[Congressional Record Volume 154, Number 54 (Monday, April 7, 2008)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2638-S2641]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
SUBMITTED RESOLUTIONS
______
SENATE RESOLUTION 504--CONDEMNING THE VIOLENCE IN TIBET AND CALLING FOR
RESTRAINT BY THE GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA AND THE
PEOPLE OF TIBET
Mrs. FEINSTEIN (for herself, Mr. Smith, Mr. Biden, Ms. Klobuchar, Mr.
Brown, Mrs. Dole, Ms. Cantwell, Ms. Snowe, Mr. Menendez, Ms. Collins,
Mr. Obama, Mr. Byrd, Mr. Voinovich, Mr. Schumer, and Mrs. Murray)
submitted the following resolution; which was referred to the Committee
on Foreign Relations:
S. Res. 504
Whereas, beginning on March 10, 2008, Tibetans and Tibetan
Buddhist monks began demonstrations in Lhasa, the capital of
the Tibet Autonomous Region in the People's Republic of
China;
Whereas those protests spread to elsewhere in the Tibet
Autonomous Region and to Tibetan autonomous areas in the
Sichuan, Gansu, and Qinghan provinces of China;
Whereas, long-suppressed resentment prompted violent
clashes between demonstrators and government forces in the
streets of Lhasa, resulting in innocent civilian casualties,
the burning of buildings, and extensive property damage;
Whereas Chinese and Tibetan sources report dozens of
fatalities, and the arrest of more than 1,000 protesters in
the Tibet Autonomous Region and surrounding Tibetan areas of
China;
Whereas Tibet is the center of Tibetan Buddhism and the
Dalai Lama is the most revered figure in Tibetan Buddhism;
Whereas, the Government of China continues to restrict the
rights of Tibetan Buddhists to practice their religion
freely;
Whereas the Dalai Lama has condemned the violence that
began on March 14, 2008, and announced his continuing support
for the Olympic Games to be held in Beijing, China;
Whereas the Dalai Lama has specifically stated that he does
not seek independence for Tibet from China and has called for
negotiations to bring about meaningful autonomy for Tibet
that allows Tibetans to maintain their distinctive identity
within China;
[[Page S2639]]
Whereas the Constitution of the People's Republic of China
guarantees freedom of religious belief for all citizens, but
the 2007 Annual Report on International Religious Freedom of
the Department of State states that ``[d]uring the period
covered by this report, the Government [of China]'s respect
for freedom of religion remained poor''; and
Whereas, following the demonstrations that began on March
10, 2008, the Government of China began severely restricting
access to journalists and diplomats and creating a shortage
of independent verification of the situation on the ground in
Tibet: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That the Senate--
(1) condemns the violence in Tibet and calls for restraint
by the Government of the People's Republic of China and the
people of Tibet;
(2) calls for a dialogue between the leadership of the
Government of China and His Holiness the Dalai Lama on
meaningful religious and cultural autonomy for Tibet within
China and urges that these discussions take place with all
deliberate speed;
(3) calls for the release of individuals who protested in a
peaceful manner and for medical care for those injured and
wounded in the violence that followed the protests;
(4) calls on the Government of China to cease its efforts
to enter monasteries to ``reeducate'' monks and nuns, to
respect the right of the people of Tibet to speak of the
Dalai Lama and possess his photograph, and to respect and
protect basic human rights, as provided in the Constitution
of the People's Republic of China;
(5) calls on the Government of China to honor its
commitment to allow international journalists free access to
China from mid-2007 to October 17, 2008;
(6) calls on the Government of China to provide a full
accounting of the March 2008 protests in Tibet, the response
of the Government of China, and the manner and number of
detentions and deaths that occurred following the protests;
and
(7) both--
(A) calls on the United States Department of State to fully
implement the Tibetan Policy Act of 2002 (22 U.S.C. 6901
note), including the stipulation that the Secretary of State
``seek to establish an office in Lhasa, Tibet to monitor
political, economic, and cultural developments in Tibet'',
and also to provide consular protection and citizen services
in emergencies, and
(B) urges that the agreement to permit China to open
further diplomatic missions in the United States should be
contingent upon the establishment of a United States
Government office in Lhasa, Tibet.
