[Congressional Record Volume 153, Number 148 (Tuesday, October 2, 2007)]
[House]
[Pages H11109-H11116]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
EXPRESSING SENSE OF CONGRESS REGARDING THE IMMEDIATE AND UNCONDITIONAL
RELEASE OF DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI
Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to
the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 200) expressing the sense of
Congress regarding the immediate and unconditional release of Daw Aung
San Suu Kyi, as amended.
The Clerk read the title of the concurrent resolution.
The text of the concurrent resolution is as follows:
H. Con. Res. 200
Whereas on August 15, 2007, Burma's ruling military junta,
the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), cancelled
fuel subsidies resulting in the quintupling of the price of
fuel which had an immediate and damaging impact on the living
conditions of the Burmese people and Burma's already
devastated economy;
Whereas on August 19, 2007, in reaction to this crippling
measure, prominent student and democracy leaders peacefully
took to the streets in Rangoon and elsewhere to protest the
draconian action of the military junta in Rangoon; during the
subsequent weeks, protests continued in Rangoon, and spread
to other cities and towns throughout Burma, including
Mandalay, Sittwe, Pakokku, Tounggok, Yehangyaung;
Whereas the growing numbers of protestors peacefully
demanded democratic reforms and the release of 1991 Noble
Peace Prize Winner Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and all political
prisoners and prisoners of conscience;
Whereas Buddhist monks actively participated and
increasingly led these peaceful demonstrations, culminating
in an estimated 100,000 people marching through Rangoon on
September 24, 2007; in response to this largest protest since
the 1988 demonstrations which were brutally crushed by the
Burmese military by firing on unarmed civilians, the Burmese
regime threatened to ``take action'', indicating the junta's
willingness to significantly increase the level of violence
used against the Burmese people;
Whereas on September 25, 2007, the Burmese junta imposed a
60-day (9pm-5am) curfew and a ban on gatherings of more than
[[Page H11110]]
five people and moved military forces into strategic
locations;
Whereas on September 26, 2007, the Burmese military opened
fire on protesting crowds who bravely continued to peacefully
demand democratic reforms; the continuing vicious attacks on
Buddhist monks and other peaceful protesters, who were simply
demanding human rights, democracy, and freedom, led to the
reported deaths of 200 people and hundreds of injured to
date; democracy and human rights groups further estimate that
over 2,000 individuals have been arrested, imprisoned, or
tortured as part of this violent crackdown;
Whereas members of the international and Burmese media
covering the protests, including a Japanese photojournalist,
have also been killed, injured, or imprisoned by the Burmese
Government;
Whereas the Burmese military junta tried to hide from the
world community its indiscriminate attacks on peaceful
protestors by severely restricting the use of the Internet,
phone lines, and radio and television equipment, making it
extremely difficult to gauge the full extent of the
government's crackdown on Buddhist Monks and other peaceful
demonstrators;
Whereas on September 27, 2007, the United Nations Security
Council held an emergency session in response to the brutal
crackdown and Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari updated the
Security Council on the situation in Burma; as a result of
the Security Council meeting, United Nations Secretary
General Ban Ki-moon ordered Special Envoy Gambari to visit
the region; on September 30, 2007, Special Envoy Gambari
arrived in Burma and was able to meet with Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi;
Whereas the Burmese regime has mobilized all its resources,
including armed soldiers stationed in all strategically
important locations throughout the country, including
religious centers, and has made it impossible for peaceful
protesters to gather;
Whereas the rapid growth of spontaneous demonstrations into
the largest Burmese protests in the last two decades should
not come as a surprise given the human rights record of the
regime over the past two decades;
Whereas the ruling military junta in Burma has one of the
worst human rights records in the world and routinely
violates the rights of Burmese citizens, including the
systematic use of rape as a weapon of war, extrajudicial
killings, arbitrary arrests and detention, torture, as well
as slave and child labor;
Whereas the Burmese regime has destroyed more than 3,000
ethnic villages, displaced approximately 2,000,000 Burmese
people, more than 500,000 of which are internally displaced,
and arrested approximately 1,300 individuals for expressing
critical opinions of the government;
Whereas in 1990, the State Law and Order Restoration
Council (SLORC), the military junta in Burma, which renamed
itself the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) in
1997, nullified the victory of the National League for
Democracy (NLD);
Whereas NLD leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was not allowed to
assume the office of Prime Minister and was subsequently
placed under house arrest;
Whereas Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was released in July 1995, yet
once again placed under house arrest in September 2000;
Whereas following a second release, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
and several of her followers were attacked by a government-
sponsored mob on May 30, 2003, and she was then imprisoned at
Insein Prison in Yangon;
Whereas on May 16, 2007, more than 50 world leaders sent a
letter demanding the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, a
demand repeated by United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-
moon, 14 United Nations human rights experts, the European
Union, the United States, the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations (ASEAN), and the foreign ministers of three ASEAN
member states, yet on May 27, 2007, her detention was
extended; and
Whereas for her non-violent struggle for democracy and
human rights, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi received the Nobel Peace
Prize in 1991: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate
concurring), That Congress--
(1) condemns the despicable crackdown on peaceful
protesters in the strongest possible terms and demands that
the Burmese junta end its violent crackdown on dissent;
(2) demands that the People's Republic of China and other
countries that provide political and economic support to
Burma's military junta end such support until the Burmese
regime's violent campaign against peaceful protest has ceased
and the Burmese Government has fully met the political
demands of the Burmese opposition;
(3) firmly insists that Burma's military regime begin a
meaningful tripartite political dialogue with Daw Aung San
Suu Kyi, the National League for Democracy, and ethnic
nationalities toward national reconciliation, and the full
restoration of democracy, freedom of assembly, freedom of
movement, freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and
internationally recognized human rights for all Burmese
citizens;
(4) demands the immediate and unconditional release of Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi, detained Buddhist monks, and all other
political prisoners and prisoners of conscience;
(5) calls on governments around the world, including the
nations of the European Union and the Association of
Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to severely tighten their
sanctions regimes against Burma, including through the
imposition of import bans such as maintained by the United
States, with the goal of denying the Burmese ruling junta
with hard currency to continue its campaign of repression;
(6) calls on the United Nations Security Council to
immediately pass a resolution imposing multilateral sanctions
on Burma's military regime, including a complete arms
embargo, and to take other appropriate action to respond to
the growing threat the State Peace and Development Council
(SPDC) poses in Burma;
(7) calls on the United States Government to work with its
global partners to bring to justice those Burmese military
and government leaders who have ordered or participated in
any massacre during or after the protests, or who may be
guilty of crimes against humanity; and
(8) calls on the members of ASEAN to immediately suspend
Burma's membership in such organization as a response to the
violent crackdown on political protesters.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman
from California (Mr. Lantos) and the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr.
