[Congressional Record Volume 154, Number 97 (Thursday, June 12, 2008)]
[House]
[Pages H5333-H5342]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
PROVIDING FOR CONSIDERATION OF H.R. 5749, EMERGENCY EXTENDED
UNEMPLOYMENT COMPENSATION ACT OF 2008
Mr. ARCURI. Madam Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I
call up House Resolution 1265 and ask for its immediate consideration.
The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:
H. Res. 1265
Resolved, That upon the adoption of this resolution it
shall be in order to consider in the House the bill (H.R.
5749) to provide for a program of emergency unemployment
compensation. All points of order against consideration of
the bill are waived except those arising under clause 9 of
rule XXI. In lieu of the amendment in the nature of a
substitute recommended by the Committee on Ways and Means now
printed in the bill, the amendment in the nature of a
substitute printed in the report of the Committee on Rules
accompanying this resolution shall be considered as adopted.
The bill, as amended, shall be considered as read. All points
of order against the bill, as amended, are waived. The
previous question shall be considered as ordered on the bill,
as amended, to final passage without intervening motion
except: (1) one hour of debate equally divided and controlled
by the chairman and ranking minority member of the Committee
on Ways and Means; and (2) one motion to recommit with or
without instructions.
Sec. 2. During consideration of H.R. 5749 pursuant to this
resolution, notwithstanding the operation of the previous
question, the Chair may postpone further consideration of the
bill to such time as may be designated by the Speaker.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from New York is recognized
for 1 hour.
Mr. ARCURI. Madam Speaker, for purpose of debate only, I yield the
customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Hastings).
All time yielded during consideration of the rule is for debate
purposes only.
General Leave
Mr. ARCURI. I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5
legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks and
insert extraneous materials into the Record.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from New York?
There was no objection.
Mr. ARCURI. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
House Resolution 1265 provides for consideration of H.R. 5749, the
Emergency Extended Unemployment Compensation Act of 2008. The rule
provides 1 hour of debate, equally divided and controlled by the
chairman and ranking minority member of the Committee on Ways and
Means.
Madam Speaker, our economy is in trouble, and hardworking Americans
across the country are bearing the weight of it. Times are especially
tough for middle-class families. The labor market continues to
deteriorate, the price of gasoline and food continues to rise, the
value of real estate continues to decline, and millions of American
households are forced up to rack up more and more credit card debt just
to make ends meet. And we are not talking about frivolous expenditures.
Middle class families are racking up credit card debt to do things
likes paying their electric bills or buying school supplies for their
children.
Madam Speaker, the American people deserve better. Since the
beginning of this year, when the majority first began to push for an
extension of the unemployment benefits, the national unemployment rate
has surged to 5.5 percent, the largest 1-month increase in 20 years.
Yesterday, 144 members of the minority made it clear that they don't
think the situation is serious enough to warrant extending unemployment
benefits for Americans struggling to make ends meet, so we are here
again today.
To me, 8.5 million unemployed Americans is a very serious situation.
To me, trying to fill up your car with gas at $4 a gallon when you just
lost your job is a very serious situation. And to me, when so-called
free trade agreements are moving jobs across the border and no new
quality jobs are being created, it is a very serious situation.
Madam Speaker, I believe government should lend a hand when its
citizens are struggling, especially hard-working, middle-class
families. But whether you agree with that or not, extending
unemployment benefit is one of the most cost-effective, fast-acting
ways to stimulate the economy.
Putting money directly into the pockets of struggling workers ensures
that it will be spent quickly on daily necessities, boosting our
economy and making it a little easier for folks to make ends meet.
Every dollar spent on unemployment benefits generates $1.64 in new
economic demand. In my home State of New York, an extra 13 weeks of
unemployment benefits would infuse $600 million into the State economy.
For my constituents in upstate New York, a struggling economy and
high unemployment has been a fact of life for a very long time now. My
district hasn't reaped the so-called cyclical job
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growth benefits from trade agreements. Oh, we lost our jobs all right,
but we haven't seen the job creation yet. In fact, employees of
businesses in my district have applied for trade adjustment assistance
over 200 times since the program's inception, and of those
applications, the Labor Department certified over half as a result of
trade agreements. Unfortunately, as factories close, hard-working
families have nowhere to go but to stand in line outside the local
unemployment office. The American people deserve better, and that is
why we are here today.
This bill would provide up to 13 weeks of extended unemployment
benefits in every State to workers exhausting their regular benefits
and provide an additional 13 weeks to States with higher unemployment
levels.
Federal unemployment trust funds, which were created exactly for this
type of situation and have more than enough reserves to cover the
costs, will finance these benefits. This costs will not be deferred to
our children to pay back, and the trust fund will do so in a structure
very similar to the temporary extended unemployment compensation
program established in response to the last recession in 2002, an
emergency extension, I might add, which was passed by the previous
Republican Congress in the same way we are doing today, when there were
fewer long-term unemployed workers.
Madam Speaker, extending these benefits for struggling Americans is
the right thing to do. I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle
to support the rule and the underlying bill.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Madam Speaker, I want to thank the
gentleman from New York (Mr. Arcuri) for yielding me the customary 30
minutes, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.
(Mr. HASTINGS of Washington asked and was given permission to revise
and extend his remarks.)
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Madam Speaker, it is an unfortunate
spectacle to see the leaders of this Congress manipulate the extension
of unemployment benefits into a partisan weapon and a diversion from
their failure to do anything about the skyrocketing price of gasoline
and diesel. My colleagues on the other side of the aisle want the
American people to believe that Republicans are mean, uncaring and
opposed to providing help to unemployed workers as they look for a job.
I am certain, Madam Speaker, that Democrat after Democrat will come
to the House floor and attempt to paint this cartoon view of the world.
But nothing, Madam Speaker, is further from the truth. It is
Republicans who have been trying for weeks, months and years to
overcome the near monolithic Democrat opposition to producing more
American-made energy, which will increase the oil supply and lower
prices at the pump to keep our economy working. The high cost of
gasoline is affecting families, workers and businesses in every town in
this country, and this Democrat Congress does nothing.
Let me state for the record that Republicans not only believe in the
importance and value of unemployment benefits and that we support
extension of benefits in times of needs, but that it was a Republican
Congress and President that last enacted unemployment benefit
extensions in 2003, and I supported and voted for those extensions.
Yet the liberal leaders of this Congress decided to bring an
unemployment benefit extension bill to the House floor that purposely
undermines the bipartisan, responsible manner in which extensions have
been enacted for the past 27 years, going all the way back to 1981.
Democrat leaders decided to change the rules and to do it while
blocking every single Representative, Republican or Democrat, from
being able to come to the floor of the House and offer their
suggestions for improving unemployment insurance or better directing
benefits to those Americans or those communities in our country that
are most in need.
As written in this bill, Madam Speaker, Democrats have mutated the
requirements for receiving benefits so that an individual could work
for just 2 weeks and then get an entire year's worth of unemployment
benefits. Madam Speaker, giving 365 days worth of benefit checks for
having worked just 14 days violates most Americans' sense of fairness.
There is a big difference between providing a leg up and giving a
handout, and I think this bill crosses that line.
This bill also gives an extra 13 weeks of unemployment benefits to
States where the unemployment rate is incredibly low, below 3 percent.
