[Congressional Record Volume 154, Number 50 (Tuesday, April 1, 2008)]
[House]
[Pages H1832-H1836]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
GEORGIA AND UKRAINE NATO MEMBERSHIP
Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to
the resolution (H. Res. 997) expressing the strong support of the House
of Representatives for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization to enter
into a Membership Action Plan with Georgia and Ukraine, as amended.
The Clerk read the title of the resolution.
The text of the resolution is as follows:
H. Res. 997
Whereas the sustained commitment of the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization (NATO) to mutual defense has made
possible the democratic transformation of Central and Eastern
Europe and Eurasia;
Whereas NATO members can and should play a critical role in
addressing the security challenges of the post-Cold War era
in creating the stable environment needed for emerging
democracies in Europe and Eurasia;
Whereas lasting stability and security in Europe and
Eurasia require the military, economic, and political
integration of emerging democracies into existing European
structures;
Whereas, in an era of threats from terrorism and the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, NATO is
increasingly contributing to security in the face of global
security challenges for the protection and interests of its
member States;
Whereas the Government of Georgia and the Government of
Ukraine have each expressed a desire to join the Euro-
Atlantic community, and Georgia and Ukraine are working
closely with NATO and its members to meet criteria for
eventual NATO membership;
Whereas, at the NATO-Ukraine Commission Foreign Ministerial
meeting in Vilnius in April 2005, NATO and Ukraine launched
an Intensified Dialogue on membership between the Alliance
and Ukraine;
Whereas, following a meeting of NATO Foreign Ministers in
New York on September 21, 2006, NATO Secretary General Jaap
de Hoop Scheffer announced the launching of an Intensified
Dialogue on membership between NATO and Georgia;
Whereas the Riga Summit Declaration, issued by the heads of
state and government participating in the meeting of the
North Atlantic Council in November 2006, reaffirms that
NATO's door remains open to new members and that NATO will
continue to review the process for new membership, stating
``We reaffirm that the Alliance will continue with Georgia
and Ukraine its Intensified Dialogues which cover the full
range of political, military, financial, and security issues
relating to those countries' aspirations to membership,
without prejudice to any eventual Alliance decision. We
reaffirm the importance of the NATO-Ukraine Distinctive
Partnership, which has its 10th anniversary next year and
welcome the progress that has been made in the framework of
our Intensified Dialogue. We appreciate Ukraine's substantial
contributions to our common security, including through
participation in NATO-led operations and efforts to promote
regional cooperation. We encourage Ukraine to continue to
contribute to regional security. We are determined to
continue to assist, through practical cooperation, in the
implementation of far-reaching reform efforts, notably in the
fields of national security, defense, reform of the defense-
industrial sector and fighting corruption. We welcome the
commencement of an Intensified
[[Page H1833]]
Dialogue with Georgia as well as Georgia's contribution to
international peacekeeping and security operations. We will
continue to engage actively with Georgia in support of its
reform process. We encourage Georgia to continue progress on
political, economic and military reforms, including
strengthening judicial reform, as well as the peaceful
resolution of outstanding conflicts on its territory. We
reaffirm that it is of great importance that all parties in
the region should engage constructively to promote regional
peace and stability.'';
Whereas, in January 2008, Ukraine forwarded to NATO
Secretary General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer a letter, signed by
President Victor Yushchenko, Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko,
and Verkhovna Rada Speaker Arseniy Yatsenyuk, requesting that
NATO integrate Ukraine into the Membership Action Plan;
Whereas, in January 2008, Georgia held a referendum on NATO
and 76.22 percent of the votes supported membership;
Whereas in February 2008, Georgia forwarded a letter signed
by President Mikhail Saakashvili to NATO Secretary General
Jaap de Hoop Scheffer requesting that NATO integrate Georgia
into the Membership Action Plan;
Whereas participation in a Membership Action Plan does not
guarantee future membership in the NATO Alliance;
Whereas United States support for the approval of
Membership Action Plans for Georgia and Ukraine demonstrates
support for the development of democratic institutions in
those countries, the process of defense reform and respect
for human rights, and does not represent a hostile attempt to
expand the Alliance at the expense of the security of any
country; and
Whereas NATO membership requires significant national and
international commitments and sacrifices and is not possible
without the support of the populations of the NATO member
states: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That it is the sense of the House of
Representatives that--
(1) the House of Representatives--
(A) reaffirms its previous expressions of support for
continued enlargement of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO) to include qualified candidates; and
(B) supports the commitment to further enlargement of NATO
to include democratic governments that are able and willing
to meet the responsibilities of membership;
(2) the expansion of NATO contributes to NATO's continued
effectiveness and relevance;
(3) Georgia and Ukraine are strong allies that have made
important progress in the areas of defense, democratic, and
human rights reform;
(4) a stronger, deeper relationship among the Government of
Georgia, the Government of Ukraine, and NATO will be mutually
beneficial to those countries and to NATO member states; and
(5) the United States should take the lead in supporting
the awarding of a Membership Action Plan to Georgia and
Ukraine as soon as possible.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from
California (Mr. Berman) and the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-
Lehtinen) each will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California.