Mrs. FEINSTEIN. Mr. President, at this time, I send a resolution to
the desk. Perhaps, rather than do that, I should just speak about it
and then introduce it separately.
This resolution is sent on behalf of Senator Gordon Smith of Oregon
and myself. It is also cosponsored by the chairman of the Foreign
Relations Committee, Senator Biden, as well as Senators Klobuchar,
Brown, Cantwell, Dole, Obama, Snowe, Menendez, Voinovich, Schumer,
Collins, and Byrd. It deals with Tibet.
It deals with what is happening in Tibet. This is a very difficult
week because the day after tomorrow the Olympic torch is coming for the
first time to my city, San Francisco, the only city in the United
States that the torch will come to. It has created quite a stir.
This resolution condemns the violence in Tibet, and it calls for
restraint by the Government of the People's Republic of China and the
people of Tibet. It does other things as well; that is, to urge the
Government of China to sit down with His Holiness the Dalai Lama and
try to work toward meaningful autonomy with respect to the culture and
religion of the people of Tibet.
There is an area called the Tibetan Autonomous Region. It has 3
million Tibetans. There are also 3 million Tibetans in the three
surrounding provinces of China.
Starting on March 10, Tibetan monks and others began protesting in
the autonomous area of western China. The protests were begun
peacefully by monks who marched in their robes and were an expression
of these religious people's desire to practice their religion freely
and without Government interference.
The protesters took this action at great personal risk. Many monks
and marchers carried pictures of the Dalai Lama, the most revered
figure in Tibetan Buddhism. Possession of such a picture is punished in
China, sometimes severely.
Unfortunately and tragically, on March 14, the protests in Lhasa, the
capital of the Tibetan Autonomous Region, turned violent. Long-
suppressed animosity boiled over. Innocent people were killed in the
violence. Homes and businesses were burned in what appears to have been
a riot.
Over the days and weeks that followed, the protests spread. They
occurred in 42 separate Chinese counties. Most were peaceful. In some
cases, they were met, though, with brute force by Chinese police. This
resolution condemns force on both sides. The Chinese Government
responded to these protests with force and secrecy. The crackdown
included thousands of paramilitary police and possibly the People's
Liberation Army, who were sent to Tibet.
International journalists and official representatives were kept out,
making accurate information difficult to obtain. But we know dozens of
people or more have died. We know more than 1,000 people have been
incarcerated.
Now, how did all this happen? Over the past decade, China has flooded
the Tibetan Autonomous Region with Han Chinese. They have built a major
railroad. Han Chinese have participated in a major building boom in the
capital city of Lhasa. In fact, there are many more hotels and
restaurants and businesses there today.
The majority of Tibetans who live in rural areas benefit very little
from central government investment in this Tibetan economy. Instead,
the money has flowed to government-run enterprises, in which Han
control is dominant.
The Tibetans lack the skills to compete. According to the Chinese
Government's 2000 census, the illiteracy rate of ethnic Tibetans in
China is 48 percent; that is five times higher than the Chinese
national illiteracy rate.
Instead of providing educational opportunity to Tibetans, China is
currently advancing patriotic education in Tibet's monasteries. What
this means is Chinese reeducation teams go into the monasteries and try
to reeducate the Tibetan monks. If they do not agree to reeducation,
they are often punished and often beaten. The bottom line is, few
Tibetans are prepared to compete for employment and business
opportunities in the Han-dominated economic environment.
I first went to China and was the first American mayor to do so in
June of 1979. I went with a delegation of San Francisco businesspeople
and civic activists to develop the first friendship city agreement
between an American city and a Chinese city.
From that flowed an agreement which at one time was the most active
sister city relationship in the world. That was between the great
cities of Shanghai and San Francisco. The Chinese have always had a
love of San Francisco; it goes back many decades into former centuries
of Chinese coming to this country and landing in San Francisco first.