Instead of focusing benefit extensions to where it is needed, this bill
gives it to places where it is not.
As I said, Democrats have chosen to mutate the way unemployment
benefit extensions have been done for the past 27 years so that they
can try to score political points. But Democrats have also decided it
is okay to break the promises they made to the American people in just
the last election.
One of the promises that Democrat leaders spoke about the loudest and
most often was their commitment to what is known as PAYGO, or pay-as-
you-go. Under the promise made by Democrat leaders, a new rule was
written in the House at the start of this Congress to prevent any bill
from passing that wasn't budget neutral, that didn't offset new
spending with spending cuts or tax increases.
Madam Speaker, Democrats are not keeping that promise on this bill.
On this bill, they are waiving PAYGO rules. They are now saying that
the PAYGO rule they wrote and the promise they made to the American
people can be ignored whenever it is convenient or expedient.
Madam Speaker, my purpose in raising the issue of PAYGO rules being
violated is not to use it as an argument against the extension of
unemployment benefits, but to point out the broken promises and
hypocrisy of the liberal leaders of this Congress. They claim it is
okay to ignore PAYGO because American people pay unemployment insurance
tax out of every paycheck, so it is the American people's own money
that is paying for the bill.
Well, when it comes to income tax increases, that is the American
people's money too. Yet it was just 2 days ago that the Democrat
majority leader flat out declared that Americans will face billions of
dollars of tax increases this year if expiring tax rates aren't offset
by PAYGO rules.
Madam Speaker, the leaders of this House are using PAYGO to hold
hostage tax relief legislation that would prevent 25 million Americans
from having their taxes go up by an average of $2,000 next April to pay
the AMT tax.
{time} 1030
They are holding an extension of the State sales tax deduction
hostage under PAYGO rules by requiring taxes to be increased so that
the residents of sales tax States, like my State, can be treated as
fairly and equally as residents of income tax States. For the leaders
of this Congress, PAYGO is an excuse to raise taxes by billions of
dollars, but PAYGO can be ignored when they mutate long-standing
unemployment benefits to allow someone who works just 2 weeks, just 2
weeks, to get an entire year's worth of benefits checks.
This extension of unemployment benefits is labeled as an emergency,
as an emergency, because unemployment rose from 5 to 5.5 percent last
month. It's stated that this is the largest 1-month increase in two
decades and so Congress must now pass legislation. This 1-month
increase of 10 percent is justification for urgent, immediate action
that this House and the Senate must clear all other schedules and vote
to pass this legislation without delay. That's what has been said.
Where is the same level of urgency and need for immediate action on
gas prices? Gas prices have gone up over 10 percent in the last month.
Americans aren't just paying the highest gas prices in the past two
decades, they are paying the highest prices ever, ever, recorded in the
history of this country? Almost every day the price of gasoline sets a
new record.
Since Democrats took control of Congress the price of gasoline has
gone up over 75 percent. At the pace that prices are climbing, it may
only be a matter of time until they have doubled, doubled, while this
liberal Congress does nothing.
I absolutely agree that losing one's job is a painful experience and
that it deserves the attention of Congress. But
[[Page H5335]]
the pain of filling up your gas tank is felt by every American, whether
they just lost their job or not. The pain of skyrocketing gas prices is
hurting all Americans, all Americans, yet this liberal Congress does
nothing to help increase the supply of gasoline to lower prices at the
pump.
Time after time Democrats have blocked real solutions for more
American-made energy by increasing oil and gas production and refining
here, right here, in America. America has billions of barrels of oil
reserves and trillions of cubic feet of natural gas, but Democrats
insist on keeping it off limits. We are not allowed to make our own
energy, and so the prices continue to climb.
How long will Speaker Pelosi and this liberal Congress refuse to act
to increase supply and lower gas prices? How high do prices have to go
before they stop blockading America from tapping its own resources?
There were thousands of oil-drilling rigs in the Gulf of Mexico that
weathered two back-to-back Category 5 hurricanes, Rita and Katrina, and
not one single rig ruptured. America has the resources and safe
technology to produce oil for years, but Democrats refuse to allow it.
Eighty-six percent of congressional Democrats have opposed more
American-made energy, while 91 percent of Republicans have supported
producing more energy right here in our own country. If this Congress
is serious about addressing economic pain, then they need to get
serious about gas prices and stop blocking real solutions.
For months Republicans have tried to force this House, and for months
Democrats have refused to act. Meanwhile, the price of gas and diesel
just goes up and up and up.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ARCURI. Madam Speaker, I heard my friend from Washington twice
refer to this Congress--at least twice, anyway--as a liberal Congress.
I guess I would have to respond in that since when does helping people
who lost their job have anything to do with being a liberal or
conservative?
I think people, the American people, hear people in Congress cite
statistics and studies as if the people they are referring to are not
real. These people, a person who loses job, who has to support his
family, doesn't care if the statistics say that his State has the
lowest unemployment in America. He doesn't care. All he wants to know
is that he has unemployment benefits so that he can support his family.
That is what we are here to do today.
Madam Speaker, I would like to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
Washington, the chairman of the Family Support Subcommittee of the Ways
and Means, Mr. McDermott.
Mr. McDERMOTT. Madam Speaker, the Bible says, ``By their deeds, you
shall know them.'' The Republicans do not want to help unemployed
workers in this country. It is as simple as that. If you go back to the
debate in 1935 and come forward, the Republicans have always resisted
the idea of unemployment benefits because the argument is that people
will sit at home and wait for a check and that they will then not go
out and look for work.
Now, it's clear that's not true and now, today, what they are hanging
their hat on is some mythical worker out there who has worked 2 weeks
and is going to get full benefits. That simply is misleading in the
very plainest form.
Madam Speaker, I have a letter which I ask to enter into the Record
from the Oregon Unemployment Department, signed by Tom Byerley.
State of Oregon,
Employment Department,
Salem, OR, June 11, 2008.
Indivar Dutta-Gupta,
Professional Staff, House of Representatives, Committee on
Ways and Means Subcommittee on Income Security and Family
Support, Washington, DC.
Dear Mr. Dutta-Gupta: In the deliberations by Congress
relating to a proposal to extend unemployment insurance
benefits, it has come to my attention that Oregon has been
held up as an example as a state where a worker could work
only three weeks during the base period upon which the claim
was filed and qualify for 26 weeks of regular state benefits
and an additional 13 weeks, or 26 depending on the
unemployment rate, of benefits under the bill to extend
claims. That is not true.
In Oregon a worker must have a minimum of $1,000 in
earnings for the entire base year. In addition, he must have
total base year wages in an amount equal to or in excess of
one and one half times the wages in the highest quarter.
Oregon Revised Statute 657.150(2)(a)(A). With only three
weeks of work, the only way this worker could qualify would
be to work in two separate quarters. As an example, when an
individual worked only three weeks in the base year, we'll
place one week of work in one quarter and two in the
subsequent quarter.
In this scenario, let's say the second quarter where the
claimant worked two weeks would be the highest quarter since
he worked two weeks and only one week in the prior quarter.
In simplest terms, he earns $333 for one week in the first
quarter and $667 for two weeks of work in the second quarter.