Smith) each will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California.
General Leave
Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members
may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and
include extraneous material on the concurrent resolution under
consideration.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from California?
There was no objection.
Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of this
resolution, and yield myself such time as I may consume.
Madam Speaker, the images from Burma that have flashed across our
television screens over the past two weeks have stirred the conscience
of the entire civilized world. Buddhist monks draped in their simple
crimson robes, peacefully gathering to press for change. Rangoon
citizens pouring from their homes to join their holy men, their numbers
swelling to over 100,000. Sandals hurriedly abandoned in the road as
peaceful marchers were chased away by baton-wielding police. Soldiers
firing automatic weapons into unarmed crowds. The charred body of a
Buddhist monk, slain by the ruling junta, lying face down in a pool of
dirty water stained crimson with his innocent blood.
These indelible images, Madam Speaker, will not soon fade, nor will
the anguished cry to us made by the leader of the Burmese Democratic
movement, Noble Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, and I quote her: ``Use your
liberty to promote ours.''
So today, Madam Speaker, we use our liberty here in the Congress of
the United States to condemn the violent crackdown on dissent in Burma.
We use our liberty to call for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi, the
imprisoned Buddhist monks, and all other Burmese prisoners of
conscience. And today we use our liberty here in the Congress of the
United States asking our friends in Asia and Europe to join us in using
economic leverage to promote democratic change in Burma.
Since the last bloody crackdown in Burma 17 years ago, we in the
United States have led the way in imposing tough economic sanctions
against the ruling junta. Each year, I ask my colleagues to join me and
my good friend Peter King of New York in renewing import sanctions
against Burma, and each year this Congress, under both Republican and
Democratic control, has responded overwhelmingly to our request.
But Burma's elite will only feel the economic squeeze when other
countries join us. The enormous flow of aid and trade from China to
Burma, not to mention China's political support for the regime in the
United Nations Security Council, must come to an abrupt end. The
military packages for Burma offered by the world's largest democracy,
India, must be removed from the table. And our friends in ASEAN, the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations, who have begun to speak out for
democratic change in Burma, must move beyond words and suspend Burma's
membership in this very important regional organization.
Madam Speaker, when the generals run out of cash, change will come to
[[Page H11111]]
Burma. When military officials cannot send their children to be
educated abroad, change will come to Burma. And when the Burmese
officials are no longer welcome at the table of ASEAN, change will come
to Burma.
And to those Burmese military officers who are on the fence deciding
whether to join in the violent campaign of repression or to refuse
orders to kill and torture your fellow citizens, I have a simple
message: Do the right thing. As in Germany, as in Rwanda, as in
Yugoslavia, those who commit war crimes will be brought to justice
before an International Criminal Tribunal. Put yourself on the right
side of history.
The crimes committed by this junta, Madam Speaker, stretch far beyond
the atrocities of the past few days. This regime has systematically
used rape as a means of war against ethnic minorities. Recently
released satellite images show that it has burned and destroyed entire
villages. And since the regime nullified the democratic elections in
1990 won by Aung San Suu Kyi, it has arbitrarily arrested and tortured
dissidents, real and imagined, by the thousands.
Just a few days ago, the world caught a brief glimpse of Aung San Suu
Kyi peaking out of the gate of her home, which has become her virtual
prison. Today, we stand with Aung San Suu Kyi, this courageous woman,
demanding her freedom, demanding the freedom of all those prisoners of
conscience in Burma, and demanding far-reaching democratic change.
Change will not come overnight to Burma, but it will come, and it
will be my great pleasure to join our distinguished Speaker, Nancy
Pelosi, a true champion for human rights around the globe, in
witnessing the inauguration of Aung San Suu Kyi as the true prime
minister of a free Burma.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I
may consume.
First of all, let me thank Congressman King for offering this very
important resolution, and my good friend and colleague, Chairman
Lantos, for bringing this to the floor, as well as Ileana Ros-Lehtinen,
who serves very admirably as the ranking member.
This is a very important and very timely resolution. Chairman Lantos
has been speaking out on behalf of Burma and human rights in Burma for
years, and this today is another expression of our collective
bipartisan support for the beleaguered pro-democracy activists in that
country.