We developed that relationship and good things happened. The first
Chinese Consulate came to San Francisco and an American Consulate was
opened in Shanghai. The first COSCO ship came into San Francisco Bay.
The first chartered air service landed at San Francisco International
Airport. A special relationship was developed between Guangdong
Province and San Francisco. The first Bank of China opened in this
country and on and on and on with many interesting projects.
It turned out the mayor of Shanghai was, first, Wang Daohan and then
Jiang Zemin. Jiang Zemin and I met over an ensuing 8-year period every
year. He then went on to become Secretary General of the party and
President of the country. In 1992, 1997, and 1998, I, personally,
carried letters from the Dalai Lama to the President of China. In 1997
and 1998, I had long discussions with the President of China, President
Jiang Zemin.
I would like, if I might, to read parts of these letters. The second
letter is dated June 12, 1997. It is signed by His Holiness the Dalai
Lama. Let me read this to you:
When I met Chairman Mao over forty years ago, I felt very
assured by him and the other leaders of the new China. The
promises made to me gave the people and government of Tibet
considerable optimism and confidence. In the mid-1950s, when
we were confronted with new crises, it was Premier Zhou En
Lai who was able to play a crucial role in restoring my
confidence; we met several times during my pilgrimage in
India. Unfortunately, the situation in Tibet did not improve
despite his best assurances and I ultimately had to go into
exile.
Despite lost time and opportunities and the turmoil of the
recent past, my hopes were renewed in 1979 when Mr. Deng
Xiaoping took the initiative to contact me through my brother
in Hong Kong, assuring me that short of our demand for
separation from the People's Republic of China, all
[[Page S2640]]
problems could be discussed and resolved. It was a long
overdue rapprochement, and within a few years were able to
make considerable progress on several fronts.
Unfortunately, this initiative, started by Mr. Deng and
vigorously carried out by Mr. Hu Yaobang, then Party General
Secretary, came to a stuttering halt owing to events in Tibet
and elsewhere in China that prevented its natural fruition.
Many of the issues are yet to be resolved, and Tibet now
draws the concern of more than just the Tibetan people. The
primary responsibility for resolving this matter lies with
us, and I believe that now is an opportune moment to tackle
these problems without prejudice. I have, for my part, openly
and in confidence conveyed to you that I am not demanding
independence for Tibet, which I believe is fundamental to the
Chinese government.
I think the issue of Tibet has remained unresolved for too
long and any further delay will only complicate the matter. I
am also deeply concerned by the growing restlessness among
the Tibetan people in recent times. I can fully understand
their frustrations. But if a mutually agreeable solution is
found, I am confident that I will be able to dispel the
Tibetan people's concerns and win their support for my
efforts.
It is signed, ``With my prayers, the Dalai Lama.''
I delivered this to Jiang Zemin, in China, on June 12, 1997. On May
16, 1998, the next year, I returned to China and I delivered another
letter from His Holiness to Jiang Zemin. I would like to quote from
that.
It is my fervent and sincere hope that you will provide
similar leadership in resolving the Tibetan problem. If we
look at the issue positively I really do not see major
contradictions between our respective positions. If I
understand correctly, the main concern of the Central
leadership in China is the unity and stability of the nation.
My middle-way approach for resolving the Tibetan issue will
in fact contribute towards achieving the same objectives.
I would like to reiterate here that I am not seeking
independence for Tibet. My main concern is for the six
million Tibetan people (or whatever the actual figure is of
people who consider themselves Tibetans) to be able to enjoy
the opportunity to fully preserve their civilisation and the
distinct Tibetan culture, religion, and language. I am
convinced that this could be achieved through genuine
autonomy or self-rule within the framework of the People's
Republic of China. Such a situation will also make it
possible for the Tibetan people to take full advantage of,
and be an integral part of, the socio-economic development,
which is taking place in China. It is needless to mention
that a solution to the Tibetan problem will gain tremendous
international respect for the People's Republic of China as
well as for your leadership.