That gives him the minimum required wage threshold of $ 1,000
total earnings to qualify and gives him wages of one and one
half times in the highest quarter in total base year wages.
This worker would qualify for $108 per week for 3.08 weeks.
$108 for three weeks and the last payment would be $9. This
worker would not receive the full 26 weeks. Our law provides
that if total base year wages are between $1,000 and
$8,423.99, the maximum award will always be 1/3 of the total
base year wages or in this case, $333.
I cannot speculate how our law could be misconstrued to say
that someone with the minimum wages to qualify for a claim
would be able to claim the maximum award or 26 weeks. The
information I have reviewed that I understand has been
referenced in the ``Highlights of State Unemployment
Compensation Laws, January 2007'' published by the National
Foundation for Unemployment and Worker's Compensation (UWC)
on pages 53 through 56 entitled ``Qualifying Requirements''
(copy attached) is accurate. In fact, we provide that data on
an annual basis. To read this to say you only have to work
three weeks to qualify for a maximum claim of 26 weeks is
simply reading something into our qualifying requirements
that isn't there.
I hope this information is helpful. Please don't hesitate
to contact me at (503) 947-1707 if you have any additional
questions.
Sincerely,
Tom Byerley,
UI Director.
This letter says, ``In the deliberations by Congress relating to a
proposal to extend unemployment insurance benefits, it has come to my
attention that Oregon has been held up as an example as a State where a
worker could work only 3 weeks during the base period and receive 26
weeks of benefits and an additional 13 weeks. That is not true.''
He goes on to say, ``I cannot speculate how our law could be
misconstrued to say that someone with the minimum wages to qualify for
a claim would be able to claim the maximum award'' or benefit.
Now, what Members have to understand is the qualification for
unemployment is decided by State legislatures. They make the decision.
Many of them do not start the quarter that you are in. If you lost your
job today, they would not count back to the 1st of April, they will not
count to the first of the year, they would start counting last year in
2007.
So he gives an example, suppose somebody worked one week in September
and two weeks in October, and they made $1,000. They would be eligible
in Oregon for a check of $108 for three weeks and $9 in the fourth
week.
Now, if you want to hold up benefits for 1.5 million people in the
United States for one lone Oregon duck who got $108 for three weeks and
$9 in the fourth week, you go ahead. Your decision will be from the
voters in your districts in this election.
This is a red herring. It has been.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. ARCURI. Madam Speaker, I yield the gentleman an additional 30
seconds.
Mr. McDERMOTT. This was put into the law in 1981 when the workforce
was entirely different. Women were not such a big part of the
workforce, we did not have part-time jobs. When you have this provision
in the law you are denying extended benefits to about 10 percent of the
people who have exhausted their benefits. Because they did not work
full time, they don't get anything, and these objections are simply a
reflection of the Republicans, the fact they do not want to give
unemployment benefits.
Vote for the rule. Vote for the bill.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2
minutes to the gentlelady from Michigan (Mrs. Miller).
Mrs. MILLER of Michigan. I certainly appreciate the gentleman
yielding. Madam Speaker, I rise to support the rule, but I strongly
support the underlying bill.
[[Page H5336]]
We are back here again today because this House, in my estimation,
must act to give those who are struggling in our challenging economy
the help that they need. Too many working families in my district, in
my home State of Michigan are having serious difficulties finding work
and making ends meet.
Not only have too many workers lost their jobs, but other factors
have stymied their efforts to find work. Gas prices of over $4 a gallon
are making it increasingly difficult to travel longer differences to
find work. The housing crisis, which is particularly acute in my home
State of Michigan, has made it nearly impossible for families to sell
their homes, which would allow them to move closer to areas where jobs
could perhaps be found.
Some have argued that this bill would alter very long-standing
Federal policy as a reason to vote against it and perhaps it does, but
that is no comfort to those who cannot find work. They are not
interested in Federal policy changes, they are interested in keeping
their homes or feeding their families or having money to buy gas so
that they can go out and find a job. I understand some of the concerns
about granting this extension of benefits, but I believe strongly that
those concerns are far outweighed by the needs of struggling American
families.
I urge all of my colleagues to join together and to take this
important step to provide a helping hand to fellow Americans in need.
Again, I oppose this rule, but I strongly support the underlying
bill.
Mr. ARCURI. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Kansas (Mr. Moore).
Mr. MOORE of Kansas. Madam Speaker, last Friday the Labor Department
in our country reported that in May the unemployment rate rose to 5.5
percent from 5 percent and reported that unemployment continued to fall
in construction, manufacturing, retail trade and temporary health
services, while health care continued to add jobs. The half percentage
point increase is the largest single increase in the unemployment rate
in 22 years, with more than 861,000 jobs lost in May.
The unemployment insurance program provides benefits to those who
become unemployed through no fault of their own and meet certain
conditions. Our economy has also lost jobs for five consecutive months,
and it's likely that more than 1.4 million workers have exhausted their
unemployment benefits in the first 6 months of this year alone. The
Congressional Budget Office estimate that had this legislation would
provide additional benefits to 3.8 million unemployed workers, many of
whom are at extreme financial risk.
Extending these benefits is one of the most cost-effective and fast-
acting ways to stimulate our faltering economy because the money is
spent quickly, according to the Congressional Budget Office. Every $1
spent on unemployment benefits generates $1.64 in new economic demand.
Congress has extended unemployment benefits over several occasions
over the last 50 years in response to economic weakness. This is
another one of those times in which Congress must take immediate action
to address this emergency on behalf of the people in our country.
I urge my colleagues to support this temporary, I repeat, temporary
extension of unemployment benefits so we can provide much-needed relief
to 3.8 million unemployed workers to assist them with rapidly rising
food costs while they continue to struggle to find work in this rapidly
slowing economy.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2
minutes to the distinguished Republican Conference chairman, Mr. Putnam
of Florida.
Mr. PUTNAM. I thank the gentleman for the time, and I appreciate the
opportunity to debate this issue.
Madam Speaker, it is an unfortunate situation that we have to debate
unemployment compensation because of the underlying economic
weaknesses, particularly those that have been caused by high energy
prices.
We have seen reports of plant closures because of high energy prices.
High natural gas prices have put American manufacturers, American
fertilizer makers, American petrochemical industries at a competitive
disadvantage because it is not a global commodity, and we have failed
as a Congress to put forward an energy policy that actually creates
energy, which actually creates American jobs.
In addition to that, this particular rule waives PAYGO, one of the
most prominently heralded reforms brought into the 110th Congress, the
idea that you would pay-as-you-go. It is now a matter of sometimes
paying as you go, every now and then paying when you go, when it's
convenient paying as you go.
{time} 1045
But be that as it may, it is important that we address not only the
necessary relief for those who have lost their jobs, but to prevent
people from losing their jobs in the first place. And the best way that
this Congress can move forward on that is to put onto the floor of the
House a comprehensive energy policy that actually produces energy, that
puts American workers back to work, taking advantage of the tremendous
potential in conservation and green jobs, but also in domestic
production, exploring the resources that we have here and putting them
to work for the American people, constructing nuclear power plants.
There is a lot of talk from both sides of the aisle about the need to
move into more innovative uses of mobile fuels, to move into the plug-
in hybrid. Well, what are you going to plug it into?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman from Florida has
expired.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. I yield the gentleman 1 additional
minute.