General Leave
Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members
may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and
include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from California?
There was no objection.
Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of this
resolution, and yield myself such time as I may consume.
I am pleased to support this resolution that expresses the House's
backing for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization to enter into a
Membership Action Plan with Ukraine and Georgia at the NATO summit
later this week. This resolution was originally introduced as Senate
Resolution 439 by Senators Biden and Lugar, and was passed unanimously
on February 14.
I am grateful to my distinguished colleagues on the European
Subcommittee, Chairman Wexler and Ranking Member Gallegly, for enabling
the House to add its voice to the growing consensus in favor of
extending MAP to two of our key allies, and particularly to Congressman
Wexler, who, without his prodding, this resolution might not have
appeared on the floor at this particular time.
From April 2 to April 4, heads of state or governments from the 26
member countries of NATO will gather in Bucharest for the largest
summit ever. Indeed, NATO has more than doubled in size since its
founding by 12 states in 1949. The seven post-Communist countries that
became members 3 years ago are now making significant contributions to
the work of the Alliance.
In addition to the crucial discussions about the future of NATO
operations in Kosovo and Afghanistan, the Bucharest summit will address
further enlargement of the Alliance. Decisions on full membership will
be made about three Adriatic countries, Albania, Croatia, and
Macedonia. Judgments will also be made about the extension of
Membership Action Plans to Ukraine and Georgia. This resolution
reaffirms that this is the right decision at the right time.
It is important to note that Ukraine and Georgia both have taken the
initiative of formally asking the NATO Secretary General for
integration into the Membership Action Plan. Both countries have made
considerable political, economic, legal, and defense reforms in the two
decades since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Ukraine and Georgia
have also been active participants in international efforts to preserve
peace and stability, contributing to numerous peacekeeping missions
around the world. Their continued democratic development and military
initiative should be supported.
While it is true that Ukraine and Georgia experienced domestic
political crisis last year that raised some doubts about their
readiness for MAP, it is equally true that both countries firmly
maintained their commitment to pursuing a democratic path and
strengthening their political institutions. We must continue to
encourage them in this vitally important journey.
Secondly, it is important to recognize that MAP does not confer NATO
membership. Rather, it provides a structured reform program that offers
support in a broad range of political and technical areas in order to
prepare applicant countries for the responsibilities of membership.
It is clear that both countries must complete significant reforms
before they can be considered for membership. They, like all countries
who have joined the Alliance before them, must be judged to have met
all necessary criteria. Even then, all member countries must
unanimously support their accession.
In closing, I would like to briefly address the concern about the
potential reaction of Russia to the extension of MAP to Georgia and
Ukraine. While NATO was originally established as a military alliance
to counter potential aggression by the Soviet Union, it now deals with
a variety of security threats in Kosovo, Afghanistan, and elsewhere.
The Alliance is clearly no longer aimed at Russia. In 1997, NATO and
Russia agreed to work together to build a stable, secure, and undivided
continent. This partnership was strengthened in 2002, with the creation
of the NATO-Russia Council as a vehicle to facilitate joint action.
Indeed, President Putin is expected to participate in this week's
summit.
