[Congressional Record Volume 153, Number 160 (Monday, October 22, 2007)]
[Senate]
[Pages S13169-S13171]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
CHILDREN'S HEALTH CARE AND FISA
Mr. REID. Mr. President, I am so pleased the Presiding Officer is the
junior Senator from the State of Virginia. I don't believe there is a
Senator during these last 9 months who has added more structure to the
Iraq debate than the Senator from Virginia. I say that because today I
received a call from the Director of the Office of Management and
Budget, Mr. Nussle, who said: I am going to send you the rest of the
supplemental appropriations bill for the war in Iraq. I said: Thank you
very much.
We are now being asked to appropriate another $200 billion for 2008
for the war in Iraq. Another $200 billion. That is $200 billion on top
of the $450 billion in the Defense appropriations bill. That is $650
billion--none of it paid for. The entire war in Iraq has been paid for
with borrowed money. We are borrowing money from China, India, Saudi
Arabia, Japan, and Mexico to finance this war.
When we sent a bipartisan--and I mean bipartisan--children's health
[[Page S13170]]
care bill to the President, it was paid for. It was bipartisan. We had
some of the most conservative Members of the Senate supporting the
Children's Health Initiative. Senator Grassley from Iowa, Senator Hatch
from Utah were the leaders, two of the leaders in moving this forward,
a bill to provide health care for kids.
It was so important when this bill passed 10 years ago on a
bipartisan basis, children's health. Why did it pass? Because we found
there were children who did not qualify for Medicaid. The poorest of
the poor get Medicaid. We found there were a number of children whose
parents didn't make much money--100 percent of poverty, 200 percent of
poverty. Therefore, we passed a bill for these children who had fallen
through the cracks so they would be able to have some health insurance.
Did it cover all children? No. But it covered a lot of the children who
needed help. By the time 10 years had gone by, 6\1/2\ million children
were covered.
This bipartisan, bicameral piece of legislation that passed here
would provide for another 4.4 million children, for a total of 10
million children who would qualify for this program. Ninety-two percent
of the children were on this program when the President vetoed it.
Ninety-two percent of them were 200 percent above poverty. How much is
that? It is debatable how much it is but about $35,000. How would
parents with two children pay for health insurance? The average cost of
health insurance for a family of 4 is $1,500 a month, $18,000 a year
for health insurance for their children. When they only make $35,000 a
year, half of their income would go for health insurance. There would
be no money left for groceries. Also, they have to pay taxes, fuel
costs, a place to live. So this is the group of people whom Congress
decided to help.
What did the President and his people do? They came back and said it
is a socialized medicine program. I don't know what that was supposed
to mean, because the program is private insurance. The States issue the
amount of money they have to health insurance companies, and the kids
who are covered are privately insured there. The President is so far
off base. He and his people also said one of the Congressmen from
Nevada agreed with the President, and he couldn't support this because
it helped illegal aliens. That is factually baseless, meaning not 1
percent of that statement is correct. In fact, in the legislation that
was vetoed by the President, a child who is an immigrant would have to
have been legally in the United States for 5 years before they
qualified. Therefore, the program would not even cover legal
immigrants, unless they have been here 5 years. It was totally paid
for, unlike the Iraq war. It was all paid for.
Because of the President's hard-heartedness, in the State of Nevada,
far more than 100,000 will be eliminated from the program.
The first elected job I had in the State of Nevada was for a county
hospital, an indigent hospital, frankly. One of the problems we had was
children who were uninsured. It is still that way. It is still that
way. This is a program that would allow children who are sick or
injured to go to a hospital--that hospital, the one where I was, now
the University Medical Center--and the children's bills would be paid
for by an insurance company. If not, those children who have no
insurance come to the facility, and who pays for that? You do. I do.
Everybody in this room pays for it, because their health insurance
costs more money because of indigent care. Taxes are raised to take
care of indigents' health care. Insurance premiums are raised to take
care of all this. It affects us all. It is a very poor quality of care.
The President had the audacity to say not long ago that everybody has
insurance, in effect. They can go to an emergency room if they are
sick. The most inadequate care is administered in emergency rooms
because it is not set up to be the family physician.
Every dime of the money for the Children's Health Initiative was paid
for. It is no wonder the American people are frustrated. We have been
fighting for America's priorities while the President continues
investing only in his failed war strategy, and he wants us to come up
with another $200 billion and sign off on it. That is what he said
today. He gave his press statement today and he said: Those people who
won't sign off on this bill immediately are not for the troops in Iraq.
Isn't this getting to be a little old? Pretty soon we will be
approaching the sixth year of this.
This war is costing the American people three-quarters of a trillion
dollars, money borrowed from other countries. This is so even as his
own Pentagon leadership is now on record saying our ground forces are
stretched dangerously thin because of the current Iraq strategy. GEN
Casey told Congress very recently:
The Army is out of balance and the current demand for our
forces exceeds the sustainable supply. We are consumed with
meeting the demands of the current fight and are unable to
provide ready forces as rapidly as necessary for other
potential contingencies.
This is the man who is in charge of the Army, the Secretary of the
Army. He takes care of the Army. He is the commander of the Army. I
don't remember the title; I have lost it momentarily. But he is the guy
in charge. He certainly should know. The Iraq war is leaving us less
secure and unprepared to fight an effective war on terror and spawning
the unexpected. And the unexpected can come at any time. That is the
world in which we live. President Bush should not expect Congress to
rubberstamp this latest supplemental request. We will not do that, Mr.
President.
In the coming weeks, we will hold it up to the light of day and fight
for the redeployment and change in strategy that is long overdue.