Mr. PUTNAM. I thank the gentleman.
So we have to invest not only in the next generation of mobile fuels
to eliminate our dependence on foreign oil and gas, but also to
construct the type of electrical infrastructure necessary to create a
thriving economy, to put people to work so they don't have to rely on
unemployment compensation and the whim of the Congress and the whim of
the State legislatures about whether it is 13 weeks or 26 weeks. We
ought to be focused on putting them back to work. That is what these
American workers want, and we have an opportunity to do that.
We have put forward that proposal with the No More Excuses Energy
Act, a comprehensive approach that puts people to work and eliminates
our dependence on foreign energy from people who don't like us and
creates a generational leap forward for energy security for North
America.
I urge Members to defeat this rule. Let's start over and do it the
right way.
Mr. ARCURI. If what the gentleman from Florida says is true, I guess
any pay-as-you-go is better than the no-pay-as-you-go that we had in
the last Congress.
Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Utah (Mr.
Matheson).
Mr. MATHESON. Madam Speaker, we are hearing a lot of concern about
PAYGO. I have to tell you that when it comes to having credibility on
this issue, as someone who is not a particularly partisan person, I
always like to work on both sides of the aisle, I am a little upset
that we are hearing this criticism about PAYGO from a group of folks
who when they were in charge let the law expire.
It is a law that existed for 12 years. It helped move us from
deficits to surpluses. It moved us on the glide path to where we
wouldn't be burdening future generations with debt, and that law
expired. The bottom line is that law as it was written would have
allowed this unemployment compensation legislation to go through under
emergency spending.
Now, the way that the law is written in this Congress, quite frankly,
I think the law wasn't crafted properly because it should have allowed
this to be emergency spending. That is why I, as a Blue Dog, am
comfortable with this bill.
But let me assure you, actions speak louder than words. There are so
many words that get thrown out on the floor of the House, but actions
speak louder than words. And the actions are this: who cares about
deficits, who thinks deficits matter? I am not sure that the other side
of the aisle does, and their track record demonstrates that.
[[Page H5337]]
We've seen debt go up by $3 trillion during the first 6 years of the
Bush administration with a Republican Congress. Come on, we shouldn't
be criticized about our good-faith efforts to try to encourage PAYGO
and live within our means. If we have not been perfect on this side of
the aisle, we have made the effort. And I have heard no response from
the other side whenever we bring up a bill that is paid for to offer an
alternative that is also paid for.
So if you really care about your future generations, which I do, I
think of my two young sons, and I think about the debt burden that we
are placing on them, I think that we have a moral obligation to do the
right thing for future generations.
So please, let's tone down the rhetoric a little and let's
acknowledge that if you really care about deficits, instead of just
talking about it, do something about it.
This side of the aisle has attempted to do something about it in this
Congress. They established a PAYGO rule. I am proud of the fact that
the Democratic Caucus has done that, and we should all work together
because it shouldn't be a partisan issue. If you care about deficits,
whether you're Democrat or Republican, let's work together and let's
secure the future for our children.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield such
time as he may consume to the distinguished ranking member of the Rules
Committee, the gentleman from California (Mr. Dreier).
(Mr. DREIER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. DREIER. Madam Speaker, I thank my friend for yielding.
I will tell you that this debate is to me rather sad. I listened to
my friend, Mr. McDermott, with whom I have been very privileged to work
for many years on trying to open up new markets for U.S. workers, to
have access into those markets around the world. He represents the
Seattle area, and we all know how important trade is. He and I have
been privileged to try and pry open markets in Asia and Latin America
and other parts of the world.
I just was downstairs and heard him on TV make some statement, and I
would be happy to yield to him if I am incorrect in quoting him. He
said Republicans don't care about those who are unemployed, those who
are suffering and are victimized here. And I would be happy to yield.
Is that what my friend said? I would say to my friend from Seattle, I
would be happy to yield to him, that Republicans don't care about those
who are unemployed?
Mr. McDERMOTT. Thank you for yielding.
If you read the history of the enactment of the 1935 Social Security
Act, the last issue argued in the United States Congress was an
amendment by the Republicans trying to take out unemployment benefits
because they said it weakened the will of people to search for work. It
is a long, distinguished record.
Mr. DREIER. Madam Speaker, reclaiming my time, let me just say the
1935 Social Security Act is a debate that took place more than a couple
of years ago.
Let's talk about what it is that we as Republicans have believed
passionately in doing, and that is to ensure that people who are
hurting the most are in fact able to benefit from unemployment
benefits.
You know, we had an interesting debate in the Rules Committee last
night. We just talked about the need for PAYGO compliance. Of course
that was the sine qua non when we were debating the rules at the
beginning of this Congress, the fact that we were going to make sure
that everything was PAYGO compliant. Obviously this is not PAYGO
compliant. Everyone has acknowledged that. The distinguished chair of
the Rules Committee in a discussion with Mr. Hastings last night
finally acknowledged that this is not PAYGO compliant, so completely
contrary to what has been promised here time and time again.
But when it comes to actually ensuring that those who are truly in
need are the beneficiaries of unemployment compensation, it seems to me
we should go back not to 1935, but to 2002 because we had an extension
of unemployment benefits that was put into place in 2002.
Madam Speaker, virtually every Democrat at that time supported the
notion of saying there should be a minimum of 20 weeks of work, 20
weeks of work before someone could have the opportunity to see the
unemployment benefits accrued to them.
What is it that this measure does? I will tell you, when I talk to my
constituents about this, Madam Speaker, they are absolutely horrified.
I just was downstairs 5 minutes ago talking to one of my constituents
about it, and I explained what I am about to say here to our
colleagues, and she could not believe it. Every member of her family
with her, they were absolutely horrified when I said the following:
under this plan, if someone works for only 2 weeks, they work only 2
weeks in their entire life, they are able to receive 52 weeks, one
entire year of unemployment benefits. That's what it says, that's what
this measure does.
In 2002 when we dealt with this issue, the Democrats decided there
should be at least 20 weeks of work. And now when we have an
unemployment rate, which as I acknowledged has gone up a half a
percent, and it hasn't gone up to that level in 22 years, it is very
unfortunate, it is still significantly lower than the unemployment rate
we have seen in the past. And what are they saying, if someone has
worked for only 2 weeks, they are able to see 52 weeks of benefits.
That is just plain wrong.
I will tell you, whether you are a working American or an American
looking for a job, that is not right because perpetuating the welfare
state is exactly what that does. It is not providing a cushion of
benefits.
We also believe, Madam Speaker, that the opportunity to say, gosh, if
someone is out there and they are working to find an employment
opportunity and they do, we believe we should reward that by providing
them a lump-sum benefit, a lump-sum benefit that has rewarded them for
the fact that they have found a job. We know it is difficult. We are
not saying that everyone is going to be able to, but that is the kind
of thing that we want to do.
And what has happened here? Well, the new majority has said an
absolute closed rule, no opportunity for us to offer that kind of
amendment.
Let me get back to the issue that we have been talking about time and
time again which is on the minds of the American people, Madam Speaker,
and that is the issue of high gasoline prices and the energy costs that
we face right now.
You think about people who are struggling and are looking to find a
job and are out there, looking to improve their situation, I will tell
you, one of the cruelest penalties of all on them happens to be high
gasoline prices.