Madam Speaker, the shocking, unprovoked actions of Burma's brutal
regime in recent days are part of a long history of repression by that
country's dictators. The wanton bloodshed, Tiananmen Square-like, was
just another serious manifestation of hate and cruelty by the junta in
Rangoon.
Members will recall, that in 1988 Burmese military forces slaughtered
several thousand peaceful demonstrators, sending even more into hiding
in the hills and border areas. The military regime took no heed of
international criticism of these crimes and continued to suppress the
most basic freedoms of its people.
When the National League for Democracy won control at the ballot box,
the generals nullified that election and harassed, tortured and killed
parliamentarians and pro-democracy activists. They also harassed,
incarcerated and put under house arrest Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung
San Suu Kyi, one of the greatest people on Earth.
Meanwhile, in 1998, Madam Speaker, a 19-year-old student from my
district, Michelle Keegan, traveled to Burma to commemorate in a
peaceful way with other pro-democracy activists the 10th anniversary of
those 1988 massacres. She and others were locked up, convicted and
sentenced to 5 years imprisonment. Her only crime was to distribute
pamphlets calling for democracy in Burma. As a matter of fact, it was a
very small business card. Very small. They handed those out, and for
that she got 5 years.
I travelled to the region at the time in an effort to help negotiate
the release of these young people, including my constituent. I
repeatedly was denied a visa to enter Burma, but from Bangkok remained
in close contact with the U.S. Embassy in Rangoon, and others as we
were pressing for the release of Ms. Keegan and the five other
Americans.
Together, along with family members of the detainees and others, we
made these dictators understand that the whole world, including the
U.S. Congress and the American people, were watching and would somehow
hold them accountable. In response to international pressure, the
government soon released them and then expelled them from the country.
She and those other Americans were the lucky ones. Others from other
countries regrettably spent long periods of time in jail.
Sorry to say, the members of the junta in Rangoon are not people who
readily listen to reason. This body has addressed the situation in
Burma several times over the years. I chaired a hearing on human rights
abuses in Burma in September of 1998, and we shed further light on
these issues in February of 2006 at a hearing entitled ``Human rights
in Burma. Where are we now and what do we do next?''
Clearly we need to do more. Yes, we have sanctions. Chairman Lantos
is the prime sponsor of legislation imposing sanctions on Burma. But,
unfortunately, the other countries, the ASEAN countries and other
countries of the world, have not followed suit the way they ought to.
We need to be united in this effort. That is when we will get the
junta to stand up and take notice, especially when the PRC does
something other than enable and facilitate these abuses.
Madam Speaker, now as the courageous Burmese people again dare to
demonstrate peacefully for change in their society, the junta has once
again unleashed the military, killing more of their people and
imprisoning at least 700 Buddhist monks and 500 others. Former
prisoners in Burmese jails have told us at hearings and at meetings of
the torture, humiliation and deprivation that they experienced.
One called it the closest thing to hell on Earth that he could
imagine. We have good reason to fear that those who are arrested in
recent days, that they too now are spending time in hell.
So we have a duty, Madam Speaker, an obligation, to speak out in the
face of these outrages. We need to call in the strongest way possible
for the restoration of democracy and the restoration of human rights in
Burma and the unconditional release of Aung San Suu Kyi.
Those with interests in Burma, especially the Chinese government,
would like to turn a blind eye to these continuing abuses. China may be
happy to have another egregious human rights abuser in the spotlight
deflecting attention as it prepares to host the world for the Olympics
amidst its own repression. But we must hold the Chinese accountable, as
well, at home and abroad, and they need to step up to the plate and do
what they can to stop this terrible repression in Burma.
{time} 1515
Madam Speaker, I wholeheartedly endorse this resolution. I ask my
colleagues and the global community to act to end the suffering in
Burma and bring about democratic reforms that the Burmese people so
desperately desire.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Madam Speaker, I yield such time as he may
consume to the author of the resolution, the distinguished gentleman
from New York (Mr. King).
Mr. KING of New York. Madam Speaker, I am proud to stand today in
support of H. Con. Res. 200. Let me thank at the outset Mr. Smith for
the work he has done for so many years for the cause of human rights in
so many countries, often at great risk to himself. I thank him for
that, and we all admire him for his tenacity. I have a special regard
for the chairman of the committee, Mr. Lantos, who is cosponsoring this
resolution with me and has been such an outspoken advocate of freedom
and human rights in Burma for so many years. Even when it is not on the
television screens and the eyes of the world are not watching, Mr.
Lantos has been there, dedicating himself to this issue; and I have
been privileged to be able to work with him on this.
Madam Speaker, as terrible as the atrocities have been in Burma over
the past 6 to 7 weeks, the fact is this is unfortunately merely an
extension of the
[[Page H11112]]
type of tyrannical behavior which has characterized the junta in Burma
for almost two decades now. This is a junta which tramples upon human
rights. They use rape and torture and murder as an instrument of
policy.
When we see the hundreds of innocent, freedom-loving people who have
been murdered over the past several weeks, who have been tortured and
arrested and abused, when we see the innocent Buddhist monks who have
been shot down, when we see that communication into and out of Burma
has been shut off by the junta, we can only assume the worst.
That is why it is incumbent upon the international community to speak
with one voice, as we are speaking with one voice here in Congress.
