[Congressional Record Volume 154, Number 84 (Wednesday, May 21, 2008)]
[House]
[Pages H4330-H4337]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
PROVIDING FOR CONSIDERATION OF H.R. 6049, RENEWABLE ENERGY AND JOB
CREATION ACT OF 2008
Mr. ARCURI. Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I
call up House Resolution 1212 and ask for its immediate consideration.
The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:
H. Res. 1212
Resolved, That upon the adoption of this resolution it
shall be in order to consider in the House the bill (H.R.
6049) to amend the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to provide
incentives for energy production and conservation, to extend
certain expiring provisions, to provide individual income tax
relief, and for other purposes. All points of order against
consideration of the bill are waived except those arising
under clause 9 or 10 of rule XXI. The amendment in the nature
of a substitute recommended by the Committee on Ways and
Means now printed in the bill shall be considered as adopted.
The bill, as amended, shall be considered as read. All points
of order against provisions of the bill, as amended, are
waived. The previous question shall be considered as ordered
on the bill, as amended, to final passage without intervening
motion except: (1) one hour of debate equally divided and
controlled by the chairman and ranking minority member of the
Committee on Ways and Means; and (2) one motion to recommit
with or without instructions.
Sec. 2. During consideration of H.R. 6049 pursuant to this
resolution, notwithstanding the operation of the previous
question, the Chair may postpone further consideration of the
bill to such time as may be designated by the Speaker.
{time} 1045
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from New York is recognized
for 1 hour.
Mr. ARCURI. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the
customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Hastings).
All time yielded during consideration of this rule is for debate
purposes only. I yield myself such time as I may consume. I also ask
unanimous consent that all Members be given 5 legislative days in which
to revise and extend their remarks on House Resolution 1212.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from New York?
There was no objection.
Mr. ARCURI. Mr. Speaker, House Resolution 1212 provides for
consideration of H.R. 6049, the Energy and Job Creation Act of 2008.
The rule provides for 1 hour of debate controlled by the Committee on
Ways and Means and waives all points of order against consideration of
the bill, except clauses 9 and 10 of rule XXI. The rule also provides
one motion to recommit, with or without instructions.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of this rule and H.R.
6049, the Energy and Job Creation Act of 2008, which will not only
bring this country into a new alternative energy future, but strengthen
our economy by directing fiscally responsible tax relief to middle
class families, creating jobs at small businesses in the very towns and
rural communities where we need it the most.
The legislation this rule provides for consideration of will extend a
number of critical tax relief measures targeted at middle class
families and small businesses, including deductions for State and local
sales tax, tuition education expenses, and expanding the child tax
credit and research and development tax credit.
During these uncertain economic times, it is also absolutely critical
that we pass legislation to invest in jobs for today and long-term
development for tomorrow, including alternative energy like wind and
biomass that will reduce our Nation's dependence on foreign oil and
bring the price of gas at the pump to a level families and businesses
can afford. The best way to encourage growth and development of new
technology is to let businesses invest their own money in ways that
expand our economic horizons. Tax credits for alternative energy
production have the power to truly jump-start our economy and create
good paying, highly skilled jobs that can't be sent overseas.
In my upstate New York district, our location, natural resources,
renowned colleges and universities and world class scientific and
technological companies perfectly poise our community to seize this
opportunity to create a new green economy, complete with green jobs.
I have spoken numerous times throughout the debate over how to extend
these renewable tax credits and about the new businesses in my district
that are utilizing the national investment in alternative energy to
create good paying jobs in upstate New York. Those businesses are to be
commended, and that is why I am proud to support nearly $20 billion in
long-term clean renewable energy tax incentives and investment included
in the Energy and Job Creation Act. I hope that doing so will encourage
other companies to follow suit, both in our region and across this
great Nation.
The underlying legislation extends and modifies critical tax credits
for the production of electricity from renewable sources ranging from
wind, solar and geothermal energy to closed-loop and open-loop biomass.
It would also extend clean renewable energy bonds, efficient commercial
building tax incentives, investment tax credit for solar and fuel cell
systems, tax credit for energy efficiency upgrades to existing homes,
tax credits for production of efficient home appliances and tax
incentives for consumer purchases of energy efficient products. Most of
these incentives either expired at the end of last year or are set to
expire at the end of this year. It is vitally important to sustaining
the development of clean energy technology industries that these
incentives are extended.
H.R. 6049 also includes an extension of the research and development
tax credit that allows companies a tax credit for a portion of their
research and development expenditures. Extending the R&D credit is
vital to ensuring that America remains on the cutting edge of
innovation that keeps our companies competitive and working here, not
offshore. This credit is of particular interest to the area that I
represent because its extension will further the expansion of the
microchip fabrication and nanotechnology industries which are beginning
to blossom in our region.
American companies rely on this credit and upon its continuity to
adequately plan their long-term research projects. I support this 1-
year extension to provide that continuity and I will continue to work
with leaders on the committee and in this body to seek a permanent
extension that would eliminate concerns over expirations and lapses.
The bill also extends important tax credits for individuals, as well
as creating new and expanded credits. It extends for 1 year the
personal income tax deductions for tuition and education expenses, the
State and local sales taxes, and teachers' out-of-pocket expenses for
classroom supplies. The bill creates a new standard deduction for up to
$700 for couples to cover State and local property taxes, and expands
the eligibility for the refundable child tax credit. Under the child
tax credit, certain low-income taxpayers can claim a refundable tax
credit equal to 15 percent of their earned income above an inflation-
adjusted threshold. In 2008, this threshold is set to be $12,050, but
under H.R. 6049 that threshold will be reduced to $8,500, providing
increased
[[Page H4331]]
relief to more than 12 million families with children nationwide.
Supporting H.R. 6049 comes down to simple common sense. We can create
tens of thousands of new jobs, reduce our dependence on oil from
hostile regimes, reduce greenhouse gases, spur innovation and provide
tax relief to middle class families, and we can do it all--and let me
emphasize this--all of those things, without adding to the national
deficit.