Last night I had one of our telephone town hall meetings, and I had
the opportunity to have nearly 5,000 households from the area that I am
privileged to represent from southern California on the phone, and we
talked about the need to increase energy supply. I took a number of
questions during the one-hour program and not one person, not one
person, Democrat, Republican, Independent, we call people regardless of
their political party, not one person opposed our efforts to try to
increase supply, recognizing if we can increase the supply by
responsibly and in an environmentally sound way, exploring in ANWR, by
pursuing the cleanest, safest most cost-effective energy source known
to man, that being nuclear energy, by working to increase our refinery
capacity, by looking at the shale reserves in this country, and again
in an environmentally sound way exploring them, deep water exploration
off the coast, those are the things that we believe are necessary. And,
Madam Speaker, not one of my participants on our conference call last
night indicated opposition to that.
The American people get it. They know that for two decades plus we
have unfortunately seen a majority of the new majority in this place
stand there and prevent us from pursuing opportunities to increase the
supply so that we can bring prices down.
Now I had the chance to talk with a number of experts on this issue,
a number of our colleagues who represent States like Texas and
Oklahoma, and one of the things that we hear time and time again is we
need an immediate response.
I listened to my friend from Utah talk about action. Well, I
wondered,
[[Page H5338]]
how are we going to be able to immediately bring gasoline prices down?
Having spoken to a wide range of people, because of the fact that oil
prices are based on futures, if we take any of those actions that I
outlined, whether it is in an environmentally sound way pursuing ANWR,
whether it is deep water exploration, whether it is looking at shale,
whether it is nuclear energy, if we were to take any of those actions,
we would, Madam Speaker, see an immediate reduction, an immediate
reduction. Why, because there would be recognition in the marketplace
that we are now vigorously pursuing an effort to increase our supply.
So those people who are unemployed, and that is what this issue is
about, those people who are out there responsibly working hard to find
a job, are being penalized by high gasoline prices, just as every other
American is being penalized by it because of the increased cost of
virtually everything.
That is why it is terribly unfair for us not to responsibly look at
these creative proposals that are out there. We want to ensure that
people who are hurting are able to benefit from the unemployment
compensation that we provide.
So everyone on the other side can stand up and say the Republicans
don't care about those who are facing difficulty economically; that is
absolute baloney. We care. We want to make sure that there are
opportunities there. We want to make sure that we open up new markets
around the world for job creation and economic growth so that good jobs
can be created right here.
Let's defeat this rule and let's come forward with a measure that can
get the signature of the President, because we all know that this is
going no place. The Statement of Administration Policy, which I will
include for the Record, has made it very clear that the President wants
us to put in job creation policies, and he wants to work to responsibly
deal with unemployment compensation, and the attempt to embarrass us is
not going to sell with the American people.
Statement of Administration Policy
H.R. 5749--Emergency Extended Unemployment Compensation Act of 2008
The Administration is deeply committed to continually
fostering an environment where every American who wants a job
has a job. The Administration believes the best way to help
workers is to create an environment that encourages job
creation and to promote effective job training. To accomplish
these goals, the Administration urges Congress to create more
opportunities for American exporters by passing the pending
free trade agreements with Colombia, Panama, and South Korea,
make permanent the President's tax cuts that will expire over
the next two years, and reform and reauthorize the Trade
Adjustment Assistance program and the Workforce Investment
Act. The Administration looks forward to continuing to work
with Congress to enact these important measures. However, the
Administration strongly opposes H.R. 5749. If H.R. 5749 were
presented to the President, his senior advisors would
recommend that he veto the bill.
This legislation raises several concerns. First, although
the unemployment rate has recently risen, it remains below
the levels historically relied on to justify a federally
financed extension of unemployment benefits. The last
initiation of temporary extended benefits was in 2002 amidst
the unprecedented events surrounding September 11, 2001.
Other than that special case, extensions have generally been
granted only when the unemployment rate was notably higher
than it is today, at or above 7 percent.
Second, this bill would allow the payment of up to 13 extra
weeks of benefits in every State, even though some of those
States have unemployment rates as low as 2.6 percent. At
present, a majority of States have unemployment rates at or
below 5 percent, and it is fiscally irresponsible to provide
extra benefits in States with low unemployment rates. In
States with higher unemployment rates, the Federal-State
extended benefits program already can provide up to 13
additional weeks of benefits to workers who have exhausted
their regular unemployment insurance benefits. As many
economists have noted, the counterproductive result of a
broad extension of benefits would be that recipients may
remain unemployed for slightly longer than they would have
otherwise.
Third, this bill does not contain an important provision
found in previous Federal extensions and the permanent
Federal-State extended benefits law that assures the benefit
extension is paid only to individuals who have demonstrated a
serious attachment to the labor force. Since 1981,
individuals must have 20 weeks of full-time employment to
qualify for extended unemployment benefits. Under this bill,
individuals who have worked as little as two weeks could
qualify for up to 52 weeks of total unemployment benefits.
This violates the longstanding requirement that extended
benefits should be for Americans with meaningful work
histories.
Fourth, for purposes of determining whether a State is
considered a ``high unemployment'' State in which an extra 13
weeks of benefits is payable (for a total of 26 weeks of
additional benefits), this proposal would use a total
unemployment rate of 6 percent as the trigger for State
eligibility. This is, historically, a relatively low number
for justifying a full year or more of unemployment benefits.
As an alternative to these ill-targeted and costly
measures, the Administration could support legislation that
would offer a 13-week extension of Federally financed
unemployment benefits to high-unemployment States alone.
Mr. ARCURI. The gentleman from California gives examples of working
for 2 weeks and being eligible for 52 weeks. The fact of the matter is
there is no record to indicate that is the case.
With that, I yield 2 minutes to a gentleman who can speak firsthand
to that, the distinguished chairman of the Ways and Means Committee,
Chairman Rangel.
(Mr. RANGEL asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. RANGEL. Madam Speaker, I think we are all proud that we are able
to at least go back home and face the people who are going through this
economic crisis. They are sitting around the table. They know America
is not going to let them down. They know that they have hope and vision
for the future. They know that they, and others, have had economic
setbacks. Because as David Dreier, my dear friend has said, they are in
trouble now. They are not working and they are losing hope, but they
are depending on everybody, Republicans and Democrats, to be there for
them. At the end of the day they will look at each other and ask, What
does it look like in the Congress?
{time} 1100
Are they going to give us a little assistance, a little dignity, a
little pride? Can we keep our kids in school? Can we pay the rent? Can
we go into the supermarket and have a decent meal over the weekend?
They're not going to let us down. No.
I don't know about you. I've been here 38 years. And the one thing
that I always hear when I get back home is, ``And how did you vote on
that?''
I would suggest to you that you staple David Dreier's statement to
your newsletter so that they can interpret it with you and say, I
didn't vote for you, but I didn't want to let you down. I didn't vote
for you, but I did advocate a permanent extension of the President's
tax cut. I didn't vote for you, because I really believe that if I give
you some money, you're not going to get out there and try to get a job.
