[Congressional Record Volume 154, Number 79 (Wednesday, May 14, 2008)]
[House]
[Page H3862]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
IRAQ
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a previous order of the House, the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Holt) is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. HOLT. Mr. Speaker, recently I met with veterans in New Jersey,
some of whom had served in the Second World War, and earlier in the day
that I met with them, I had returned from a fact-finding trip to Iraq
with Representative Thompson of California, a colleague on the House
Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence.
I told these veterans that they would not recognize this war in Iraq.
From a technological standpoint, the kind of battlefield sensors and
intelligence analysis capabilities available to our troops in Iraq are
so far beyond anything that was fielded by the military in the Second
World War or, in fact, even in more recent conflicts. That's the good
news.
The other thing that they would not recognize, the not-so-good news,
is that unlike say the Second World War, the United States cannot
control the outcome in Iraq or achieve success because we do not know
who the enemy is and what constitutes success.
While part of our trip involved classified briefings in which we
examined how the intelligence community is supporting our troops, we
also had the opportunity to meet at length with General David Petraeus
and Ambassador Crocker to discuss the situation on the ground,
including the status of the political reconciliation among Iraq's
warring factions. The two gave a positive report and spoke of a great
deal of progress.
Two outstanding patriots, a good general, a good diplomat, but the
presentation that America is making progress toward a successful
outcome in Iraq makes sense only if we continually redefine what we
mean by success. And for over 5 years, we've been redefining both our
rationale for invading Iraq and how we propose to measure success.
First, it was to go after those responsible for 9/11. Then it was to
remove Saddam Hussein from power and track down his WMDs. And then it
was to bring stability to the region. And then it was to bring free
elections and bring all the warring factions together in a model of
democracy for the Middle East. Then it was to create a road to peace in
Israel through Iraq. And then it was to give the Iraqis more time to
organize their government. Now, it seems to be to reduce the number of
members of al Qaeda in Iraq, the AQI, which was, of course, zero before
it all started.
These repeated rationalizations and redefinitions serve no one's
interests, particularly the interests of our men and women of our Armed
Forces who we've sent in harm's way in Iraq.
In Baghdad, I met with active duty soldiers, including some from New
Jersey. American troops are performing superbly in Iraq under difficult
conditions. As I told them, they, and the New Jersey National Guard
members who will be deploying later this year, deserve not just our
gratitude, but all the support they need to do their job, the
wherewithal they need to do their job, and I would say just as much
support when they return home as veterans.
Of course, we want our soldiers to succeed. We want the Iraqis to be
peaceful and prosperous. We want terrorists and other enemies of the
United States to be defanged and defeated. But for that to happen, it
must be in Iraq, at least the Iraqis, the Iraqi political factions who
must take the lead in ending their civil war.
It's impossible to hide the fact that the limited security gains
achieved since last fall have not been matched by political
reconciliation on the part of the Iraqis.
Unfortunately, Iraq's central government continues to lack legitimacy
in the eyes of its people, as the recent combat in Basra and Baghdad
have clearly shown. It is clear that the Iraqi government is, so far
anyway, unwilling or unable to take the steps necessary to reach a
political settlement that will end the violence.
One of the reasons I voted against the war resolution to go into Iraq
in the first place was that Iraq was not a threat to the United States
in the wake of the 9/11 attacks and that attacking Iraq would unleash
forces we could not control. I was not alone in making those arguments,
which tragically have been validated by events.
My latest trip to Iraq has, sadly, reinforced my belief that success
is being redefined only once again, and what we need to do is to take
decisive action to end our combat involvement in Iraq and refocus our
efforts on destroying al Qaeda and eliminating the conditions that
breed international terrorism and refocusing our resources on pressing
domestic and international needs.
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