Mr. President, it has been four decades since I have had
the opportunity to sit down personally with the leader of the
Chinese people to have a frank and direct dialogue. With your
leadership and initiative, I am confident that we can begin
the process of resolving the many issues concerning Tibet. I
believe that you are privileged to be leading the People's
Republic of China at a unique time in history when it's
economy is growing vigorously and when you are gaining a new
respectability in the world.
It goes on.
May I suggest that at our meeting, you and I discuss
relations between the Tibetans and the Chinese government. I
am also concerned about the maintenance and enhancement of
those cultural, civic, and religious institutions that are so
important to the Tibetan people and others throughout the
world. In addition, we should discuss the fact that economic
growth in Tibet has not matched that of the rest of China,
and we would be interested in talking about how we can work
together towards poverty alleviation and educational and
economic growth.
There are other parts to these letters. But I would ask that the full
text be incorporated at this point in my remarks in the Record.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
June 12, 1997.
Dear Mr. President: This letter comes to you through our
mutual friends Mr. Richard Blum and Senator Dianne Feinstein.
Unfortunately, it comes with a shared sense of deep concern,
frustration, and great disappointment over the lack of any
progress concerning the Tibetan situation.
When I met Chairman Mao over forty years ago, I felt very
assured by him and the other leaders of the new China. The
promises made to me gave the people and government of Tibet
considerable optimism and confidence. In the mid-1950's, when
we were confronted with new crises, it was Premier Zhou En
Lai who was able to play a crucial role in reviving my
confidence; we met several times during my pilgrimage in
India. Unfortunately, the situation in Tibet did not improve
despite his best assurances and I ultimately had to go into
exile.
Despite lost time and opportunities and the turmoil of the
recent past, my hopes were renewed in 1979 when Mr. Deng
Xiaoping took the initiative to contact me through my brother
in Hong Kong, assuring me that short of our demand for
separation from the People's Republic of China, all problems
could be discussed and resolved. It was a long overdue
rapprochement, and within a few years were able to make
considerable progress on several fronts.
Unfortunately, this initiative, started by Mr. Deng and
vigorously carried out by Mr. Hu Yaobang, then Party General
Secretary, came to a stuttering halt owing to events in Tibet
and elsewhere in China that prevented its natural fruition.
Many of the issues are yet to be resolved, and Tibet now
draws the concern of more than just the Tibetan people. The
primary responsibility for resolving this matter lies with
us, and I believe that now is an opportune moment to tackle
these problems without prejudice. I have, for my part, openly
and in confidence conveyed to you that I am not demanding
independence for Tibet, which I believe is fundamental to the
Chinese government.
I think the issue of Tibet has remained unresolved for too
long and any further delay will only complicate the matter. I
am also deeply concerned by the growing restlessness among
the Tibetan people in recent times. I can fully understand
their frustrations. But if a mutually agreeable solution is
found, I am confident that I will be able to dispel the
Tibetan people's concerns and win their support for my
efforts .
I am sure there may be other issues on which clarifications
may be needed from both sides in order to create the
necessary congenial environment for formal negotiations. My
assistants will continue to informally work with your people
so that these issues can be clarified to a satisfactory
conclusion candidly and in confidence.
With my prayers,
The Dalai Lama.
____
May 16, 1998.
His Excellency Jiang Zemin,
President of People's Republic of China,
Beijing.
Dear President Jiang Zemin: I have been closely watching
the developments in the People's Republic of China under your
leadership and applaud you particularly for the leadership
that you have provided both during the 15th Party Congress as
well as the National People's Congress session early this
year. Under your core leadership China is moving in the right
direction and it is my sincere hope that this process will
continue in the years to come. I also commend you for the
smooth transfer of power in Hong Kong and more importantly
for the way the affairs of Hong Kong are handled currently.
It is my fervent and sincere hope that you will provide a
similar leadership in resolving the Tibetan problem. If we
look at the issue positively I really do not see major
contradictions between our respective positions. If I
understand correctly, the main concern of the Central
leadership in China is the unity and stability of the nation.
My middle-way approach for resolving the Tibetan issue will
in fact contribute towards achieving the same objectives.