While the Alliance is right to be cognizant of the geopolitical
impact of its actions, it should focus its assessment about the
extension of MAP on the merits of the countries concerned. The U.S. and
our allies should continue to nurture and strengthen their
relationships with Russia. No one, President Putin nor anyone in
Russia, should have a veto power over potential NATO applicants.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
I rise today in support of House Resolution 997, which expresses the
strong support of the House of Representatives for the NATO Alliance
decision to enter into a Membership Action Plan, or MAP, with the
countries of Georgia and Ukraine.
NATO has expanded its membership and its partnerships across Europe
in recent years, making the Alliance not just stronger but an
instrument for spreading democratic values.
The MAP process was created in 1999 to help those countries aspiring
to join NATO to prepare to become members by providing guidance and
practical support. The decision to admit a country into the MAP process
is a serious one, exceeded only by the decision to admit a country into
the Alliance. Countries need to demonstrate that they are sincerely
consolidating their democracy, that they are willing to take on the
requirements of the MAP process, and that they are willing to
participate in missions that go beyond their own borders and direct
interests.
[[Page H1834]]
Looking at Georgia and Ukraine, Madam Speaker, we recognize that
these two countries have made important progress in introducing the
systems and the institutions that support democracy. Democratic changes
in these two countries have certainly not been easy, and at times the
progress of democracy has been confused and uncertain.
Under very difficult circumstances and in the midst of wrenching
changing times since they gained their independence, both Ukraine and
Georgia have moved ahead with their political reforms, with their
democratic institutions of governance, and the conduct of elections.
The steps taken by these two countries compare favorably with trends in
several nearby states, such as Russia, where true democracy is being
steadily and comprehensively suppressed.
Both Georgia and Ukraine have also made great strides in the reform
of their defense forces and in the commitment of their forces to
peacekeeping and multilateral missions in other regions. Georgia is
currently participating in NATO's Partnership For Peace program, and
has successfully graduated from the Georgia Train and Equip program in
2004, after achieving its goals of enhancing its military capabilities
and implementing military reforms. Georgia currently has 2,000 troops
in Iraq, making it the third largest contributor after the United
States and Britain. Furthermore, Georgia has troops in Kosovo, and has
signed a transit agreement with NATO which allows the Alliance, as well
as other nations participating in the International Security Assistance
Force, to send supplies to their forces in Afghanistan through Georgian
territory. Moreover, yesterday a Georgian defense ministry source said
that Georgia is offering to send 500 troops to join NATO operations in
Afghanistan.
Ukraine is also a member of the Partnership for Peace program, and
currently has troops in Kosovo. Additionally, Ukraine has significantly
contributed to multiple U.N. peacekeeping operations, including those
in Liberia and Sierra Leone, as well as Bosnia and Herzegovina.
A stronger relationship with NATO should enable Ukraine and Georgia
to move forward with their military reforms, prepare to commit to
future peacekeeping and stability operations, and, more importantly,
Madam Speaker, to consolidate the democracy that they are both seeking.
We understand that access to NATO's Membership Access Plan is not
NATO's membership. If Ukraine and Georgia become part of MAP and seek
NATO membership in the future, their candidacy will have to be
carefully evaluated to make sure that they fully meet NATO's standards
and will benefit the Alliance should they become full members. NATO
membership for these two countries is not an immediate prospect and is
a question that will wait for future consideration.
I note with regret, however, the recent predictable statements by
officials of the Russian government alleging that NATO is seeking to
surround Russia. They have rattled the nuclear saber to some degree,
hoping, I suspect, to intimidate Ukraine in the process. I can only
contrast such attitudes and statements with the very laudable step that
Ukraine took in 1994, when it relinquished the powerful nuclear arsenal
it had inherited from the Soviet Union for the sake of stability in
Europe.
The steps taken by Georgia to support the U.S. and NATO, again in the
face of terrific and unwarranted pressure from Russia, also deserve our
commendation and our gratitude. The resolution before us, Madam
Speaker, makes it clear that the United States should take a leading
role in supporting these two countries' interests in the Membership
Action Plan.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 4 minutes to the
chairman of the European Subcommittee, one of the two key authors of
the resolution, the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Wexler).
Mr. WEXLER. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Res. 997,
urging NATO to provide a Membership Action Plan to Ukraine and Georgia
at the NATO summit in Bucharest which begins tomorrow. I want to
especially thank Chairman Berman for his extraordinary leadership in
moving this resolution forward, as well as his very thoughtful remarks
in announcing his support for this resolution. I also want to thank my
colleague and ranking member on the Europe Subcommittee, Congressman
Gallegly, as well as Congresswoman Schwartz, who joined us in
introducing H. Res. 997.