I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to support this rule
and the underlying legislation.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my colleague
and friend from New York (Mr. Arcuri) for yielding me the customary 30
minutes, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.
(Mr. HASTINGS of Washington asked and was given permission to revise
and extend his remarks.)
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Mr. Speaker, this rule marks the 60th
time that the leaders of this Congress have totally closed down the
House floor by refusing to allow any Member of this House to offer an
amendment to a bill pending and have it debated and voted upon. This is
more closed rules than any Congress in the history of our country,
which is exactly the opposite of the promise that the Democrat leaders
made to the American people when they promised to run the most open and
honest House ever.
The House is not open when no amendments are allowed to be offered
and when a Republican alternative is blocked from even a minute of
debate and denied a vote on the House floor. And it is not in the most
honest House when the Rules Committee Democrats block the Republican
plan to prevent tax increases from being considered, using the excuse
that it doesn't meet House PAYGO rules, especially, Mr. Speaker, when
it was just one week ago that the same Democrats were blatantly
violating PAYGO rules by billions of dollars in the farm bill. Under
this liberal Congress, it is only okay to break the House rules,
apparently, when you are increasing spending by billions of dollars,
but not by preventing tax increases on the American people.
The Republican plan that was denied, that the Democrats refused to
allow the House to vote upon, would provide the following: 1 year of
relief from the Alternative Minimum Tax, or the AMT; a 2-year extension
of the State and local sales tax deduction for those States that do not
have a State income tax; 2 more years for the research and development
tax credit; 2 years for the tuition tax credit; and extensions for more
expiring tax provisions.
This Democrat bill, for example, does absolutely nothing, nothing at
all, to fix the AMT tax for 2008. Twenty-one million middle class
individuals will pay an additional $61.5 billion in higher taxes next
April if the AMT is not fixed and addressed. That is an average of over
$2,800 per affected taxpayer, Mr. Speaker. The Republican plan fully
fixes it, but today that fix is not even allowed to be considered on
the House floor. Instead, the House is given one choice, and that is a
fool's choice bargain to raise taxes by $54 billion in order to simply
extend existing tax policies that are due to expire.
Mr. Speaker, current provisions in tax law are expiring, and Congress
needs to act to keep these taxes from going up. But, Mr. Speaker, we
all know that is no excuse to raise other taxes by billions of dollars.
I and many of my Republican colleagues support a great number of the
tax relief extensions included in this bill, including the State and
local sales tax deduction, the research and development tax credit,
education and tuition tax credits, tax credits for teachers, and
several renewable income tax credits. These low tax policies have been
law for many years, Mr. Speaker, and they have been extended multiple
times, multiple times, and always without raising taxes.
My Democrat colleagues will try to defend their tax-raising ways by
invoking the PAYGO rules they ignored just last week. They will claim
that this is just being responsible and it is not about increasing the
national debt, that it is about government living within its means.
If only that were true, Mr. Speaker. But it is not. All you have to
do is to read the final budget plan for next year that this House will
vote on later today. Their budget reveals this Congress as what they
truly are, and what they truly are, Mr. Speaker, is old time tax-and-
spend liberals. In their budget, spending increases by $250 billion
over the next 5 years. They increase the debt limit in 2008 by $654
billion, which is the largest increase in history, and they raise taxes
by $683 billion, which is the largest amount in American history. More
spending, higher debt, record tax increases. That is obviously the plan
of this liberal Congress.
Now, my Democrat colleagues will also try to claim the tax increases
that are in this bill aren't really that bad. But the facts are the
facts, and the facts are that this bill unnecessarily increases taxes
by over $50 billion. And that is just the beginning. Remember that
their budget would increase taxes by over two-thirds of a trillion
dollars. If they aren't raising your taxes this time in this bill, I
can assure you, your time is coming. They will get you the next time.
When this liberal Congress imposes the largest tax increase in
American history to pay for more government spending, don't think that
you can escape permanently their tax-and-spend ways. Their tax increase
plans include cutting the child tax credit, cutting that in half;
reinstating the marriage penalty and the death tax; and a tax increase
for every single American taxpayer. It would even levy taxes on low-
income workers who currently pay none.
But if there is a ray of sunshine, and there always is a ray of
sunshine in bills, there is a newly created tax break, one that will
put a big smile on the faces of some in this country, and it is worth
over $1.5 billion.
{time} 1100
The only problem, Mr. Speaker, is that this new tax break is only for
trial lawyers. So the only people who will be smiling are the trial
lawyers and presumably the Democrats that they give tens of millions of
dollars in campaign contributions to each year.
Under this bill, the American taxpayers will be subsidizing
speculative lawsuits by trial lawyers to the tune of $1.5 billion. This
special interest tax break will allow trial lawyers to make special
arrangements that essentially allow them to gamble on lawsuits where
they get paid on contingency fees if they win. Meanwhile, taxpayers
will be footing the bill for trial lawyers writing off the expenses of
conducting these ``sue them and see what we can win'' lawsuits. Count
me among those, Mr. Speaker, who believe we already have too many
lawsuits in this country and that we shouldn't be inventing new special
tax breaks that may and probably will encourage more lawsuits. Our
justice system can operate fairly, as it has done so for many years,
without having to give special tax treatment to trial lawyers.
Finally, Mr. Speaker, I want to specifically mention the extension of
the State and local sales tax deduction that is included in this bill.
For nearly 20 years, Americans who paid State income taxes could deduct
those taxes from their Federal tax bill, while Americans who paid State
sales taxes but had no State income tax were not allowed to do so.
In 2006, the Republican Congress restored the sales tax deduction
after years of bipartisan effort from the congressional delegations of
the affected States, including my home State of Washington. The initial
reinstatement of the deduction was for 2 years, 2004 and 2005. In 2006,
the Republican Congress extended the sales tax deduction for 2 more
years, 2006 and 2007. That deduction has now expired, and this
deduction does not exist for this year, 2008.
Efforts last year to extend this deduction and ensure it didn't
expire were unfortunately blocked by the Democrat leaders. I regret
that the extension provided for the sales tax deduction in this bill is
for 1 year only.