So you have to take this very carefully. But I hope that when you get
home, you'll be able to say, you know, when they first started this, I
didn't like the way the Democrats handled it. I didn't like the way
they put it on the suspension calendar. I thought that perhaps we
should, even though $35 billion is there, I would have liked to have
seen it handled different. And I expressed myself about it.
But at the end of the day, because I know so many people who know so
many people that are not the least bit interested in the parliamentary
procedure; they're going to ask the question, ``How did you vote?'' Be
able to say I voted the right way.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Madam Speaker, how much time remains on
both sides?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Washington has 6\1/2\
minutes. The gentleman from New York has 15 minutes.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. I will reserve my time so that we can
equal the time out here.
Mr. ARCURI. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Tennessee, a member of the Ways and Means Committee, Mr. Tanner.
(Mr. TANNER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. TANNER. Madam Speaker, I think I speak for a lot of us when we
say that we welcome an intellectually honest debate on the issues that
we are charged with confronting on behalf of the American people. And a
discussion about the pros and cons of the provisions of the bill, I
think, is in order. This is the place to do that.
When one talks about, though, ancillary matters, like whether or not
this
[[Page H5339]]
violates PAYGO, that's why I come down here today.
Let me tell you something. Neither party is always right and neither
party is always wrong. But we don't need to embarrass ourselves by
trying to belittle those of us who are trying to pay the bills.
The fact is, during the first six years of this decade, the people
who are criticizing the Blue Dogs and the Democratic Caucus for a PAYGO
rule, sat here and helped this President borrow more money from foreign
sources than all 42 before him combined. You don't have to believe
that. That's not an argument. You can go to the U.S. Treasury Web site
and look at it and see for yourself.
So if we want to talk about the relative merits of the legislation,
we welcome that, and we want to talk about that. And we won't always
vote alike. We won't always vote with the Democratic Caucus, some of us
that are Democrats, because neither party's always right or always
wrong.
But to come here and criticize us for somehow saying we're violating
PAYGO; first of all, there's an unemployment tax that employers pay for
this very purpose, and it will fill up the coffers again in time.
But don't come here with that, because I think that is not only
demeaning and misleading, but embarrassing to some people.
Mr. ARCURI. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Michigan, a member of the Committee on Ways and Means, Mr. Levin.
(Mr. LEVIN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. LEVIN. Let me say to the gentleman from California who talked
about our trying to embarrass the Republicans, we're not trying to
embarrass you. You're embarrassing yourselves.
You come here when we're talking about 8 million unemployed, 1\1/2\
million who have exhausted their benefits, and soon it will be an
additional 3 million, and you come here and talk about energy policy?
You won't provide unemployment comp benefits so people can buy the gas
to look for a job?
You talk about trade policy. Look, the jobless numbers came out this
morning. Jobless claims jumped to the highest level since last March.
Those claims rose to 384,000, an increase of 25,000 from the previous
week, a much bigger gain than analysts had been expecting.
And you quote the administration policy. Mr. Hastings, under the
administration policy, unemployed in Yakima would not be eligible for
extended benefits because Washington, as a State, has less than 6
percent. How can you come here?
Go home, if I might be personal for just a minute. Go home and
explain your position to people in Yakima, and those from Ohio, those
from Pennsylvania, those from other States.
I conclude. Look, I'm from Michigan. I would benefit under the
administration's narrow approach. I won't vote for it.
If you're jobless, you deserve the extended benefits, the million
plus and the 3 million plus.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. LEVIN. If I have the time.
Will you grant me a little time?
Mr. ARCURI. I yield the gentleman an additional 30 seconds.
Mr. LEVIN. I yield to my distinguished colleague from Washington.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. I appreciate the gentleman's yielding.
I want to remind my friend from Michigan that the last time that we
passed an unemployment benefit extension in this Congress was in 2003.
It passed on a bipartisan basis.
Mr. LEVIN. I understand that.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. And the opposition that the constituents
in my area are concerned about is this 2-week window. That is where the
issue is.
Mr. LEVIN. Taking back my time. The 2-week window, you talk about, 26
additional weeks, 52 weeks. You can't give a single example.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman from Michigan has
expired.
Mr. ARCURI. I yield the gentleman an additional 30 seconds.
Mr. LEVIN. And you raise a straw man and woman when we're talking
about real men and women who have been laid off, who've been looking
for a job, who can't find it. And you come here with these straw
arguments.
You go home to Yakima. Others of you go back to Pennsylvania and
other States, and talk to the hundreds of thousands of people looking
for work and say to them, I voted ``no.''
That's unconscionable.
Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Members are reminded to address their
remarks to the Chair.
Mr. ARCURI. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Vermont, a member of the Rules Committee, Mr. Welch.
Mr. WELCH of Vermont. I thank my friend and fellow member of the
Rules Committee for yielding me 2 minutes.
Madam Speaker, this is really a very simple question, and it is
whether we're going to extend unemployment benefits to American workers
who are suffering the largest 1-month surge in increased unemployment
in 22 years.
And we can bring in all kinds of other arguments about what our
energy policy should be, what the compensation should be, what the
formulation of the benefits should be. But the bottom line is that we
have Americans who have worked, and through no fault of their own, but
because of economic forces completely and utterly beyond their control,
they've lost their jobs.
And when we have discussions about micromanaging how these go out, in
lump sums or weekly payments, and we're talking about trying to give an
incentive, it is, in my view, Madam Chairman, very patronizing.
What is worse to an American than to lose his or her job?
Most Americans find their sense of satisfaction and self-worth in
taking care of their family, in being providers, and by being a good,
productive worker. All of us who've had the opportunity to have a good
job know that there's nothing better than that. So there is a lot of
built-in incentive for any American who's without a job to get a job.
But, in the meantime, $300 a week, that's about what the average
benefit is, is barely enough to keep gas in the car, keep your home
heated, to put groceries on the table. We know it's not even close to
adequate. So there is plenty of incentive.
And the question for us is not behavioral psycho dynamics. The
question for us, as a Congress, is whether, when there is this largest
spike in unemployment in 22 years, we're going to ignore it or we're
going to respond. And we have the tool that was started in 1935 to
respond, where workers and others put money into a fund that is to be
used at times of stress.
Mr. ARCURI. May I inquire how much time is left.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from New York has 8 minutes
remaining. The gentleman from Washington has 6\1/2\ minutes remaining.
Mr. ARCURI. I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Mrs.
Davis).
Mrs. DAVIS of California. Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of
the rule on H.R. 5749 to extend unemployment benefits to millions of
American workers, including over 700,000 in my home State of
California. And I'd like to speak about one of those real Americans
that I am accountable to.
Just yesterday I spoke with a 51-year-old woman, whose name is Karen,
from San Diego. After working for the past 10 years as a Consumer
Service Specialist for a large telecom company, Karen was recently laid
off from her job. And she's been actively looking for work but has been
unable to find one because of the poor economy.
Unable to afford health insurance, the stress of being unemployed is
beginning to take a toll on Karen's health. And it's also become harder
and harder for her to pay her bills. She told me just looking for a job
cost money because you've got to pay for the gas to drive to the
interview. She can certainly relate to this discussion this morning.
To make matters worse, her unemployment benefits have just ended. She
told me that she has worked hard her whole life and that she is not
looking for a hand out, just her life back.