This is not a Republican or Democratic issue, or majority or minority
issue. It is a world issue, an issue of human rights. For all of these
years Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been in prison or under house arrest and
now imprisoned again, she has become a symbol of that fight. When we
talk about symbols, often we forget these are real human beings who are
paying the price for being symbols of freedom and justice and who are
willing to put their lives and their freedom on the line.
That is why this resolution calls for her release and the release of
all of the political prisoners and an end to the repressive actions of
the Burmese junta. In saying this, as Mr. Lantos and Mr. Smith have
said, yes, the United States has been at the forefront of this. But it
is so important for neighboring countries now to step forward,
especially China and India.
When we think of China, which is going to be hosting the Olympic
Games and is trying to clean up its image in the eyes of the world, is
attempting to project itself as a true country on the world scene, the
fact is if China continues in any way to support Burma, to be silent in
the face of what the junta is doing, it really puts a cloud and a
tarnish over whatever image China is attempting to establish for
itself. And that will be kept in mind by world governments as we
approach the Olympic Games next year. So it is essential that China
step forward and work with the world community, work with the United
States, work with the United Nations, work with countries in the region
to put pressure on the junta in Burma to ease, stop and, end its
oppressive tactics.
As Mr. Lantos said, we are also sending a very clear signal to the
military leaders, the officers, in Burma who are part of this junta,
telling them that the world will hold them responsible for what they
do. The world will hold them accountable.
As Mr. Lantos knows better than anyone in this House, we saw what
happened when military leaders in Germany felt they could go forward
and do what they were ordered to do and carry out those atrocities
against innocent people. Nuremburg showed that is not a permissible
defense. Similarly, it will not be a permissible and acceptable defense
for the military leaders in Burma who continue to carry out these
atrocities. They just can't say, We were following orders.
So our message to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is that we stand with you. Our
message to the Buddhist monks is we stand with you. Our message to the
oppressed people of Burma is that we stand with you. And our message to
the Government of China is we are watching what you are going to do as
far as putting pressure on the junta. And our message to the military
leaders in Burma is the world is watching you and will hold you
accountable and will know what you did. You will face justice when this
is over, depending on whether you did the right or you continued to
carry out the atrocities ordered upon you.
So with that, I strongly urge the adoption of H. Con. Res. 200. I
applaud the fact that the House of Representatives is speaking with one
voice. We have put partisanship aside. We stand as one and have put
differences aside. I thank Mr. Lantos and Mr. Smith for the leadership
they have shown over the years. I urge adoption of the concurrent
resolution.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the
gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Souder).
Mr. SOUDER. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New York, as
well as Chairman Lantos, for his leadership on this issue.
Fort Wayne, Indiana, my hometown, is estimated to have 2,000 or 3,000
people from Burma, the greatest number of refugees from Burma in the
United States. Many are coming in directly. Many are coming through
Washington and Los Angeles and heading to Indiana because of our job
situation. It is important to note because as Americans become more
internationally aware, just like in Iraq there are different groups,
and in Afghanistan there are different groups, it is important to say
``people of Burma'' because the Mon and other subgroups were persecuted
by the Burmese inside Burma.
What they all agree on is the current situation in Burma is
intolerable. The violent suppression of Buddhist monks and the peaceful
demonstrators in Burma, they want the immediate, unconditional release
of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi who is their elected leader. They all know she
is the elected leader. Regardless of the differences they have in their
country, they elected a leadership and worked together, like what we
are trying to do in Iraq and like what we are trying to do with the
different tribes in Afghanistan. They chose a leader, and then the
leader was locked up.
In 1990, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was rightfully elected, and the junta
placed her under arrest. This has been going on for 18 years. She has
been locked up for 12 of the 18 years since the election.
In Fort Wayne, I hear many stories as I talk to individuals who have
talked to their relatives who have lived in concentration camps, in
effect, more refugee camps; but at times they felt both abused by the
Thai Government that wants to move them back to Burma, by the Burmese
Government that is trying to chase them out. They have been abused in
the camps. They have been raped in the camps, and they have had their
money stolen in the camps.
We have a huge challenge in America, and it is speaking to broader
questions than just Burma, which is how to handle situations, because
our area has also become in the top three of refugees from Darfur. One
of the challenges we are having is Catholic Social Services has come to
me and said we don't have the support system to handle, and the State
Department has come back and said what do you want to do, leave the
people in the refugee camps? They aren't doing well in the refugee
camps.
We have to understand that we no longer live in an isolated world.
What happens in Burma and the demonstrations you are seeing in Burma
and the persecution of the people in Burma, the terrible tragedies in
Darfur, what happens in Iraq and Afghanistan impacts all of us. It
impacts us in our hometowns. If we are going to be the Nation that
welcomes immigrants, there is only so much we can handle, and we need
to put international pressure on some of these countries to handle
their own regional problems. This resolution helps us move in that
direction.
They have to have changes in Burma. It is not only unfair to the
people who come to the United States; it is unfair to the people
trapped in the camps. It is unfair to the monasteries being emptied out
in Burma, and it is unfair to the people being persecuted throughout
Burma. If we don't stand up and force some changes for human liberties
in Burma, we are going to face another type of catastrophe like is
happening in Darfur while the world watches.
Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, before yielding to our distinguished
Speaker, I would like to say a word comparing our Speaker to the
subject of this resolution, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
These are two extraordinary women of deep courage and commitment, but
there is one profound difference in their political lives: when Members
of this body elected Nancy Pelosi as Speaker of this House, she assumed
that position. When the people of Burma elected Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to
serve as their Prime Minister, she was subjected to onerous
imprisonment and persecution for almost two decades.