Mr. Speaker, this is a step backwards. This deduction has been
extended 2 years each time in the past, and it should be extended 2
years now. Otherwise, we face expiring in about 6 months from now
because, as I mentioned, there is no sales tax deduction for the
calendar year 2008. So if we are to pass this and it were to be signed
into law, we would have 6 months on it
[[Page H4332]]
from right now. The bipartisan Senate bill introduced last month by the
chairman and ranking member of the Finance Committee includes a 2-year
extension of this sales tax deduction.
The Republican plan that House leaders and the Rules Committee last
night blocked from being considered and debated on the floor today
provided for a 2-year extension. An amendment was filed with the Rules
Committee by Mr. Brady of Texas which also would have extended the
deduction for 2 years, but that too was blocked by the Rules Committee
from being debated on this floor.
It is very unfortunate that this bill moves sales tax deduction
fairness backwards, not forwards. Taxpayers in income tax States have a
permanent tax deduction, and taxpayers in sales tax States that have no
State income tax deserve, in my view, equal treatment. The sales tax
deduction should be made into permanent law. Even though I think a 2-
year extension is better than 1, it should be made permanent. At the
very least, they deserve at least a 2-year extension.
What really is more upsetting, Mr. Speaker, is that this bill could
have provided very easily under existing PAYGO rules a 2-year
extension. The over $1.5 billion cost of the tax deduction given to
trial lawyers could instead have been used to give a 1-year extension
of the sales tax deduction for those States.
So this bill chooses to create a new billion-plus-dollar tax cut for
trial lawyers over tax fairness for the millions of residents in the
State of Washington, my State, the State of Florida, the States of
Texas, Tennessee, Nevada, South Dakota, and Wyoming.
Mr. Speaker, I have supported every bill that has passed this House
to reinstate and extend the State sales tax deduction, but none of
these bills, none of these bills that extended that was being held
hostage for another tax cut for another special interest.
Restoring and continuing the State sales tax deduction is a matter of
fairness. The residents of sales tax States shouldn't have their fair
treatment conditioned upon passing huge tax increases.
The rule that is currently before the House and the underlying bill
reveal this Congress for what it really is. The rule is totally closed
and does not allow debate or a vote on any amendments or an alternative
Republican plan. It violates Speaker Pelosi's promise to the American
people to run an open and honest House. The bill itself is just the
opening act of a move to impose the largest tax increase in history on
the American people. Mr. Speaker, under this liberal Congress the only
tax bill allowed on the floor of the House is one that will raise
taxes. Under this liberal Congress, tax relief is a myth and tax
increases are a certainty. Mr. Speaker, under this liberal Congress,
Americans will be sending more and more of their hard-earned dollars to
Washington, DC so this Congress can increase spending and the size of
the Federal Government.
My colleagues should oppose this closed rule and this tax increase
bill. We should demand a clean tax relief extension bill that doesn't
include new tax breaks for trial lawyers and over $50 billion in tax
increases. This bill we know will never pass the Senate, and it will
never be signed into law, if on the slim chance that it should pass
both Houses and be sent to the President. Raising taxes right now on
the American economy is simply the wrong thing to do, Mr. Speaker.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ARCURI. Mr. Speaker, I would just like to make one point. Some
people in this institution tend to talk about trial lawyers and seem to
want to point out the things that they do that they think aren't good.
But no one talks about the fact that trial lawyers are out there
representing people who have been injured. They are protecting people's
civil rights. They are defending people on a contingency fee basis who
don't have the money to come forward and sue people that have hurt
them. That is critically important. And this bill does not give a
windfall tax rebate to lawyers. All it does is allow them to claim
expenditures that they have put out in the year that they have made
that expenditure, no different than any other business in this country
can do.
So I think it is unfair to criticize trial attorneys who are out
there doing the kind of things that people hire them to do; and that is
protecting people's civil rights and ensuring that people who are
injured are able to get what they need so that they are not victimized
even further.
I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from California, my friend and
colleague from the Rules Committee, Ms. Matsui.
Ms. MATSUI. I thank the gentleman from New York for yielding me time.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the rule and the underlying
legislation. This bill is a good example of Congress taking action to
address the needs of America's businesses and consumers.
Mr. Speaker, our economy is in a downturn. More and more Americans
are feeling insecure about their future, and they are looking to this
Congress for relief. The tax extenders package that is before us today
will help millions of working families cope with everyday expenses of
life from tuition to the cost of caring for their children. It will
also move our Nation forward to meet the many energy challenges we
face.
Investing in renewable resources is the best long-term strategy to
reduce dependence on foreign oil and lower energy costs. Clean energy
is also a major economic engine that will power the economy of the
future.
In my hometown of Sacramento, clean energy investments made years ago
are now sustaining over 90 local businesses, from solar and wind
companies, to cellulosic fuel and green building enterprises. Clean
energy has changed my district's business climate forever. Sacramento's
clean energy economy can be replicated across this country, but
Congress needs to provide the right incentives to make this vision a
successful reality. This bill will help current and future generations
live in a country with a healthier economy, a cleaner environment, and
a more sustainable policy.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support the rule and the
underlying legislation.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3
minutes to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Roskam).
Mr. ROSKAM. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Washington for
yielding.
I was surprised, Mr. Speaker, that the Rules Committee chose to
reject an amendment that I offered that was an attempt to bring some
clarity and light to this debate, particularly as it relates to energy
needs.
I represent a district, Mr. Speaker, in the Chicago area which the
Chicago Tribune this week has reported has the highest gas prices in
the Nation. So in an attempt to try to take that on, I offered an
amendment that I thought was a very straightforward thing, not meant to
be controversial, not meant to be overly partisan, just a good
commonsense idea that unfortunately the majority on the Rules Committee
rejected. That was a simple thing, and that would create a tax credit,
Mr. Speaker, a tax credit for biofuel vehicles.
Right now we have got a tax credit for alternative fuel vehicles, and
that is great. But you have got a lot of municipalities in my district
that are really suffering under the weight of these high gas prices,
and they are looking for alternatives and a biofuel vehicle is just one
of those things. So, in other words, oftentimes these vehicles can
start up using gasoline, and then it can be transferred and powered on
compressed natural gas, liquefied natural gas, liquefied propane, or
hydrogen, all things that if municipalities are using will take
pressure off gas prices.