{time} 1245
Madam Speaker, it is clear that NATO is at a crossroads given that
important decisions are being made about further enlargement, Kosovo
and renewed Balkans instability, and mounting difficulties in
Afghanistan.
While tomorrow's summit will undoubtedly focus on these pressing
issues, it is also a golden opportunity for the alliance to take steps
forward to bolster transatlantic security and further entrench
democracy, freedom, and the rule of law throughout Europe.
I believe it is in both America's and Europe's interest to further
integrate Georgia and Ukraine into the West. Tblisi and Kiev have
demonstrated their commitment to joining the United States and our
allies in addressing security challenges from the Balkans to Iraq and
to rebuilding Afghanistan.
As we debate this resolution, it is important to remember that the
goal of NATO enlargement since the mid-1990s has been to achieve a
broader, more secure Europe. Providing a membership action plan for
Ukraine and Georgia would further consolidate democracy and stability
in eastern Europe and the Caucuses region; and, is essential to
fulfilling NATO's 1997 ``open door'' policy that ensures that any
European nation that meets alliance standards and can contribute to
Euro-Atlantic security be considered for membership.
Georgia and Ukraine have much to accomplish before they can be
offered NATO membership. Since the MAP process will further require
democratic and security reforms in Kiev and Tblisi, it is crucial for
the Ukrainian and Georgian governments to know that their efforts and
aspirations are supported by this Congress as well as all NATO members.
Madam Speaker, I was in Kiev just last month, and there was an
extraordinary development in Kiev with the president, prime minister
and speaker of their parliament all formally asking for the NATO
membership action plan. It is an extraordinary statement of unity, and
it is incredibly important that this House go on record in support of
those pro-democratic politicians and officeholders in Kiev as well as
in Georgia.
To that end, I urge my colleagues to support H. Res. 997, and send a
strong message to our NATO allies on the eve of the Bucharest Summit.
And I thank Chairman Berman for his extraordinary leadership in this
regard.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume
to the gentleman from California (Mr. Gallegly), the ranking member of
the Subcommittee on Europe and an original cosponsor of the resolution
before us.
(Mr. GALLEGLY asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. GALLEGLY. Madam Speaker, first of all, I would like to thank
Chairman Wexler and Chairman Berman for their kind words in their
opening statements. I stand here today to rise in strong support of
House Resolution 997 which reaffirms the support of the House of
Representatives for NATO enlargement.
The resolution also specifically calls on the United States to take
the lead in supporting closer integration between Ukraine, Georgia and
NATO. I would like to commend Representative Wexler, as I mentioned
earlier, the chairman of the Europe Subcommittee, for introducing this
measure and for being a strong, consistent advocate for strengthening
our bilateral ties with Ukraine and Georgia.
Both of these allies have demonstrated the military capabilities and
political reforms required to provide concrete benefits to the
alliance. In the past several years, Ukrainian forces have participated
with NATO troops in peacekeeping operations in the Balkans and
Afghanistan. They have also made important contributions to coalition
forces in Iraq in 2004 and 2005.
Georgia has also shown they are ready to take the next step toward
NATO membership. Georgia has undertaken a top-to-bottom reform of their
[[Page H1835]]
military forces, often working closely with U.S. forces in this effort.
As previously mentioned by Representative Ros-Lehtinen, with over
2000 troops in Iraq, Georgia today has the third largest troop
contingent in that country after the U.S. and Britain.
Madam Speaker, both Ukraine and Georgia are ready, willing and able
to integrate more fully with NATO. Again, I would like to recognize
Representative Wexler for his hard work on H. Res. 997 on behalf of a
stronger NATO, and I urge passage of this resolution.
Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from
Pennsylvania (Ms. Schwartz).
Ms. SCHWARTZ. Madam Speaker, I rise as co-chair of the Congressional
Georgia Caucus, and I rise in favor of House Resolution 997 which
expresses support for extending NATO membership action plan status to
Georgia and Ukraine.
I do thank Chairman Berman and Congressman Wexler for their
leadership in this bipartisan effort to support Georgia and Ukraine in
their entrance into NATO.