I think we can all agree Karen is one of those hardworking Americans
we came to Washington to help.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Madam Speaker, I'm pleased to yield 3
[[Page H5340]]
minutes to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Weller).
Mr. WELLER of Illinois. Madam Speaker, I rise to oppose the rule and
to note that Republicans support an extension of unemployment benefits
for those who are suffering, those who need help.
I've enjoyed the debate of my friends on the other side of the aisle
who point out, they try and blame the minority party for the delay in
bringing this legislation to the floor. And I would note that the
majority party controls the schedule, and the majority party can pass
anything they want in the House. So I would note that the House Ways
and Means Committee acted on the particular bill that we have before us
8 weeks ago. Eight weeks ago.
Now, some, my good friend from Michigan refers to this debate as
being embarrassing. I think it's embarrassing in this legislative
process that it's taken 8 weeks, this legislation, to come to the floor
of the House to be debated, particularly when people in Michigan and
Illinois have exhausted their benefits. And the Republicans in the
House Ways and Means Committee voted for a proposal which could become
law, which would have provided extended unemployment benefits for those
workers in Michigan and Illinois who have exhausted their unemployment
benefits. Eight weeks it's taken for this emergency legislation to come
to the floor. Eight weeks.
I would note that a major concern many of us have in this legislation
that's before us is that it takes a radical approach. It eliminates a
27-year policy that was supported by both Democrats and Republicans.
The bill that is before us repeals a requirement that you work 20 weeks
to get a full year's benefits.
In Michigan, under this legislation, you would work 1 week and be
able to get 52 weeks of benefits. In my State of Illinois, you can work
2 weeks and get 52 weeks of benefits under this legislation.
Now, do taxpayers feel that that is fair?
We, as the minority party, the Republicans, we want to extend
benefits, unemployment benefits to those who need help.
{time} 1115
My district, my home State, we have unemployed workers who've
exhausted their benefits. We want to ensure that their benefits are
extended so that they can receive an additional 13- and 26-weeks' worth
of benefits.
And we had a proposal in the Ways and Means Committee which would
have accomplished that goal. All of the Republicans voted for it, and
the President would sign it into law. But instead, we're seeing
election year politics today. That's what this is all about. It's 8
weeks. Think about that. For 8 weeks. If you're a Michigan worker and
you have been unemployed, you have exhausted your benefits, you have
been waiting 8 weeks.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman's time has expired.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Madam Speaker, I yield the gentleman an
additional 30 seconds.
Mr. WELLER of Illinois. You've been waiting 8 weeks because of
election-year politics. This legislation could have been brought to the
floor immediately, we could have had a bipartisan bill that had become
law, but no. Our friends in the majority played election-year politics
for 8 weeks.
We're finally bringing a bill to the floor that won't become law.
Let's pass legislation that will become law. Let's help those who need
help.
Mr. ARCURI. Just to correct the record, this was passed by the House,
this bill, weeks ago and it has been blocked in the Senate. Just so
it's clear that it has not waited for 8 weeks.
I would yield 15 seconds to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Levin).
Mr. LEVIN. To the Chair, to the gentleman from Illinois, in Michigan,
you have to work two quarters to be eligible. The 1-week example is a
straw man and woman example. Let's be faithful to the reality here.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentlemen's time has expired.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Madam Speaker, how much time again
remains on both sides?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Washington has 3 minutes.
The gentleman from New York has 6\3/4\ minutes.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Madam Speaker, I will reserve my time.
Mr. ARCURI. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from
Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee).
(Ms. JACKSON-LEE asked and was given permission to revise and extend
her remarks.)
Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Madam Speaker, I want to remind my good
friends that yesterday we were on the floor of the House and my good
friends on the other side of the aisle, the Republican minority,
blocked the passage of this emergency relief to so many Americans. And
I rose yesterday and I asked the question, Who will be a Good Samaritan
and stand with those who are in need?
Right now, soldiers on the front lines of Iraq and Afghanistan have
family members who are unemployed and who have exhausted their
benefits. What do we say to them? In Texas, we have a total of 160,000
Texans who have now either exhausted or will exhaust their unemployment
benefits. They do so in an economy where they've lost their jobs
through no fault of their own.
That's why we put this bill on the floor of the House because you
could have gone to a job, worked for a week, and the business closed
down because of varying economic crises created by this administration.
We've lost--324,000 jobs have disappeared over this period of time, 5
consecutive months. We've lost 300,000-plus job. And the unemployment
rose to the highest in the month of May.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentlewoman's time has expired.
Mr. ARCURI. Madam Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds.
Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. The highest number of unemployment in 20
years in the month of May, and over the last 12 months, the number of
unemployed workers have grown by 1.6 million, 200,000 more long-term
jobless.
Who will be the Good Samaritan for the American people who have
helped build this country? Who will tell the Iraqi soldiers and
Afghanistan soldiers that the mother and father that is there longing
for their return does not have a job and cannot pay for gasoline and
rent and food? We have to stand today. Who will be the Good Samaritans?
This legislation is written the way it is to solve the problems of
Americans. I will stand with them.
I ask you to support the underlying legislation and the rule.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Madam Speaker, I continue to reserve.
Mr. ARCURI. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Texas (Mr. Al Green).
(Mr. AL GREEN of Texas asked and was given permission to revise and
extend his remarks.)
Mr. AL GREEN of Texas. Madam Speaker, when you are born into poverty,
you enjoy such delicacies as mayonnaise sandwiches without mayonnaise.
When you're born into poverty, phrases like ``but for the grace of God,
there go I'' have true meaning because you understand you have been
there.
This bill will not fuel rockets to Mars. It will, however, put fuel
in gas tanks right here on Earth. It will not put a man on the Moon,
but it will put food on the table of somebody's home. But for the grace
of God, there go I.
I will support the bill.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Madam Speaker, I continue to reserve.
Mr. ARCURI. Madam Speaker, may I inquire as to how much time is
remaining.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Washington has 3 minutes.
The gentleman from New York has 4\1/4\ minutes.
Mr. ARCURI. I would yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentleman
from Tennessee (Mr. Lincoln Davis).
(Mr. LINCOLN DAVIS of Tennessee asked and was given permission to
revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. LINCOLN DAVIS of Tennessee. Madam Speaker, it's a pleasure today
to come on the floor and talk about ways that this Congress and those
of us who serve here can help those who are unfortunate to have lost a
job.
I have watched the opposition on the other side attempt for the last
couple of years to make illegal immigration their issue. I have watched
with dismay as they continue to bring to this floor and blame Democrats
in this Congress for the cost of gasoline at $4 a
[[Page H5341]]
gallon. Back home we have a saying: that dog ain't gonna hunt in this
Congress.
In fact, when you look at what they attempted to do on immigration,
their Presidential candidate introduced an amnesty bill, and now their
attempts on the floor are to block this Congress from even introducing
legislation or passing legislation that would have been an energy
package that would even attempt, that would attempt, to tell oil
companies you have to pay your fair share of taxes.
So what they're now trying to do is block legislation that gives
amnesty to big oil companies. Again, that's not going to work.
And now they come to the floor saying pay-as-you-go principles are
not being followed with this bill that's been introduced, and I hope it
passes today.