Now think about it. This is an opportunity for Congress to do
something to help to create a market for other vehicles. Right now
sometimes the private marketplace isn't able to come up as quickly as
we want it, so we have got local units of government that are saying we
want to use these types of vehicles; and this Rules Committee, Mr.
Speaker, has denied the tax credit that would empower that kind of
thing. It makes no sense to me. I am just deeply disappointed that
folks on the Rules Committee who are in the majority just rejected this
idea. It is not a partisan idea. It is what is called a good idea that
we need to move forward.
[[Page H4333]]
In 1968, Richard Nixon campaigned for the Presidency claiming he had
a secret plan to end the war. He went all over the country and said: I
have got a secret plan to end the war. If you elect me President of the
United States, my secret plan to end the war will win it all and will
bring it all home.
Well, we all know there was no secret plan. His Secretary of Defense
said so, everyone has declared so, and history shows it. But there are
eerie similarities between that declaration of Richard Nixon in 1968
and the words of now Speaker Pelosi when she was the minority leader:
She had a plan to bring gas prices down.
Well, if what the majority is doing on the Rules Committee is
rejecting commonsense ideas like tax credits for biofuel vehicles that
help suburban communities in my district, I am very interested for when
this secret plan that the Speaker has alluded to is going to be coming
forward. I don't think there is a secret plan, Mr. Speaker.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman from Illinois has
expired.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. I yield the gentleman an additional 1
minute.
Mr. ROSKAM. I think the Speaker in the last campaign was using the
type of campaign rhetoric that is now unfortunately coming home to
roost.
I am deeply disappointed that the Rules Committee didn't see fit to
let a commonsense idea that helps the suburban municipalities that I
represent cope with outrageous gas prices.
I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. ARCURI. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Vermont, my colleague from the Rules Committee, Mr. Welch.
Mr. WELCH of Vermont. I thank the gentleman from New York.
This bill has many good features, and I want to speak about two. One
is energy and two is children.
If we are going to take on the challenge of energy independence, then
we have to start providing incentives, as we do in this bill, for wind,
for solar, for biomass, for alternative energy and efficiencies. It is
a confident Nation that takes on that challenge. It is a submissive
Nation where the leader of our country goes hat in hand to a country
that is not our friend and asks him to solve our problem by pumping
more oil. This moves us in a confident direction of independence, self-
sufficiency, and self-reliance.
The second is children. It is troubling I think to many of us in this
country, and many of us in this body, that the gap between the wealthy
and the poor has never been wider. The top five hedge fund managers
last year earned $12.6 billion. The 9 million lowest income families,
that was their equal income, $12.5 billion.
This bill finally increases the earned income tax credit for low-
income families, bringing down the floor to $8,500, and 15 percent
above that is going to be eligible. Do you know what that is going to
mean just in the State of Vermont? 21,000 kids are going to get help.
21,000 kids. It also means 77 low-income kids from military families
are going to get some assistance. This is money in their pocket where
they too can be self-reliant.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 4
minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Gingrey), a former member of
the Rules Committee.
{time} 1115
Mr. GINGREY. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this closed rule
and the underlying bill which the Democratic majority refers to as the
Energy and Job Creation Act of 2008. I don't know how anyone can call
this an energy creation act when it does nothing, absolutely nothing,
to lower the price of gasoline.
With a week-long recess ahead, I am sure the majority wants to pass
something with the word ``energy'' in it so they can pay lip service,
while the American people are paying more at the pump.
Well, Mr. Speaker, the American people are demanding real change and
real solutions. They want Congress to end this energy crisis which is
eating into the budgets of American families and harming their quality
of life.
This bill will not solve their problems. While this bill does extend
temporarily some important tax provisions, it does absolutely nothing
to address the looming alternative minimum tax which will hit millions
of Americans, in fact, 22 million of them, if this Congress fails to
act. And there's nothing in this bill concerning the alternative
minimum tax.
Shortly we will begin debate on another rule for the budget
conference report. I have often heard my colleagues on the other side
refer to the Federal budget as a moral document. Mr. Speaker, I agree
with them. I agree with them.
However, when I look at the details of this budget, I can't help but
ask, how is it moral to impose the largest tax increase in the history
of this country on working Americans, almost $683 billion over the next
5 years?
Mr. Speaker, how is it moral to raise the marginal tax rate on lower
income workers and impose tax burdens on marriage, children, and family
businesses?
Mr. Speaker, how is it moral to provide more than $1 trillion in
discretionary spending, while doing absolutely nothing to reform
entitlement spending and to ensure the solvency of Social Security and
Medicare for our future generations, indeed, our children and our
grandchildren?
The majority can refer to its budget as a moral document all they
want to, but the devil is in the detail, Mr. Speaker. Apparently the
majority believes it's moral to rack up debt and raise taxes to pay for
it.
Mr. Speaker, we need to cut government spending, and we need to
reform uncontrolled entitlement growth by eliminating waste, fraud and
abuse, so that we can provide tax relief to hardworking Americans and
to prevent the tax increases of the Democratic budget, $683 billion.
I urge my colleagues, vote against this rule, the underlying bill and
the Democratic budget.
Mr. ARCURI. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Pennsylvania (Mr. Altmire).
Mr. ALTMIRE. Mr. Speaker, in a weak economy it's important for us to
take steps to help small businesses create jobs and provide targeted
tax relief to middle class American taxpayers.
Today's tax relief package will encourage investment in renewable
energy and energy efficient technologies. We help small businesses by
extending the R&D tax credit and the State and local sales tax
deductions.
Also included are extensions of three tax cuts that I introduced last
year, including extending the $250 tax credit to help teachers pay for
out-of-pocket expenses for classroom supplies, encouraging companies to
donate computers to schools, and investing in the clean-up and
development of former industrial sites, commonly referred to as
brownfields.