As leading democratic reformers in Eastern Europe, Ukraine and
Georgia are both worthy of advancing their participation in NATO from
``intensified dialogue'' to membership action plan, MAP, status during
the Bucharest Summit. This is an important and timely next step toward
the goal of becoming full members of NATO.
Both of these nations are keenly interested in joining NATO and
working closely with Western allies. They have already demonstrated
this by actively participating in both U.S. and NATO forces. More than
2,000 Georgian soldiers currently serve alongside U.S. military
personnel in Iraq, making it the third largest coalition partner. And
Ukraine is the only nonmember state taking an active role in all of
NATO's peacekeeping and anti-terrorist operations.
As a member of the House Democracy Assistance Commission, I had the
great pleasure and opportunity to meet both Georgian President Mikheil
Saakashvili and Ukrainian President Yushchenko in their home capitals.
Their commitment to democratization in their respective nations is
impressive, and is an important example for other emerging democracies
around the world.
Certainly both nations have work to do to stabilize and ensure
development of permanent democratic institutions. Yet, as recently
established democracies changing a history of totalitarian rule, they
are making enormous strides. They are ready to be granted MAP and be
given the opportunity to work toward full NATO membership.
In a world with real threats against us, it is critically important
that we strengthen relationships with those nations that choose to be
our allies. Georgia and Ukraine are key allies in an important region
of the world. We should stand with our friends. We should stand with
Georgia and Ukraine, and we should pass this resolution today.
Mrs. MILLER of Michigan. Madam Speaker, I rise today to offer my
wholehearted support of Ukraine's desire to be admitted as a member of
NATO.
When Ukraine declared her independence in 1990 from the Soviet Union,
she stated her desire to be a member of the community of free nations.
As this young democracy matures, it is incumbent upon the nation
members of NATO to not only support their development, but ally with
them to ensure the commitment to freedom.
The United States has enjoyed a strong relationship with the Ukraine
and it is my hope that this relationship grows even stronger with time
as both of our countries work to improve stability around the world.
It is regrettable that the objections seem to come from the very
country that once held the Ukraine under their absolute control. In my
opinion the objections of Russia are not sufficient to deny NATO
membership for Ukraine.
As someone who represents a great many citizens of Ukrainian descent
I understand well the desire of the Ukrainian people for freedom.
America has always answered the call to support and defend those who
yearn to be free and it is time to answer the call of Ukraine.
I urge my colleagues to support this resolution.
Mr. PAUL. Madam Speaker, I rise in opposition to this resolution
calling for the further expansion of NATO to the borders of Russia.
NATO is an organization whose purpose ended with the end of its Warsaw
Pact adversary. When NATO struggled to define its future after the cold
war, it settled on attacking a sovereign state, Yugoslavia, which had
neither invaded nor threatened any NATO member state.
This current round of NATO expansion is a political reward to
governments in Georgia and Ukraine that came to power as a result of
U.S.-supported revolutions, the so-called Orange Revolution and Rose
Revolution. The governments that arose from these street protests were
eager to please their U.S. sponsor and the U.S., in turn, turned a
blind eye to the numerous political and human rights abuses that took
place under the new regimes. Thus the U.S. policy of ``exporting
democracy'' has only succeeded in exporting more misery to the
countries it has targeted.
NATO expansion only benefits the U.S. military industrial complex,
which stands to profit from expanded arms sales to new NATO members.
The ``modernization'' of former Soviet militaries in Ukraine and
Georgia will mean tens of millions in sales to U.S. and European
military contractors. The U.S. taxpayer will be left holding the bill,
as the U.S. Government will subsidize most of the transactions.
Providing U.S. military guarantees to Ukraine and Georgia can only
further strain our military. This NATO expansion may well involve the
U.S. military in conflicts as unrelated to our national interest as the
breakaway regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia in Georgia. The idea
that American troops might be forced to fight and die to prevent a
small section of Georgia from seceding is absurd and disturbing.
Madam Speaker, NATO should be disbanded, not expanded.
Mr. PRICE of North Carolina. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support
of House Resolution 997, which expresses our support for bids by
Ukraine and Georgia to attain Membership Action Plans for joining the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization, NATO. I am proud to be a cosponsor
of this resolution.