So as we look at this legislation, let's talk about pay-as-you-go. I
used to be an employer. Today in Tennessee, if you employ someone, you
pay between .15 percent, less than 1 percent, up to 10 percent as an
employer of what each employee earns. They're paying as they go. At
Forbus General Store, my friend Joe pays every paycheck every week so
much percentage of what his employees earned into a Federal trust fund.
He's paying as he goes. And when someone has to be laid off because
jobs are not available, the economy turned sour, those individuals
apply for and receive unemployment benefits.
We're paying as we go constantly. We have close to $40 billion in the
trust fund. Currently, this bill today scored with the CBO saves
roughly $10 billion cost over 10 years. This Congress has attempted to
address the issues of oil prices and unemployment.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman's time has expired.
Mr. ARCURI. Madam Speaker, I yield the gentleman an additional 15
seconds.
Mr. LINCOLN DAVIS of Tennessee. It seems to me that as we listen to
the other side, they're constantly trying to find some way that would
be a head shot on issues for an election campaign. I tell you who's
getting a head shot right now, folks who work at furniture factories in
Tennessee and North Carolina, folks who work at auto industries. Their
jobs are being lost. That's a head shot to them.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. I would ask my friend from New York how
many speakers he has.
Mr. ARCURI. I am prepared to close. We have no further speakers.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Madam Speaker, I have 3 minutes left; is
that correct?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman has 3 minutes remaining.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance
of the time.
Madam Speaker, the idea here is to take care of those that have lost
their jobs by extending unemployment benefits. The idea is to get a
bill to the President that he will sign. As the gentleman from Illinois
said, this bill has been waiting now for 8 weeks before it has been
brought to the floor, but the bill, in its present form, will not be
signed because it has changed 27 years of bipartisan support on
extending unemployment benefits.
So I think that we need to go back to the drawing board, if you will,
and get a bill that we know that the President will sign. But more
importantly, more importantly, we need to get our economy going again.
And so it's time, in my mind, for the House to debate ideas for
lowering gas prices to get the economy going again.
I'm going to ask my colleagues to defeat the previous question so
that the House can consider H.R. 3089, the No More Excuses energy bill.
By defeating the previous question, the House will still be able to act
on the unemployment benefit extension bill, but the House will also be
able to finally act on legislation that will create more American-made
energy and jobs to increase the supply of gas by producing more gas and
producing more gas here in our Nation. It will increase the supply and
decrease the price at the pump. Skyrocketing prices need the attention
of this Congress, and we've got to act.
Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to have the text of the
amendment and extraneous material inserted in the Record prior to the
vote on the previous question.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Washington?
There was no objection.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to
defeat the previous question so this House can get serious about rising
gas prices so we can start producing American-made gasoline.
With that, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. ARCURI. Madam Speaker, unemployment insurance can mean the
difference between saving a home and failing to make a mortgage
payment. It can mean the difference between purchasing needed
medications and going without, and it can mean the difference between
filling up the car to go out and look for another job and having to
stay home. This legislation has the potential to help over 4 million
unemployed Americans put food on their tables while quickly stimulating
the economy.
The number of long-term unemployed Americans is higher now than when
Congress last extended benefits in 2002. I am hopeful we can come
together later today, Republicans and Democrats, to do the right thing
and pass this rule and the underlying legislation. American workers and
families can't wait any longer.
The idea is not getting the President a bill that he can sign. The
idea is to do the right thing and for the President to sign that bill.
I urge a ``yes'' vote on the previous question and the rule.
The material previously referred to by Mr. Hastings of Washington is
as follows:
Amendment to H. Res. 1265 Offered by Mr. Hastings of Washington
At the end of the resolution, add the following:
Sec. 3. Immediately upon the adoption of this resolution
the House shall, without intervention of any point of order,
consider in the House the bill (H.R. 3089) to secure
unrestricted reliable energy for American consumption and
transmission. All points of order against the bill are
waived. The bill shall be considered as read. The previous
question shall be considered as ordered on the bill and any
amendment thereto to final passage without intervening motion
except: (1) one hour of debate on the bill equally divided
and controlled by the chairman and ranking minority member of
the Committee on Natural Resources, the chairman and ranking
member of the Committee on Ways and Means, and the chairman
and ranking member of the Committee on Energy and Commerce;
and (2) an amendment in the nature of a substitute if offered
by Representative Rahall of West Virginia, which shall be
considered as read and shall be separately debatable for 40
minutes equally divided and controlled by the proponent and
an opponent; and (3) one motion to recommit with or without
instructions.
____
(The information contained herein was provided by
Democratic Minority on multiple occasions throughout the
109th Congress.)
The Vote on the Previous Question: What It Really Means
This vote, the vote on whether to order the previous
question on a special rule, is not merely a procedural vote.
A vote against ordering the previous question is a vote
against the Democratic majority agenda and a vote to allow
the opposition, at least for the moment, to offer an
alternative plan. It is a vote about what the House should be
debating.
Mr. Clarence Cannon's Precedents of the House of
Representatives, (VI, 308-311) describes the vote on the
previous question on the rule as ``a motion to direct or
control the consideration of the subject before the House
being made by the Member in charge.'' To defeat the previous
question is to give the opposition a chance to decide the
subject before the House. Cannon cites the Speaker's ruling
of January 13, 1920, to the effect that ``the refusal of the
House to sustain the demand for the previous question passes
the control of the resolution to the opposition'' in order to
offer an amendment. On March 15, 1909, a member of the
majority party offered a rule resolution. The House defeated
the previous question and a member of the opposition rose to
a parliamentary inquiry, asking who was entitled to
recognition. Speaker Joseph G. Cannon (R-Illinois) said:
``The previous question having been refused, the gentleman
from New York, Mr. Fitzgerald, who had asked the gentleman to
yield to him for an amendment, is entitled to the first
recognition.''
Because the vote today may look bad for the Democratic
majority they will say ``the vote on the previous question is
simply a vote on whether to proceed to an immediate vote on
adopting the resolution . . . [and] has no substantive
legislative or policy implications whatsoever.'' But that is
not what they have always said. Listen to the definition of
the previous question used in the Floor Procedures Manual
published by the
[[Page H5342]]
Rules Committee in the 109th Congress, (page 56). Here's how
the Rules Committee described the rule using information from
Congressional Quarterly's ``American Congressional
Dictionary'': ``If the previous question is defeated, control
of debate shifts to the leading opposition member (usually
the minority Floor Manager) who then manages an hour of
debate and may offer a germane amendment to the pending
business.''
Deschler's Procedure in the U.S. House of Representatives,
the subchapter titled ``Amending Special Rules'' states: ``a
refusal to order the previous question on such a rule [a
special rule reported from the Committee on Rules] opens the
resolution to amendment and further debate.'' (Chapter 21,
section 21.2) Section 21.3 continues: Upon rejection of the
motion for the previous question on a resolution reported
from the Committee on Rules, control shifts to the Member
leading the opposition to the previous question, who may
offer a proper amendment or motion and who controls the time
for debate thereon.''
Clearly, the vote on the previous question on a rule does
have substantive policy implications. It is one of the only
available tools for those who oppose the Democratic
majority's agenda and allows those with alternative views the
opportunity to offer an alternative plan.
Mr. ARCURI. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I
move the previous question on the resolution.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on ordering the previous
question.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas
and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further
proceedings on this question will be postponed.
____________________