vermonters believe
in, where individuals have a right to speak but not mega corporations.
How did the Court come to the opposite conclusion about the rights of
corporations to spend unlimited money on elections from that enshrined
in our laws and prior Supreme Court decisions? Did we amend the
Constitution to somehow equate corporations to people? No, we did not.
Nowhere does the Constitution even mention corporations. Did we modify
the first
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amendment? No. The first amendment reads as it did 6 years ago--indeed,
as it did 219 years ago, when the Bill of Rights was ratified, and the
14th State in the Union--Vermont--ratified the Constitution.
As Justice Stevens noted in his dissent:
The only relevant thing that has changed since Austin and
McConnell is the composition of the court.
Six years ago Justice Sandra Day O'Connor, who was part of the
Supreme Court's majority upholding the limits on corporate spending in
the McCain-Feingold Act, retired. The meaning of the Constitution
should not change from one year to another due to the replacement of
one Justice. As the dissenting Justices noted:
[T]he final principle of judicial process that the majority
violates is the most transparent: stare decisis. . . . But if
this principle is to do any meaningful work in supporting the
rule of law, it must at least demand a significant
justification, beyond the preferences of five justices, for
overturning settled doctrine.
As judicial nominees often testify, the rule of law depends on the
stability provided by the consistent application and interpretation of
the Constitution and the laws. So does the ability of Congress to act
to pass laws. The Latin phrase that lawyers use to talk about the
importance of respecting and following prior court rulings or precedent
is ``stare decisis.''
As Justice Stevens wrote in the dissent:
Stare decisis protects not only personal rights involving
property or contract but also the ability of the elected
branches to shape their laws in an effective and coherent
fashion.
That is why every Supreme Court nominee that I can recall who has
appeared before the Judiciary Committee has been asked whether he or
she is committed to following precedent. This is central to assuring us
and the country that a Justice will be committed to the rule of law and
understands the role of a judge. Courts should only depart from
precedent with ample justification. As Justice Stevens wrote in
dissent:
No such justification exists in this case, and to the
contrary there are powerful prudential reasons to keep the
faith with our precedents.
The same five Justices willing to overturn well-established precedent
to create broad new rights for corporations in Citizens United had no
trouble severely limiting free speech rights for individuals. In a 2007
case, Morse v. Frederick, Chief Justice Roberts, joined by Justices
Scalia, Alito, Thomas and Kennedy, held that the First Amendment did
not protect an 18-year-old student from being suspended for holding up
a banner across the street from a school during the 2002 Olympic Torch
Relay. They held the principal could suspend that student, a legal
adult, for displaying the banner, not on school grounds, but across the
street from the school. All that was needed was for the school
administrator to believe that the banner somehow promoted illegal drug
use and was therefore against the school's policy. Perhaps if that
student had incorporated, these five Justices would now find his First
Amendment rights protected. These are the same Justices who recently
reached out to ban the streaming of public trial proceedings on a
matter of public interest, as well, on similarly flimsy grounds in
order to impose their own preferences.
It is also difficult to understand the lack of concern in Citizens
United for the potential of massive corporate spending to distort
elections in light of the Supreme Court's ruling issued only months ago
in Caperton v. Massey. In that case, Justice Kennedy wrote that the
possibility of bias due to campaign contributions in a state judicial
election meant that the judge was wrong not to recuse himself from
deciding a case involving a defendant who had spent $3 million
supporting his election campaign to the bench. I agreed with that
decision. There, Justice Kennedy wrote:
We conclude that there is a serious risk of actual bias--
based on objective and reasonable perceptions--when a person
with a personal stake in a particular case had a significant
and disproportionate influence in placing the judge on the
case by raising funds or directing the judge's election
campaign when the case was pending or imminent.
What I do not understand is how these same standards and obvious
logic were not applied to corporate spending in election campaigns.
Last week's decision and its troubling inconsistency with the Court's
other interpretations of the Constitution leaves with us serious
questions about how to ensure that our elections are not corrupted by
unchecked corporate spending. It also reinforces the profound concern I
have had about the real-world consequences of the Supreme Court's
recent decisions for hard-working Americans--real Americans--on issues
such as equal pay for equal work; the power of Congress under the 14th
and 15th amendment, to pass civil rights laws, such as the Voting
Rights Act; and issues thought to be long settled, such as the meaning
of Brown v. Board of Education. The newly constituted Supreme Court
seems determined to accrue to itself the powers given by the
Constitution to Congress and to rewrite long-established precedents,
certainly acting contrary to what these same Justices said in their
sworn testimony when they were being confirmed. The Judiciary Committee
has explored these concerns in a series of recent hearings, and we will
hold a hearing soon to examine the impact of the Citizens United
decision. This case is just the latest example of why every seat on the
highest court affects the lives of everyday Americans.
I think every one of us, as Americans, must work to ensure that the
system of checks and balances envisioned by the Founders is not cast
aside by the whimsical preferences of five Justices overriding the
rights of 300 million Americans. I look forward to working with
President Obama and Senators from both sides of the aisle as we try to
restore the ability of every American to be heard and effectively
participate in free and fair elections.
Again, I can only emphasize that I do not recall a time in my 36
years coming here to speak about Supreme Court decisions I disagree
with, even though there have been many. But this is so egregious that,
as chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, I would feel I was
neglecting my duties if I did not come and speak against it.
I yield the floor.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Vermont is
recognized.
Mr. LEAHY. I thank the Chair.
(The remarks of Mr. Leahy pertaining to the introduction of S. 2960
are located in today's Record under ``Statements on Introduced Bills
and Joint Resolutions.'')
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Alabama.
____________________