It gives me a great deal of pleasure and pride to yield such time as
she may consume to the Speaker of the House of Representatives, an
indefatigable fighter for human rights and the champion of a fellow
woman political leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Ms. PELOSI. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this
time and thank him for his leadership in bringing this resolution to
the
[[Page H11113]]
floor. I thank him for mentioning my name in the same breath with Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi. You compliment me, Mr. Chairman. You and I know that
the sacrifice she has been making for so many years is incomparable,
really, in the world.
For many years, many of us, Chris Smith, Dana Rohrabacher, John
Porter when he was here, worked on this issue for a very long time.
John Porter and Chairman Lantos co-chaired the Human Rights Caucus, and
the issue of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and repression in Burma was and has
been an important priority for them.
So today we are coming together again following this horrible
crackdown in Burma, and I am pleased to rise in support of the
resolution condemning that crackdown on the peaceful protesters in
Burma and calling for the immediate release of Burma's democracy
leader, a Nobel Peace Prize recipient, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. I thank
Mr. Lantos for bringing this resolution to the floor.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for many decades has been a leader on this
issue. She won the last democratic election in 1990 and has spent the
last decade under house arrest away from her husband and her two
children. Who in the world could have the courage and strength that she
has had? When her husband was ill and was in the United Kingdom for his
treatment, she could not visit him. When he passed away, she could not
attend his funeral. Imagine the personal sacrifice of this great
leader. Imagine the turmoil within her. But she understood that the
democracy for all of the people of Burma was more important than the
personal needs that she had for her family. What greatness.
She has seen her supporters beaten, tortured and killed; and, yet,
she has never responded with hatred and violence. All she ever asked
for was peaceful dialogue.
Others have mentioned some of the provisions of the legislation, and
I think it is important to continue to mention them: condemn the
crackdown. Mr. King particularly emphasized the role of China in all of
this. And, yes, we should act in a bipartisan way, Mr. King.
This resolution demands that the People's Republic of China and other
countries that provide political and economic support for Burma's
military junta end such support.
This resolution firmly insists that Burma's military regime begin a
meaningful tripartite political dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the
National League for Democracy, and ethnic nationalities; demands the
immediate unconditional release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, detained monks
and other political prisoners and prisoners of conscience; calls on
governments around the world, including the nations of the European
Union and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, to severely
tighten their sanctions regime against Burma; calls on the United
Nations Security Council to immediately pass a resolution imposing
multilateral sanctions on Burma's military regime.
Of course, this cannot happen without China's cooperation on the
Security Council. That is why their role is so important. It is also
important because of the role they have played in propping up the
junta. I am disappointed but not surprised that China is using its veto
power at the United Nations Security Council to block the condemnation
of the recent crackdown. For many years, the Chinese Government has
helped prop up the Burmese, I think of them as thugs, but the Burmese
regime, by blocking multilateral sanctions and providing substantial
economic and military assistance to the Burmese Government.
China is Burma's largest trading partner, and it is estimated that
China controls more than 60 percent of the Burmese economy and has
provided close to $3 billion in military aid since the early 1990s.
{time} 1530
Simply said, the Burmese regime would not have the strength and power
that it has absent the support of China. We're calling on China to use
its influence to bring about a political negotiation with the pro-
democracy activists. This is a golden opportunity for China to show
that it can be a force for peace and stability in the world.
In the last few weeks, we all know that we've seen an extraordinary
turn of events in Burma. This has been there for a long time. The
repression has been there for a long time, but in these last few weeks,
courageous people led by Buddhist monks have taken to the streets to
stand up to a corrupt, illegitimate military regime that has repressed
the country for nearly 20 years.
The ruthless crackdown is outrageous, and the international community
must not stand by while peaceful protesters are arrested, beaten and
murdered.
Let there be no doubt that the United States stands with the freedom-
seeking people of Burma in their just cause.
President Bush is to be commended for supporting tougher sanctions on
those responsible for the gross violations of human rights. We can and
should go further in bringing diplomatic pressure to bear on the
regime. I know we all look forward to working closely with the
President on this as we go forward.
And so I again commend Aung San Suu Kyi as years ago, she called on
individuals, organizations and governments to support Burma's democracy
movement, and at that time, she said please use your liberty to promote
ours.
Today, on the floor of the United States House of Representatives, we
are doing just that. I commend Aung San Suu Kyi for her courage and her
leadership. The people of Burma are rising up and demanding their
country back. The world must meet this challenge to our conscience.
I thank again Mr. Lantos and Mr. Smith and all of my colleagues, in a
bipartisan way, in support of democracy in Burma.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Madam Speaker, we have one remaining
speaker. I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from
California (Mr. Rohrabacher).
Mr. ROHRABACHER. Madam Speaker, I would like to thank Speaker of the
House Pelosi. Over the years we have worked, along with Chairman
Lantos, on many human rights issues, and it has always been the people
of Burma that were the most inspiring of those people that we sought to
stand with over the years in these human rights causes that have
unified us and Congressman Smith and so many others in this body.
Chairman Lantos again, of course, has provided such leadership. His
life, of course, is exemplary of a person who holds such values as
human rights and democracy and that we hold dear and affirm today.
Today, the Congress of the United States speaks with one voice. The
people of Burma, we are on your side. Be courageous. You are not alone.
