[Congressional Record Volume 153, Number 143 (Tuesday, September 25, 2007)]
[House]
[Pages H10764-H10774]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
IRAN COUNTER-PROLIFERATION ACT OF 2007
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the
bill (H.R. 1400) to enhance United States diplomatic efforts with
respect to Iran by imposing additional economic sanctions against Iran,
and for other purposes, as amended.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The text of the bill is as follows:
H.R. 1400
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE AND TABLE OF CONTENTS.
(a) Short Title.--This Act may be cited as the ``Iran
Counter-Proliferation Act of 2007''.
(b) Table of Contents.--The table of contents for this Act
is as follows:
Sec. 1. Short title and table of contents.
Sec. 2. United States policy toward Iran.
TITLE I--SUPPORT FOR DIPLOMATIC EFFORTS RELATING TO PREVENTING IRAN
FROM ACQUIRING NUCLEAR WEAPONS
Sec. 101. Support for international diplomatic efforts.
Sec. 102. Peaceful efforts by the United States.
TITLE II--ADDITIONAL BILATERAL SANCTIONS AGAINST IRAN
Sec. 201. Application to subsidiaries.
Sec. 202. Additional import sanctions against Iran.
Sec. 203. Additional export sanctions against Iran.
Sec. 204. Temporary increase in fee for certain consular services.
TITLE III--AMENDMENTS TO THE IRAN SANCTIONS ACT OF 1996
Sec. 301. Multilateral regime.
Sec. 302. Mandatory sanctions.
Sec. 303. Authority to impose sanctions on principal executive
officers.
Sec. 304. United States efforts to prevent investment.
Sec. 305. Clarification and expansion of definitions.
Sec. 306. Removal of waiver authority.
Sec. 307. Clarification of authority.
Sec. 308. Applicability of certain amendments.
TITLE IV--ADDITIONAL MEASURES
Sec. 401. Additions to terrorism and other lists.
Sec. 402. Increased capacity for efforts to combat unlawful or
terrorist financing.
Sec. 403. Exchange programs with the people of Iran.
Sec. 404. Reducing contributions to the World Bank.
Sec. 405. Restrictions on nuclear cooperation with countries assisting
the nuclear program of Iran.
TITLE V--MISCELLANEOUS PROVISIONS
Sec. 501. Termination.
SEC. 2. UNITED STATES POLICY TOWARD IRAN.
(a) Findings.--Congress finds the following:
(1) The prospect of the Islamic Republic of Iran achieving
nuclear arms represents a grave threat to the United States
and its allies in the Middle East, Europe, and globally.
(2) The nature of this threat is manifold, ranging from the
vastly enhanced political influence extremist Iran would
wield in its region, including the ability to intimidate its
neighbors, to, at its most nightmarish, the prospect that
Iran would attack its neighbors and others with nuclear arms.
This concern is illustrated by the statement of Hashemi
Rafsanjani, former president of Iran and currently a
prominent member of two of Iran's most important
decisionmaking bodies, of December 14, 2001, when he said
that it ``is not irrational to contemplate'' the use of
nuclear weapons.
(3) The theological nature of the Iranian regime creates a
special urgency in addressing Iran's efforts to acquire
nuclear weapons.
(4) Iranian regime leaders have persistently denied
Israel's right to exist. Current President Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad has called for Israel to be ``wiped off the map''
and the Government of Iran has displayed inflammatory symbols
that express similar intent.
(5) The nature of the Iranian threat makes it critical that
the United States and its allies do everything possible--
diplomatically, politically, and economically--to prevent
Iran from acquiring nuclear-arms capability and persuade the
Iranian regime to halt its quest for nuclear arms.
(b) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of the Congress
that--
(1) Iranian President Ahmadinejad's persistent denials of
the Holocaust and his repeated assertions that Israel should
be ``wiped off the map'' may constitute a violation of the
Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of
Genocide and should be brought before an appropriate
international tribunal for the purpose of declaring Iran in
breach of the Genocide Convention;
(2) the United States should increase use of its important
role in the international financial sector to isolate Iran;
(3) Iran should be barred from entering the World Trade
Organization (WTO) until all issues related to its nuclear
program are resolved;
(4) all future free trade agreements entered into by the
United States should be conditioned on the requirement that
the parties to such agreements pledge not to invest and not
to allow companies based in its territory or controlled by
its citizens to invest in Iran's energy sector or otherwise
to make significant investment in Iran;
(5) United Nations Security Council Resolutions 1737
(December 23, 2006) and 1747 (March 24, 2007), which were
passed unanimously and mandate an immediate and unconditional
suspension of Iran's nuclear enrichment program, represent a
critical gain in the worldwide campaign to prevent Iran's
acquisition of nuclear arms and should be fully respected by
all nations;
(6) the United Nations Security Council should take further
measures beyond Resolutions 1737 and 1747 to tighten
sanctions on Iran, including preventing new investment in
Iran's energy sector, as long as Iran fails to comply with
the international community's demand to halt its nuclear
enrichment campaign;
(7) the United States should encourage foreign governments
to direct state-owned entities to cease all investment in
Iran's energy sector and all exports of refined petroleum
products to Iran and to persuade, and, where possible,
require private entities based in their territories to cease
all investment in Iran's energy sector and all exports of
refined petroleum products to Iran;
(8) moderate Arab states have a vital and perhaps
existential interest in preventing Iran from acquiring
nuclear arms, and therefore such states, particularly those
with large oil deposits, should use their economic leverage
to dissuade other nations, including the Russian Federation
and the People's Republic of China, from assisting Iran's
nuclear program directly or indirectly and to persuade other
nations, including Russia and China, to be more forthcoming
in supporting United Nations Security Council efforts to halt
Iran's nuclear program;
(9) the United States should take all possible measures to
discourage and, if possible, prevent foreign banks from
providing export credits to foreign entities seeking to
invest in the Iranian energy sector;
(10) the United States should oppose any further activity
by the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development
with respect to Iran, or the adoption of a new Country
Assistance Strategy for Iran, including by seeking the
cooperation of other countries;
(11) the United States should extend its program of
discouraging foreign banks from accepting Iranian state banks
as clients;
(12) the United States should prohibit all Iranian state
banks from using the United States banking system;
(13) State and local government pension plans should divest
themselves of all non-United States companies investing more
than $20,000,000 in Iran's energy sector;
(14) the United States should designate the Iranian Islamic
Revolutionary Guards Corps, which purveys terrorism
throughout the Middle East and plays an important role in the
Iranian economy, as a foreign terrorist organization under
section 219 of the Immigration and Nationality Act, place the
Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps on the list of
specially designated global terrorists, and place the Iranian
Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps on the list of weapons of
mass destruction proliferators and their supporters;
(15) United States concerns regarding Iran are strictly the
result of actions of the Government of Iran; and
(16) the American people have feelings of friendship for
the Iranian people, regret that developments of recent
decades have created impediments to that friendship, and hold
the Iranian people, their culture, and their ancient and rich
history in the highest esteem.