I wish to comment on FISA, which has gotten so much attention. We
will continue to stand up for the American people. We will continue to
do the best we can to revise and improve the FISA bill. It is important
that we do that. The Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act is so
important. It has been good for this country for many decades. We need
to update that. We all agree it is important to improve the temporary
surveillance law the President signed in August by enacting new
legislation that provides strong intelligence tools to fight terrorism
while protecting the privacy of law-abiding citizens. There is no
contradiction between security and liberty. We can fight terrorism
without compromising liberty and the values embedded in our
Constitution.
Last Thursday, Senator Rockefeller and the Intelligence Committee, on
a bipartisan basis with Senator Bond, took a step toward improving the
flawed surveillance law the President signed in August. I appreciate
the hard work of Chairman Rockefeller and Vice Chairman Bond and the
members of the committee in seeking to address the complex issues that
are at stake.
In the coming days, other Senators will examine in great detail the
work of the Intelligence Committee. I am sure other Senators will weigh
in with ideas for defining and improving the legislative efforts, so
that all Americans can have high confidence in the effectiveness and
constitutionality of our intelligence tools. In particular, the Senate
Judiciary Committee has shared jurisdiction over the FISA law and is
going to mark up the Intelligence Committee bill. The Judiciary
Committee has an important role to make sure the final product protects
the constitutionally and the legally sound basis that the Intelligence
Committee sought.
Mr. President, I believe the administration has chosen again to
stonewall Congress from finding the information and documents needed
for Congress to properly consider this legislation. Remember, the
Intelligence Committee said we are not going to deal with immunity
until we look at those documents. They were able to look at the
documents with nothing preconceived. They had the opportunity to look
at those with no--I have talked to Senator Rockefeller, and there was
no agreement between the administration and the Intelligence Committee
as to what would happen if they looked at those documents.
Here is why I am so disturbed. The White House said, on October 19,
through their advocate, Dana Perino--the question was asked:
I'm wondering if, in general terms, you can describe those
documents and perhaps lay out who else in Congress he may
allow to see them?
``He'' meaning the President.
Here is what she said:
[[Page S13171]]
The Senate Intelligence Committee . . . had showed a
willingness to want to include in their legislation
retroactive liability protection for companies that were
alleged to have helped the United States in the days after 9/
11. Because they were willing to do that, we were willing to
show them some of the documents they asked to see.
Mr. President, Jay Rockefeller told me within the past hour that
there was no preconceived agreement at all. They wanted to see the
document to find out what they should do legislatively.
She says:
But to the extent of anyone else being able to see the
documents, I think we will wait and see who else is willing
to include that provision in the bill.
I want the record to be very clear that the Judiciary Committee
should be able to see those documents. How else can they make a
judgment as to what they should do legislatively? They should not have
to make some deal with the White House that ``we will let you look at
these, but we will write the legislation for you.'' That is wrong. I
think it is very clear that the House committees of jurisdiction should
also see those documents. It is absolutely wrong for the White House to
say, I repeat, that they will let you look at these, but only if you
will agree to sign this legislation or you give your approval of the
legislation.
We can't do that.
On Friday, the White House Press Secretary said the key documents
would be held out to the congressional committees as a prize for anyone
willing to commit to a specific legislative path. That is an insult to
the American people and to Congress.
I repeat in the most emphatic terms that the administration must turn
over these documents to the Senate Judiciary Committee and to the
relevant House committees to do their business as they must, and they
must do so immediately.
We believe this administration should move forward quickly. I would
like to do it before Thanksgiving. Why do I want to do that? This
legislation which came out of the Intelligence Committee is good. It
strengthens our national security. It provides the Intelligence
Committee the tools it needs to go after foreign terrorists and other
threats to the American security.
Does this mean the Judiciary Committee cannot improve the
legislation? I am confident that perhaps they can. Is the Intelligence
Committee's work the know-all and do-all? No. That is why we had joint
referral. But it is a good piece of legislation. It gives better
protection for America and increases the role of the Foreign
Intelligence Surveillance Court. Two, it requires court approval to
target U.S. persons overseas. Three, it explicitly prohibits targeting
any person reasonably believed to be in the United States. Four, it
eliminates ambiguous language on warrantless domestic searches. Five,
it states the exclusive means by which electronic surveillance and
interception of domestic communications may be conducted.
Also, just as important, other than those five points, it increases
oversight and accountability by expanding the requirements in the
semiannual report submitted to the congressional Intelligence and
Judiciary Committees on intelligence collecting that is authorized by
the act. It also requires the head of elements of the Intelligence
Committee acting under their authority to conduct yearly audits of
intelligence collection. Third, it requires the inspectors general of
the Department of Justice and the Intelligence Committee to review the
use of the new authority with respect to references to U.S. persons'
identities and communications. And it grants limited immunity from
potential liability to any telecommunications company that may have
assisted the Government in the aftermath of September 11. That is why
it is so vitally important that the Judiciary Committee and the
respective House committees see what the Intelligence Committee saw
without any preconceived arrangements by the White House. Five, it sets
forth the procedures so that the Federal courts can review an attorney
general certification to determine whether the electronic communication
service provider acted within specific orders and in accordance with
the certification as directly prescribed by statute. Finally, it sets a
6-year sunset to allow Congress to evaluate the new authority to be
carried out, should any of this be changed. That is why we have joint
referral, to have the Judiciary Committee take a look at this.
The Intelligence Committee has worked hard to come up with what
should be the final legislation that comes to the floor. Finally, the
House passes legislation, and we work it out in conference.
We want to move forward. It is important to do that. We acknowledge
that. I think it is so wrong that the White House is saying: You can do
this but only as we tell you how it can be written; otherwise, we are
not going to show you the documents
That is defenseless on the part of the White House.
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