To the gangsters in uniform who have held the people of Burma in
bondage for decades, you will be held accountable. Now is the time to
join with the people of Burma. If, instead of joining them and trying
to build a new Burma, that you bloody your hands even more, you will be
held accountable. Your bank accounts will be frozen and you will be
arrested for crimes against humanity if you leave your country.
And I can promise that those of us who hold dear human rights in this
Congress will not rest until those actions are taken against you as
individuals if you are committing these crimes against the people of
Burma.
We call on those in the Burmese military, who take orders from the
gangster regime that runs that country, we call on them to change
sides. Now is the time for the Burmese military to join the people of
Burma in creating a democratic and free society.
The military clique that gives orders to the military of Burma has no
lawful authority. They are criminals. They are the criminals who have
made deals with the government in China to steal Burma's natural
resources and to impoverish the people of Burma in the process.
Let us not overlook the role of China in this crime. China has
provided the military junta in Burma with over a billion and a half
dollars of military aid over the last few years. It is the government
of China that has enabled this monstrous dictatorship to hold 50
million people in bondage. It is China which has blocked the actions of
the United Nations to stop the junta slaughter of Burmese monks and
other peaceful demonstrators who, right as
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we speak, are losing their lives in the cause of human freedom.
I ask my colleagues to support my efforts and others' efforts who
have come here. We have several people who have already cosponsored a
resolution to hold China accountable for what they are doing in Burma.
This is only a taste of what we're going to experience around the world
as China becomes a monstrous power in this planet. We have built up
their economy. We have not only permitted them to become a powerful
force in the world; we have subsidized the growth of power of this
Chinese monster that now not only supports Burma, but is involved with
the genocide in Darfur.
The United States should not be participating in an Olympics that is
being hosted by a regime that commits genocide in Darfur and Burma.
Finally, let us today remember Aung San Suu Kyi. She represents not
just the people of Burma, but she is the one who represents the higher
aspirations and the higher ideals of humanity. She has suffered for
many long decades peacefully in her home. Now, she has been taken from
house arrest and sent to a prison. We do not know what fate she is
suffering. We know that she is in the hands of murderers. We know she
is in the hands of people who torture and would slaughter peaceful
monks in the streets. So our hearts go out to her, and we keep her in
our prayers, but we also suggest that if anything happens to Aung San
Suu Kyi, the rise of anger will be heard not only from Washington but
from around the world, for every decent and freedom-loving person will
rise up. So those criminals who now slaughter the monks on the streets
of Rangoon should understand that we are watching and the whole world
is watching, and we speak with one voice.
Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to our
distinguished colleague from Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer).
Mr. BLUMENAUER. Madam Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman's courtesy
in permitting me to speak on this resolution and for the leadership of
his Foreign Affairs Committee in bringing this forward.
Madam Speaker, one of the most inspiring events of my life was being
able to spend an afternoon with Aung San Suu Kyi in her compound in
Burma with my son and daughter. Having a chance to meet this gentle
woman, a clarion voice for democracy, for human rights, a strong and
steadfast beacon for the 50 million people. Burma, a country that a
generation ago was poised to be one of the bedrocks of that area in
southeast Asia, a country that is rich in natural resources, with a
gentle and sophisticated people have been taken over, as my colleagues
have mentioned, by a gang of thugs. The Burmese have suffered untold
privation, brutality by the regime as symbolized by their treatment of
this gentle woman who was appropriately awarded the Nobel Peace Prize.
It is time for us not only to speak resolutely but for us to work
behind the scenes and overtly with countries like China, India and
Thailand that can, in fact, have a significant influence on the
behavior of the government in Burma. We must work for the Asean
countries and speak with one voice about the intolerable behavior that
is being evidenced by this regime.
There are many areas that the United States is involved with
internationally where there isn't a consensus, where Members on this
floor will debate with themselves and disagree about the best path
forward. Yet as it relates to Burma, I think there is no debate. There
is no confusion. There is no division. We need to speak as one. We need
to work to fashion that international consensus. We need to make sure
that we use every resource possible to put the spotlight on the
problem, and help save the Burmese people.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Madam Speaker, we have no further requests
for time, and I yield back the balance our time and urge a strong
``yes'' vote for this resolution.
Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, before yielding back our time, I would
like to make mention of a visit I had yesterday afternoon from the
ambassador of China on the subject of Burma.
We had a long and difficult discussion. The Chinese Ambassador
outlined for me the various steps his government has taken in recent
days to deal with the crisis in Burma. I pointed out to him that
gestures are not enough, that with the enormous leverage China has over
Burma, China must take serious, substantive measures to compel the
Government of Burma to give back the freedom to its own people and her
freedom to Aung San Suu Kyi, the legally elected leader of Burma.
I call on the Government of China, just a few months short of the
opening of the Beijing Olympics, to do the right thing, to exert its
enormous influence on behalf of the people of Darfur, on behalf of the
people of Burma, and by inviting His Holiness, the Dalai Lama, for a
dialogue in Beijing. Nothing would make the climate for the opening of
the Beijing Olympics more positive and salutary than a serious dialogue
between the Government of China and the Dalai Lama.
There have been so many negative developments from China's point of
view in recent times: the selling of food, the selling of tooth paste,
the selling of children's toys, all of them dangerous to consumers in
this country. There is a deep concern here that China's insatiable
appetite for raw materials closes their eyes and minds to human rights
violations across the globe, from Darfur to Burma.