I would like to reiterate here that I am not seeking
independence for Tibet. My main concern is for the six
million Tibetan people (or whatever the actual figure is of
people who consider themselves Tibetans) to be able to enjoy
the opportunity to fully preserve their civilization and the
distinct Tibetan culture, religion, and language. I am
convinced that this could be achieved through genuine
autonomy or self-rule within the framework of the People's
Republic of China. Such a situation will also make it
possible for the Tibetan people to take full advantage of,
and be an integral part of, the socio-economic development,
which is taking place in China. It is needless to mention
that a solution to the Tibetan problem will gain tremendous
international respect for the People's Republic of China as
well as for your leadership.
Mr. President, it has been 4 decades since I have had the
opportunity to sit down personally with the leader of the
Chinese people to have a frank and direct dialogue. With your
leadership and initiative, I am confident that we can begin
the process of resolving the many issues concerning Tibet. I
believe that you are privileged to be leading the People's
Republic of China at a unique time in history when its
economy is growing vigorously and when you are gaining a new
respectability in the world.
May I suggest that at our meeting, you and I discuss
relations between the Tibetans and the Chinese government. I
am also concerned about the maintenance and enhancement of
those cultural, civic, and religious institutions that are so
important to the Tibetan People and others throughout the
world. In addition, we should discuss the fact that economic
growth in Tibet has not matched that of the rest of China,
and we would be interested in talking about how we can work
together towards poverty alleviation and educational and
economic growth.
I have been often told by our good friends Mr. Richard Blum
and Senator Dianne Feinstein, and others, that a meeting
between you and me could make important progress in a
relatively short period of time on the aforementioned and
other pertinent issues.
In this context, I would hope that it would be possible for
you and me to be able to meet face to face some time in the
near future. I look forward to your reply.
Sincerely,
The Dalai Lama.
Mrs. FEINSTEIN. This was 1998. It is now 10 years later. And no
discussion. I
[[Page S2641]]
have tried my level best but no discussion, no ability for the leader
of 6 million people, part of China, to be able to sit down and discuss
them.
So the events over the last month have been tragic. But if I think of
the frustration that has built up over 40 years, of a leader who has
renounced violence, who has proposed a middle way, it is shocking to
me.
Since 2002, six sets of talks have occurred between the Dalai Lama's
representative, namely his special envoy, Lodi Gyari, and the United
Front Work Department of the Communist Party of China, but no progress
has resulted.
Now, to bring this issue to a settlement, the leaders must be
involved. I deeply believe it is in the interests of both the Chinese
Government and the Tibetan people for the leaders to sit down and
negotiate how to bring about meaningful cultural and religious autonomy
for the Tibetan people and faith.
This is essentially what this resolution attempts to do in a
constructive way. I know we called Senator Smith. I hoped he would be
here. But the floor opened up and I decided to take the opportunity to
speak briefly about our resolution. We have worked with the chairman of
the Foreign Relations Committee, with other Senators as well. I believe
this resolution sets forward in positive terms our concern about what
is happening with Tibet and with China. I certainly remain open to
trying to help in any way I possibly can to bring the two sides
together. I know the frustration I feel, having tried 10 years ago, 11
years ago, 12 years ago, carrying letters from the Dalai Lama and then,
in virtually every conversation I have had with Chinese leadership
since; it has all come to naught.
What is happening is there is a newer, younger group of Tibetans who
see the large Tibetan community in exile in Dharamsala who say the
Dalai Lama, in pursuing this middle way, hasn't achieved anything, and
therefore we have to take to the streets and we have to show that the
Communists in China must sit down with us and must talk with us. I
believe that is the scenario playing out in many provinces and all over
the world today.
It can all be stopped by a different kind of scenario. That is one
that recognizes that the Dalai Lama, a historic and well-respected
religious leader, should be able to sit down with the leadership of
China and discuss the problem and come up with a mechanism that can
provide for the cultural and religious autonomy of the people both in
the Tibetan autonomous area, as well as in the three surrounding
provinces.
I hope this resolution will be heard, and I hope we will pass it
shortly. If there is no objection, I send the resolution to the desk at
this time.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The resolution will be received and referred
appropriately.
____________________