This bill cuts taxes for small businesses, promotes energy
independence, and provides targeted tax relief for middle class
American families.
I urge my colleagues to support this tax relief package.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my
time.
Mr. ARCURI. Mr. Speaker, I would like to yield 2 minutes to the
gentlewoman from Arizona (Ms. Giffords).
Ms. GIFFORDS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of passage of H.R.
6049, the Energy and Tax Extenders Act.
Back home in Arizona, each and every day practically, we have free
energy that radiates from the sky. An Arizona utility company recently
proposed a plan to take advantage of that sunshine by building one of
the world's largest solar power plants, 280 megawatts. This project
will inject millions of dollars into the State and regional economy,
and once it's complete, will produce enough electricity to power 77,000
homes.
This exciting announcement comes with a caveat. If Congress fails to
extend the 30 percent solar tax investment tax credit, this plant will
not be constructed. The same stipulation has been given for a variety
of solar projects across the Southwest.
H.R. 6049 provides those vital extensions for renewable energy tax
credits which include solar energy, and it will be the fourth time that
the United States of House of Representatives has acted on this issue.
I have repeatedly pushed for passage of these extensions because I
know
[[Page H4334]]
that they're essential for the solar industry in our country. They will
spur innovation, decrease our emission, and improve our energy
independence.
With technology improving, many solar industry leaders furthermore
believe that solar energy is on track to be cost competitive with
fossil fuels by 2015, if not sooner. But to achieve the goal, we have
to act today before the current energy tax incentive expires.
I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on the Energy and Tax Extenders
Act. This is an important piece of legislation.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Mr. Speaker, how much time remains on
each side?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Washington has 10
minutes. The gentleman from New York has 17 minutes.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I will reserve my time.
Mr. ARCURI. Mr. Speaker, I would like to yield 2 minutes to the
gentleman from California (Mr. McNerney).
Mr. McNERNEY. Mr. Speaker, over the next few years the renewable
energy industry in the United States is poised to create hundreds of
thousands of family wage jobs. But none of it will happen, and in fact
we will lose jobs if we don't extend the investment and production tax
credits for new energy technologies.
As someone who spent my entire career in the wind industry, I know
firsthand how critical these credits are to increasing renewable energy
use and production. These incentives helped to turn wind power into a
viable and growing energy option.
Just last week, the Department of Energy released a report estimating
that wind could provide 20 percent of our Nation's energy by 2030.
Renewable energy is now competitive with conventional power.
I recently hosted a meeting in my district with the heads of solar
and wind energy companies to discuss the potential for employment in
the renewable sector. It's clear, with the right Federal incentives,
the industry will flourish, and we could see the creation of half a
million new energy technology jobs in just the next few years.
There's also a flip side. When the production and investment tax
credits lapse, there's a devastating consequence for the renewable
energy industry. For instance, the last time we didn't extend the
production tax credit, the wind industry lost thousands of good paying,
green energy jobs all across our country.
That's why today's legislation is so important. If we are serious
about weaning ourselves off foreign oil, we need to pass the production
and investment tax credits today.
I urge my colleagues to support this bill.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. I continue to reserve my time.
Mr. ARCURI. Mr. Speaker, I would like to yield 2 minutes to the
gentleman from New York (Mr. Crowley).
Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, first of all I think my friend from Georgia
needs some responding to in terms of the issue of the price of gas
today. I just want to point out that what is false is Republicans, not
Democrats, advocated and tried to pass legislation to increase the gas
tax on Americans, offering legislation that would cost American drivers
$800 million. That was a GOP motion to recommit on H.R. 2776 on August
4, 2007. And that data comes from the Joint Committee on Taxation.
The fact is not a single member of the Democratic Caucus supported
the Republican effort to increase the gas tax on American families.
That comes from rollcall vote 834.
The fact is that the Democratic leadership has not brought forward a
bill to increase the gas tax on drivers, only your side of the aisle.
Another point dealing with the pay-fors in this legislation. I just
want to point out one of the pay-fors, the worldwide interest
allocation, would bring in $24 billion raised to help pay for what
we're attempting to do here.
I know my friend, Mr. Hastings, was making reference to this, that
these are simply tax increases. The provision that we're talking about
specifically in worldwide interest allocation, $29 billion, if so, if
this is a tax increase, I just want to remind the gentleman that in
H.R. 3221, the Ways and Means amendment to the Democratic homeownership
rescue bill, that the same provision was included in that bill in which
95 members of your party supported it, including Mr. Hayes, Mr. Porter,
Mr. Ramstad, Mr. Hulshof, Mr. Reichert, Mr. Buchanan, Mr. Camp, Mrs.
Capito, Mr. Chabot, Mr. Diaz-Balart, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Keller, Mr.
Knollenberg, Mr. Shays, Mr. Lewis, Mr. Linder, Mr. Walberg, Mrs. Drake,
Mr. English, Mr. Fossella, Mr. Gerlach, Mr. Murphy----
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman from New York has
expired.
Mr. ARCURI. I yield the gentleman 1 additional minute.
Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Weller, Mr. Wilson and Mr. Young.
If these are tax increases, I just want you to know, for the record,
that in the previous bill that was passed by this House, 95 members of
your caucus supported the identical provision that is in this bill.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 1 minute.
In response to my good friend from New York's response, let's set the
record straight. We are talking about tax extenders. By definition, tax
extenders mean we are extending existing tax relief for people. These
are in law already. They have been extended many, many times in the
past and always been extended without raising taxes on the other end.
Now the gentleman says that the provision they have in this bill may
or may not have bipartisan support. I'm not going to argue with that
point. It probably should be looked at on its merits.
But my point in this and the whole part of this debate is that these
are extending existing tax relief for the American people, and you
don't have to start setting the principle of raising taxes in other
areas to continue tax extensions that are already in law. That's the
point that I was making.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ARCURI. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
California (Mr. Schiff).
Mr. SCHIFF. I rise in support of this energy and jobs bill and, in
particular, want to talk about two provisions that are very important
to my constituents and I think very important to the country.