This is a glorious opportunity for the government in China to do the
right thing, and to do the right thing vis-a-vis Burma is to put
pressure on the military junta to ease up on the Burmese people and to
give Aung San Suu Kyi her right to live in freedom as the elected
leader of the Burmese people.
Mr. LANGEVIN. Madam Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H.
Con. Res. 200, a resolution that condemns the Burmese Junta for their
violent suppression of Buddhist Monks and other peaceful demonstrators
in Burma and demands the immediate release of opposition leader Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi. As a cosponsor of this resolution, I believe it is
important for Congress to show its support for Burma's call for
democracy.
In 1988, the Burmese military established rule through a military
junta, and named themselves the State Peace and Development Council
(SPDC). This repressive regime arrested those who opposed them,
including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who is the leader of the legitimately
elected political party, the National League of Democracy. SPDC, which
has changed the country's name to Myanmar, has forcefully led the
Burmese citizens ever since. According to the U.S. Department of
State's Country Reports on Human Rights, as well as private
organizations, Burma's human rights record has worsened in recent
years. These reports have cited government and military abuses of
civilians that include killings, torture, rape, arbitrary arrests, and
forced labor.
This past August, the SPDC ended fuel subsidies, which led to
excessive costs for gas. The Burmese citizens, unhappy with yet another
burden, held pro-democracy rallies and called for the transfer of power
to Aung San Suu Kyi. These rallies were ended forcefully by the SPDC,
but Buddhist Monks, nuns and students have continued to peacefully
protest the regime. The SPDC has recently banned the assembly of
citizens in public, as well as attacked, arrested and killed those
involved in the protests.
Madam Speaker, the ongoing violence and repression of peaceful
protests for democracy is a travesty. H. Con. Res. 200 shows our
country's support for the Burmese citizens' right to challenge their
regime. This resolution also demands the release of other political
prisoners who are detained by the regime, and calls on the United
Nations Security Council to take the appropriate action against the
State Peace and Development Council. The United States has already
imposed heavy sanctions on the SPDC for many years, but we must also
call on other countries, including China and India, who benefit from
Burma's natural gas exports, to keep the pressure on the SPDC to end
this atrocity.
As a member of the Congressional Human Rights Caucus, I will continue
to work with my colleagues to keep pressure on the Burmese regime and
express support for those citizens who peacefully congregate for a new
government. Passing H. Con. Res. 200 is an important and necessary step
for Congress to take as we work to achieve this goal.
Mr. MANZULLO. Madam Speaker, the horrendous massacre that is taking
place in Burma is despicable and unconscionable. Now is the time for
Members of this House to condemn the military junta and support human
rights by supporting my good friend, Representative Peter King's
resolution on Burma.
On September 27, 2007 the military junta violated the sacred
traditional sanctuary of Buddhist temples in mass coordinated pre-dawn
raids. More than 200 monks were arrested. What we know is that at least
five
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monks, eight civilian protestors, and a Japanese photographer were
killed by the army. But how many more were gunned down or dragged off
in the middle of the night by the junta may never be known.
This resolution not only calls for the immediate and unconditional
release of Nobel Peace Price laureate Aung San Suu Kyi but also for a
restoration of democracy and human rights that has eluded the people of
Burma for so long. The Rangoon Massacre only makes our call for the
return to democracy ever more urgent.
Burma was once the richest country in Southeast Asia and the world's
largest rice exporter. However, as a result of decades of corruption
and gross mismanagement, Burma is now an economic failure. Countless
Burmese are regularly victimized by human traffickers as they seek a
better life outside the country. The junta's decision in August to hike
fuel prices further threatened the people's livelihood. This led to the
largest street demonstrations in two decades. So, instead of listening
to the will of the people, the generals have only made things worse by
cracking down violently.
Aung San Suu Kyi is the daughter of Burma's George Washington. Ms.
Suu Kyi is the living symbol of Burmese democracy, and this year she
turns 62. How much longer must democracy and freedom be held hostage?
President Bush, in his recent speech before the United Nations
General Assembly in New York, announced plans for new U.S. sanctions
against the military regime in Burma. I join the President in calling
on the U.N. to act more decisively in the face of the unprecedented
demonstrations taking place in that country. Now is the time for the
world community to stand up for human rights and democracy.
Who else will join the U.S. in raising their voice against this
injustice? Singapore has issued a strong statement on behalf of the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations. I commend them for this.
However, more needs to be done. Burma's neighbors can make a real
difference by letting the junta know that their actions will not be
tolerated. China, India, and Russia must act too because the world is
watching.
The U.S. Congress must speak loudly and clearly. Let there be no
mistake. As the senior Republican on the Asia Subcommittee of the House
Foreign Affairs Committee, I strongly and wholeheartedly urge passage
of this resolution today. We must stand with the people of Burma; they
have waited long enough and can wait no longer.
Mr. PAUL. Madam Speaker, I rise in opposition to this legislation not
because I do not sympathize with the plight of the oppressed people of
Burma, particularly as demonstrated by the continued confinement of
Aung San Suu Kyi. Any time a government represses its citizenry it is
reprehensible. My objection to this legislation is twofold. First, the
legislation calls on the United Nations Security Council to ``take
appropriate action'' with regard to Burma and its internal conditions.
This sounds like an open door for an outside military intervention
under the auspices of the United Nations, which is something I do not
support.