Ukraine and Georgia are both perched on the fulcrum of democracy,
with their future on balance. On one side of the balance lies a future
marked by integration with NATO and Europe, continuing progress toward
the establishment of stable democracy, security, and prosperity.
Each nation faces its own challenges on the other side of the
balance. Ukraine confronts persistent threats to its fragile democracy,
a rancorous division between its eastern and western regions, and
difficult economic challenges. Georgia's democracy is also threatened,
both by separatist movements in Abkhazia and Ossetia and by the lack of
effective opposition in government. Its economy is undermined by severe
unemployment.
This week's NATO summit in Bucharest will determine, at least in the
near-term, in which direction the balance will tilt. NATO membership
will bring with it economic, political, and military integration with
Europe, helping to solidify democratic institutions, expand each
nation's economy, and strengthen security. A Membership Action Plan is
not equivalent to NATO membership and should not be conflated with NATO
membership, but it is certainly a crucial step toward this goal. To
reject the bids by Ukraine and Georgia for Membership Action Plans
would be to deal democracy a significant setback.
As NATO nations gather to pass judgment on these bids, hovering over
the summit is a specter in the form of an increasingly antagonistic
Russia. Fear of further deterioration in relations with Russia no doubt
shapes the hesitation of some of our European allies in proceeding with
these Membership Action Plans.
Russia must understand that NATO membership does not cast a choice
between Europe and Russia. Rather, the choice is between political and
economic integration and isolation. Russia must also realize that
seeking NATO membership is not a path foisted upon nations by NATO
itself, but rather one sought freely and enthusiastically by
prospective member nations. Finally, our European allies must persevere
in the principle that decisions must be made in the best interests of
our alliance, never allowing any nation to hold a veto on our
collective security and shared values.
As many of my other colleagues have stated, both Ukraine and Georgia
have already demonstrated their worth to NATO with contributions to
NATO efforts in Afghanistan, Kosovo, and elsewhere. There is no doubt
that the alliance would benefit from their inclusion in this
multilateral security architecture that will be essential for
confronting numerous major security challenges in the 2151 century.
Setting Ukraine and Georgia on a path toward NATO membership is not
only vital to their future, it is vital to ours as well.
I urge my colleagues to support this resolution.
Mr. ROYCE. Madam Speaker, I'd like to express reservations about H.
Res. 997.
NATO expansion is not a casual affair. We're talking about adding
countries whose
[[Page H1836]]
security we're committing American lives and treasure to defend. While
this resolution only endorses the beginning of a membership process, it
sets the stage for expanding vital American security concerns. At a
time when some Americans are questioning our growing security
commitments around the globe, should we be moving to ensure Ukraine and
Georgia's security?
We must be realistic about the state of NATO. The organization is not
well. In Afghanistan, most NATO member states haven't answered the
call, choosing not to provide troops or to provide troops only for very
limited missions. One observer noted that, ``The inability or
unwillingness of certain nations to shoulder the burden of NATO's
obligation in Afghanistan is ripping the heart out of the alliance . .
.'' I'm not convinced that adding new members, each with diverse
interests, aids in rebuilding NATO's consensus. Expansion doesn't
always mean strengthening.
Sure, these countries have committed troops in dangerous areas, for
which they should be commended. But a hard headed analysis must ask
whether those commitments would be maintained once NATO membership was
achieved?
Expansion is divisive among some of the longest-standing NATO
members. This week in Bucharest, Germany has objected to the process
this resolution endorses, effectively stopping it. Chancellor Merkel's
government cited concerns over political unrest in Georgia, and the
lack of support for joining NATO among Ukrainians. Others ask, rightly,
``What's the rush?''
First and foremost, we should ask ``What's in our national security
interest?'' Secondarily, we should ask ``What's in the best interest of
NATO?'' I am not convinced that expanding NATO to these two countries
advances those causes. That's why I reluctantly oppose this resolution
backed by my colleagues and friends.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I have no further requests for time,
and I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the
gentleman from California (Mr. Berman) that the House suspend the rules
and agree to the resolution, H. Res. 997, as amended.
The question was taken; and (two-thirds being in the affirmative) the
rules were suspended and the resolution, as amended, was agreed to.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
____________________