The first are provisions that would extend tax credits for the solar
energy industry. In my district alone, there are hundreds of jobs at
stake. These are hundreds of good, well-paying, clean jobs that not
only are good for the citizens in my district, but also are good for
the country. We need an Apollo project like effort to wean ourselves
off fossil fuels.
We want the ability to be able to tell the oil producing nations of
the world that they can take their oil and they can keep it, that we
don't need it.
We want to be able to address global warming. We want to be able to
make sure that we have a sound energy policy based on this Nation's
future. And solar energy is a big part of the solution.
So this tax credit alone, I've had business people in my district
tell me if this tax credit goes away, those jobs will go away. It's as
simple as that. Homeowners won't be able to meet the financial burden
of putting solar power panels on their roofs. Those that produce those
panels will have to lay off the people in that industry. People will
become more reliant on fossil fuels, not less.
There's a second provision, very important to my constituents and
also very important to an industry that has a positive balance of trade
with every other country on earth, and that is the entertainment
industry. We have tax incentives to try to keep production in this
country of small and medium sized films. We're losing a lot of that
production to Canada. We'll lose even more if the tax credits that
incentivize those small productions go away. I'm very proud that we're
taking action to deal with the problem of runaway production. Again,
good, well-paying jobs that we want to keep in this country. This
legislation will help keep them there.
Many of my constituents are losing those jobs to Canada, Australia
and other countries because those other countries are offering
incentives to keep and move production there.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman from California
has expired.
Mr. ARCURI. I yield the gentleman an additional 30 seconds.
[[Page H4335]]
{time} 1130
This good bill will help us wean ourselves off fossil fuels. It will
help us keep good-paying jobs in the energy industry, in the
entertainment industry, and a great many other industries, and I urge
support.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Mr. Speaker, once again, can I inquire of
the time on both sides.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Washington has 9 minutes.
The gentleman from New York has 10 minutes.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. I would inquire of my friend from New
York how many speakers he has.
Mr. ARCURI. We have no additional speakers, so I am prepared to
close.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. In that case, Mr. Speaker, I will yield
myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I'm going to ask my colleagues to vote against the
previous question so we can address the issue of high gasoline prices.
But before I make my motion and explain what my motion would be if we
defeat the previous question, I want to quote several parts of an
editorial that was written by Tracy Warner who is the editorial writer
for the Wenatchee World newspaper in Wenatchee, Washington, in my
district. He kind of hits some of the issues of what we are doing, or
probably I should say not doing, on the head.
[From the Wenatchee World, May 14, 2008]
Irrational Policy Part of the Show
(By Tracy Warner)
The Keystone Cops of Congress wave their truncheons, circle
and bump and wriggle their mustaches, then rush to the paddy
wagon in search of greedy oil companies. In this time of
hardship, this will have to suffice for energy policy.
The goal of the troupe is to somehow make the price of
gasoline lower. High gasoline prices are extremely unpopular.
If they could be forced downward, this would please Americans
at an advantageous time on the political calendar. If that is
not possible, and likely it is not, then complaining loudly
will do. Or, for a real show of statesmanship, you can dole
out financial punishment to the companies that make the
product you want more of.
The most recent gesture was a vote Tuesday to have the
government cease stockpiling oil in the strategic petroleum
reserve, where some 700 million barrels are kept for national
emergencies. This halt, passed by the Senate 97-1 and the
House 385-25, will reduce federal petroleum purchases by
70,000 barrels a day. The hope is this will affect world oil
markets, which are based on global production of 87 million
barrels a day. Congress has increased supplies by 0.08
percent. We should be grateful.
In a very small way this shows our representatives have
some understanding of economics. Oil markets are mainly a
supply-and-demand issue. Raise supply and the price should
drop, if demand is steady. Raise supplies by 0.08 percent and
the price will drop, maybe by a like amount. We will watch
with great anticipation.
The other legs of the constantly evolving federal oil
policy are not so easily explained. Congress remains adamant
that we will not attempt to affect supplies by drilling on a
few thousand acres of the vast Arctic National Wildlife
Refuge, where production could exceed 1 million barrels a
day. The reason given is this is part of an ``oil friendly
policy'' and we cannot ``drill our way'' to ``energy
independence'' because the effect of a million barrels is so
small. So we deny ourselves a million barrels a day because
it is so little, and then demand the federal government cease
purchasing 70,000 barrels a day, because that is too much.
Some propose sending the Justice Department to file an
antitrust case against OPEC, because its members scheme to
limit the supply of oil and thus drive up the price. So, we
do not wish to drill ourselves, because that would be wrong,
but we demand OPEC sell us more, and if they don't we will
send lawyers. And oh, we want ``energy independence.''
And with lawyers after OPEC, the cops will still be after
the oil companies. The line is oil companies get ``tax
subsidies'' they do not deserve. So the House has voted to
rescind a tax break for the five largest oil companies. The
``subsidy'' to which these congressmen refer was no special
deal. It was a two-point corporate tax cut given to all
manufacturers in 2004. In the meantime, oil companies pay
taxes. According to the Tax Foundation, based on data from
the Energy Information Agency, it is only in the last three
years that after-tax profits of the oil industry have
exceeded its taxes paid to federal and state governments. In
the last 25 years, oil company taxes were nearly double oil
company profits--government makes twice off oil what oil
companies make off oil.
On we go. Newly popular in Congress is a windfall profits
tax, to collect for government the oil profits government
considers ``obscene.'' Oil company profit margins are less
than many other industries, but setting that aside, what
would be the effect of confiscating them? When this was tried
in 1980, oil companies stopped selling the product from which
only government would profit, and we went from expensive gas
to no gas.'
And, we can make price gouging a crime, even though it
already is a crime in most states. Make it a crime to sell
fuel when prices are high. Won't that increase supplies?
The sum of all this policymaking is astonishing
incompetence. Playing for the crowd usually leads this way.
Let me just make a few points here that he raised that I thought were
rather interesting.