More importantly, perhaps, I am concerned that while going around the
world criticizing admittedly abhorrent governmental actions abroad we
are ignoring the very dangerous erosions of our own civil liberties and
way of life at home. Certainly it is objectionable that the Burmese
government holds its own citizens in jails without trial. But what
about the secret prisons that our own CIA operates around the globe
that hold thousands of individuals indefinitely and without trial?
Certainly it is objectionable that the government of Burma can declare
Aung San Suu Kyi a political prisoner to be held in confinement. But
what about the power that Congress has given the president to declare
anyone around the world, including American citizens, ``enemy
combatants'' subject to indefinite detention without trial? What about
the ``military commissions act'' that may well subject Americans to
military trial with secret evidence permitted and habeas corpus
suspended?
So while I am by no means unsympathetic to the current situation in
Burma, as an elected Member of the United States House of
Representatives I strongly believe that we would do better to promote
freedom around the world by paying better attention to our rapidly
eroding freedom here at home. I urge my colleagues to consider their
priorities more closely and to consider the much more effective
approach of leading by example.
Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to rise in
support of H. Con. Res. 200, condemning the violent suppression of
Buddhist monks and other peaceful demonstrators in Burma and calling
for the immediate and unconditional release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. I
want to congratulate my good friend and colleague, the distinguished
Ranking Member of the House Committee on Homeland Security from New
York, Peter King, on this extremely timely resolution on the
deteriorating human rights situation in Burma.
When this bill was first introduced in August, the main concern was
for the well-being of the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize Winner Daw Aung San
Suu Kyi, and the overall deplorable human rights situation in Burma.
Little did the members of Congress or the Committee know that only a
few weeks later we would be witnessing this unrelenting brutality, as
the Junta released its military personnel to crack down on the non-
violent protesters and the Buddhist Monks. These actions set a new low
even for this regime.
Even before this latest escalation, Burma's human rights record was
abysmal. Systematic rapes as a means of war against ethnic minorities,
the burning and destruction of their villages, the torture and
arbitrary arrest of dissidents and trafficking in people and illicit
drugs, are all hallmarks of this illegitimate regime. This unenviable
record guarantees the military government a leading place among the
world's worst human rights offenders. The Burmese regime has led this
beautiful and resource-rich country down the spiraling path of
degradation, instability, economic plunder and bankruptcy.
Prominent pro-democracy leader and Nobel Peace Prize winner, Daw Aung
San Suu Kyi, has had various restrictions placed on her activities
since the late 1980s. Her party, the National League for Democracy, won
a landslide victory in 1990 in Burma's first multi-party elections for
30 years, but she has never been allowed to govern. In 1990, the ruling
military junta placed the rightfully and lawfully elected Daw Aung San
Suu Kyi under house arrest, where she has remained ever since.
During her arrest, she was awarded the Sakharov Prize for Freedom of
Thought in 1990, and the Nobel Peace Prize the year after. Her sons
Alexander and Kim accepted the Nobel Peace Prize on her behalf. Aung
San Suu Kyi used the Nobel Peace Prize's 1.3 million USD prize money to
establish a health and education trust for the Burmese people.
On August 15, in a sign of incredible courage, non-violent
protesters, took spontaneously to the streets and protested the
government's actions, demanding the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and
a meaningful dialogue to national reconciliation and democracy.
Thousands of Buddhist monks started leading protests on September 18,
and were joined by Buddhist nuns on September 23. Undeterred by threats
of military retaliation, on September 24, as many as 100,000 protesters
led by monks marched in the largest protest Burma has seen in two
decades.
In the wake of the protests, hundreds were arrested, beaten, and
severely tortured. Peaceful monks were disrobed and severely abused,
tortured and imprisoned. Over the past week, nearly 4,000 monks have
been rounded up by the military. There are reports of hundreds if not
thousands of bodies now littering the jungles near Burma's largest
cities.
A United Nations Special Envoy has been in Burma since Saturday, but
has yet to meet with the Senior Gen. Than Shwe. Instead of the meeting
Gambari sought Monday, he was sent to a remote northern town for an
academic conference on relations between the European Union and the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations, diplomats reported, speaking on
the condition of anonymity. This circus show must stop. The Burmese
military leaders need to stop parading these diplomats around, and real
dialogue needs to start, so that we can bring an end to the unrelenting
violence.
This resolution before us rightly calls on our government to continue
its leadership role in the international community to move the U.N.
Security Council to act swiftly on Burma, and shine a bright spotlight
on the actions of those countries, such as the People's Republic of
China, which collaborate with this despicable regime. They need to use
their influence with the Burmese government to bring an immediate end
to those despicable actions, and to force the regime to enter into a
meaningful tripartite dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the National
League of Democracy, and the ethnic groups.
I urge all Members of Congress to join me in supporting H. Con. Res.
200 and in sending the Burmese military regime and the international
community a wakeup call. The United States will stand unwavering with
the people of Burma, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and the National League of
Democracy. It is essential that these violence ends and a peaceful
resolution is reached. The Burmese people are yearning for democracy,
and as the world's shining beacon of democracy, the United States must
not let these protests be in vain. I call on Burma's military leaders
to allow its people to freely elect its government and to call for the
immediate and unconditional release of Nobel Prize Winner Daw Aung San
Suu Kyi.
Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the
gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) that the House suspend the
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rules and agree to the concurrent resolution, H. Con. Res. 200, as
amended.
The question was taken.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds
being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.
Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX and the
Chair's prior announcement, further proceedings on this motion will be
postponed.
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