He talks about what Congress is doing or not doing, and he says then,
and I will quote verbatim, Mr. Speaker, from his editorial, ``The most
recent gesture was a vote Tuesday to have the government cease
stockpiling oil in the Strategic Petroleum Reserve, where some 700
million barrels are kept for national emergencies. This halt, passed by
the Senate 97-1 and the House 385-25, will reduce Federal petroleum
purchases by 70,000 barrels a day. The hope is this will affect world
oil prices or oil markets which are based on global production of 87
million barrels a day. Congress has increased supplies by 0.08
percent.''
He then goes on to say, after I quote there, he goes on to talk then
about things that we probably are not doing and should be doing
otherwise. He goes on to compliment Congress by saying that ``at least
they have some understanding of economics.'' If you're going to not put
oil in a reserve, you presumably have more supply.
He then goes on to talk about what we haven't been doing, which of
course is looking at more known reserves we have in our country to be
energy independent. Again I would like to quote, then, verbatim as he
makes, I think, a very good point:
``Congress remains adamant that we will not attempt to affect
supplies by drilling on a few thousand acres of the vast Arctic
National Wildlife Refuge, where the production could exceed 1 million
barrels a day. The reason given is this is part of an `oil friendly
policy' and we cannot `drill our way' to `energy independence' because
the effect of a million barrels is so small. So we deny ourselves a
million barrels a day because it is so little, and then demand the
Federal Government cease purchasing 70,000 barrels a day, because that
is too much.''
Mr. Speaker, he goes on to talk about other things here, but they
make a very good point. The bottom line is our energy policy is not
looking at the supply side of it. We import so much of our crude oil
and we aren't energy independent in that sense.
Mr. Speaker, I am going to ask my colleagues to vote ``no'' on the
previous question so I have an opportunity to amend the rule.
Since the Democrats took control of Congress in January of 2007, the
cost of gasoline has risen to record-setting prices. According to a
report from just 2 days ago by the AAA in my State of Washington, the
price of gasoline is at a record $3.86 per gallon. That's 24 cents
higher than just last month. The average price of a gallon of diesel is
$4.69, which is $1.61 higher than a year ago. In the Tri-Cities where I
live, a gallon of gas is $3.83. In Yakima, in the central part of my
district, it's $3.84.
[From the Seattle Times, May 19, 2008]
AAA: Average Gallon of Gas in Washington Hits $3.86
The AAA auto club says the average price of a gallon of
gasoline in Washington continues to climb into record
territory at $3.86.
That's up 24 cents in the past month and 42 cents in the
past year. It's seven cents higher than the national average.
The AAA survey for today found that the average price of a
gallon of diesel in the state is $4.69. That's up 29 cents in
the past month and $1.61 in the past year.
The AAA says the highest gas prices in the state are at
Bellingham at $3.93 and the lowest in Spokane at $3.70.
Prices in some other cities, according to the AAA: Olympia
$3.89, Seattle $3.88, Tacoma $3.87, Vancouver $3.84, Tri-
Cities $3.83, Yakima $3.84.
This increase in prices is causing real strain on family budgets,
farmers, and for small businesses. This Congress needs to act, and we
can't afford to sit and do nothing while prices continue to climb. The
American people deserve action.
Speaker Pelosi made a promise that the Democrats had a ``commonsense
plan'' to ``lower the price at the pump.'' But this Democrat Congress
has done nothing but see fuel prices rise.
One of the most important things that this House can do is recognize
a
[[Page H4336]]
basic economic principle of supply and demand. Mr. Speaker, the laws of
supply and demand cannot be changed by wishful thinking. At times, I
get the distinct impression that my colleagues on the other side of the
aisle believe that wishful thinking will actually lower gas prices.
I support proposals to invent and to develop new sources of energy. I
think we should have a diverse portfolio of energy, and I believe a
vast majority of my colleagues do as well. But gas, diesel, and oil are
absolutely vital to our economy and our way of life and our future.
The problem we are facing at the gas pump is one of high demand and
limited supply, and it's part of a global economy and a global product.
With India and China suddenly consuming enormous amounts of oil, the
price of it is being bid up around the world. The way to combat rising
prices due to high demand is to increase supply. And yet proposals to
increase oil and gas production and exploration in our country have
faced years and years in opposition. Mr. Tracy, in his article, points
that out as it relates to ANWR.
We've been stymied by Democrats in the House, blocked by Democrat
Senators, and vetoed by a Democrat Senator specifically with ANWR. This
liberal Congress is continuing to say ``no'' to developing energy in
our country, to block any bill from being considered or voted upon that
would allow for oil and natural gas exploration in Alaska or in the
oceans on the Outer Continental Shelf, while at the same time they pass
bills threatening to sue foreign countries to produce more oil. That
doesn't increase supply, Mr. Speaker.
We are now paying the price for so many years of repeated refusal to
make use of our country's own natural resources. Not only are we seeing
gas prices going up and up, but our country is even more dependent on
foreign sources of oil. Often the response to this argument from the
other side of the aisle is that even if we approve production in ANWR
or coastal reserves today, it wouldn't come on line for years and
wouldn't really help much.
The hollowness of this argument in my mind, Mr. Speaker, is
astonishing. We are paying the price today for their years of
opposition to real solutions, and they want to keep saying ``no'' and
blaming somebody else.
America can't afford to keep sticking its head in the sand when it
comes to building more refineries and developing our own oil and gas
reserves. It's time for the House to act. It's time for the House to
debate ideas for lowering prices, and it's time for the majority to
reveal their promised plan.
By defeating the previous question, Mr. Speaker, this House can
finally consider solutions to rising energy costs. When the previous
question is defeated, I will move to add a section to the rule, not
rewrite the rule, that would lower the gas prices of unleaded gasoline.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to have the text of the
amendment and extraneous material inserted into the Record prior to the
vote on the previous question.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Washington?
There was no objection.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to
defeat the previous question so that we can consider this vitally
important issue for America.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. ARCURI. Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank my colleague and
friend from Washington. It's always a pleasure managing a rule on the
floor with you.
I would like to thank him for making a point which I think is a very
good point in his closing, and that is we can't drill our way to oil
independence. I think that is abundantly clear, especially to
Americans. I think they know that.
The fact of the matter is, is that oil is a finite resource. That as
much as we want to dream and that as much as we want to wish, it is a
finite resource. And while there may be reserves that may last us 5
years or 10 years, the fact of the matter is if we don't deal with the
fact that it is a finite resource, then our children and our
grandchildren will have to deal with the fact that there is no more oil
left.
That's what today's bill does. That's what this rule does. It
attempts to take real steps to promote alternative energy because that
is the future of our children and our grandchildren.
H.R. 6049, if it passes the House today, it will be the fourth time
the House has voted to extend many of these energy tax provisions. In
each of the previous three times, the legislation has come under heavy
fire because of the revenue-raising provisions that were included to
ensure that the extensions were compliant with House pay-as-you-go
rules. That is the new Democratic majority's commitment to lowering the
national debt by bringing fiscal responsibility back to the House of
Representatives.
The debate has not fallen on deaf ears. I applaud the Ways and Means
Committee and Chairman Rangel for its tireless commitment to finding
less controversial means for paying for this vital tax relief and
alternative energy development incentives. Their efforts have been
successful judging by the list of organizations and businesses that are
supporting H.R. 6049, including the League of Conservation Voters, the
National Retail Federation, the National Wildlife Federation, Dow
Chemical Company, The Sierra Club, The American Farm Bureau, and the
list goes on and on.
Providing tax relief to middle class families and small businesses,
providing incentives to promote alternative energy development, and
adhering to fiscal responsibility should never, never be a partisan
issue.
Too often in this Chamber we hear countless reasons why not to do
something, but the fact of the matter is, we cannot afford to allow the
vital tax relief and renewable energy incentives in H.R. 6049 to fall
victim to Washington politics.
Just to set the record straight, by voting ``yes'' on the previous
question and voting ``yes'' on the rule and bringing this legislation
to the floor, it will allow 11 million families to deduct State and
local sales taxes; it will allow 3\1/2\ million teachers to deduct
classroom expenses so they can better educate the children they teach;
it will allow 4 million families the ability to deduct education
expenses and help put their children through college; it will allow 13
million families to claim the child tax credit and make it a little
easier to put food on their table; and it will allow 27,000 domestic
businesses to remain competitive in the global marketplace by investing
in vital research and development.
Clearly we in the majority are working to advance the interests of
the American people. I am hopeful we can come together later today,
Republicans and Democrats, pass this rule, pass the underlying
legislation, and move our country forward.
I urge a ``yes'' vote on the previous question and on the rule.
The material previously referred to by Mr. Hastings of Washington is
as follows:
Amendment to H. Res. 1212 Offered by Mr. Hastings of Washington
At the end of the resolution, add the following:
Sec. 3. Notwithstanding any other provision of this
resolution or the operation of the previous question, it
shall be in order to consider any amendment to the substitute
which the proponent asserts, if enacted, would have the
effect of lowering the national average price per gallon of
regular unleaded gasoline. Such amendments shall be
considered as read, shall be debatable for thirty minutes
equally divided and controlled by the proponent and an
opponent, shall not be subject to amendment, and shall not be
subject to a demand for division of the question in the House
or in the Committee of the Whole. All points of order against
such amendments are waived except those arising under clause
9 of rule XXI.
____
(The information contained herein was provided by
Democratic Minority on multiple occasions throughout the
109th Congress.)
The Vote on the Previous Question: What It Really Means
This vote, the vote on whether to order the previous
question on a special rule, is not merely a procedural vote.
A vote against ordering the previous question is a vote
against the Democratic majority agenda and a vote to allow
the opposition, at least for the moment, to offer an
alternative plan. It is a vote about what the House should be
debating.
Mr. Clarence Cannon's Precedents of the House of
Representatives, (VI, 308-311) describes the vote on the
previous question on the rule as ``a motion to direct or
control the consideration of the subject before the House
being made by the Member in charge.'' To defeat the previous
question is to give the
[[Page H4337]]
opposition a chance to decide the subject before the House.
Cannon cites the Speaker's ruling of January 13, 1920, to the
effect that ``the refusal of the House to sustain the demand
for the previous question passes the control of the
resolution to the opposition'' in order to offer an
amendment. On March 15, 1909, a member of the majority party
offered a rule resolution. The House defeated the previous
question and a member of the opposition rose to a
parliamentary inquiry, asking who was entitled to
recognition. Speaker Joseph G. Cannon (R-Illinois) said:
``The previous question having been refused, the gentleman
from New York, Mr. Fitzgerald, who had asked the gentleman to
yield to him for an amendment, is entitled to the first
recognition.''
Because the vote today may look bad for the Democratic
majority they will say ``the vote on the previous question is
simply a vote on whether to proceed to an immediate vote on
adopting the resolution . . . [and] has no substantive
legislative or policy implications whatsoever.'' But that is
not what they have always said. Listen to the definition of
the previous question used in the Floor Procedures Manual
published by the Rules Committee in the 109th Congress, (page
56). Here's how the Rules Committee described the rule using
information from Congressional Quarterly's ``American
Congressional Dictionary'': ``If the previous question is
defeated, control of debate shifts to the leading opposition
member (usually the minority Floor Manager) who then manages
an hour of debate and may offer a germane amendment to the
pending business.''
Deschler's Procedure in the U.S. House of Representatives,
the subchapter titled ``Amending Special Rules'' states: ``a
refusal to order the previous question on such a rule [a
special rule reported from the Committee on Rules] opens the
resolution to amendment and further debate.'' (Chapter 21,
section 21.2) Section 21.3 continues: Upon rejection of the
motion for the previous question on a resolution reported
from the Committee on Rules, control shifts to the Member
leading the opposition to the previous question, who may
offer a proper amendment or motion and who controls the time
for debate thereon.''
Clearly, the vote on the previous question on a rule does
have substantive policy implications. It is one of the only
available tools for those who oppose the Democratic
majority's agenda and allows those with alternative views the
opportunity to offer an alternative plan.
Mr. ARCURI. I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the
previous question on the resolution.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on ordering the previous
question.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas
and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further
proceedings on this question will be postponed.
____________________