TITLE I--SUPPORT FOR DIPLOMATIC EFFORTS RELATING TO PREVENTING IRAN
FROM ACQUIRING NUCLEAR WEAPONS
SEC. 101. SUPPORT FOR INTERNATIONAL DIPLOMATIC EFFORTS.
It is the sense of the Congress that--
(1) the United States should use diplomatic and economic
means to resolve the Iranian nuclear problem;
[[Page H10765]]
(2) the United States should continue to support efforts in
the International Atomic Energy Agency and the United Nations
Security Council to bring about an end to Iran's uranium
enrichment program and its nuclear weapons program; and
(3)(A) United Nations Security Council Resolution 1737 was
a useful first step toward pressing Iran to end its nuclear
weapons program; and
(B) in light of Iran's continued defiance of the
international community, the United Nations Security Council
should adopt additional measures against Iran, including
measures to prohibit investments in Iran's energy sector.
SEC. 102. PEACEFUL EFFORTS BY THE UNITED STATES.
Nothing in this Act shall be construed as authorizing the
use of force or the use of the United States Armed Forces
against Iran.
TITLE II--ADDITIONAL BILATERAL SANCTIONS AGAINST IRAN
SEC. 201. APPLICATION TO SUBSIDIARIES.
(a) In General.--Except as provided in subsection (b), in
any case in which an entity engages in an act outside the
United States which, if committed in the United States or by
a United States person, would violate Executive Order No.
12959 of May 6, 1995, Executive Order No. 13059 of August 19,
1997, or any other prohibition on transactions with respect
to Iran that is imposed under the International Emergency
Economic Powers Act (50 U.S.C. 1701 et seq.) and if that
entity was created or availed of for the purpose of engaging
in such an act, the parent company of that entity shall be
subject to the penalties for such violation to the same
extent as if the parent company had engaged in that act.
(b) Exception.--Subsection (a) shall not apply to any act
carried out under a contract or other obligation of any
entity if--
(1) the contract or obligation existed on May 22, 2007,
unless such contract or obligation is extended in time in any
manner or expanded to cover additional activities beyond the
terms of the contract or other obligation as it existed on
May 22, 2007; or
(2) the parent company acquired that entity not knowing,
and not having reason to know, that such contract or other
obligation existed, unless such contract or other obligation
is extended in time in any manner or expanded to cover
additional activities beyond the terms of such contract or
other obligation as it existed at the time of such
acquisition.
(c) Construction.--Nothing in this section shall be
construed as prohibiting the issuance of regulations, orders,
directives, or licenses under the Executive orders described
in subsection (a) or as being inconsistent with the
authorities under the International Emergency Economic Powers
Act.
(d) Definitions.--In this section--
(1) the term ``entity'' means a partnership, association,
trust, joint venture, corporation, or other organization;
(2) an entity is a ``parent company'' of another entity if
it controls, directly or indirectly, that other entity and is
a United States person; and
(3) the term ``United States person'' means any United
States citizen, any alien lawfully admitted for permanent
residence to the United States, any entity organized under
the laws of the United States, or any person in the United
States.
SEC. 202. ADDITIONAL IMPORT SANCTIONS AGAINST IRAN.
Effective 120 days after the date of the enactment of this
Act--
(1) goods of Iranian origin that are otherwise authorized
to be imported under section 560.534 of title 31, Code of
Federal Regulations, as in effect on March 5, 2007, may not
be imported into the United States under such section; and
(2) activities otherwise authorized by section 560.535 of
title 31, Code of Federal Regulations, as in effect on March
5, 2007, are no longer authorized under such section.
SEC. 203. ADDITIONAL EXPORT SANCTIONS AGAINST IRAN.
Effective on the date of the enactment of this Act--
(1) licenses to export or reexport goods, services, or
technology relating to civil aviation that are otherwise
authorized by section 560.528 of title 31, Code of Federal
Regulations, as in effect on March 5, 2007, may not be
issued, and any such license issued before such date of
enactment is no longer valid; and
(2) goods, services, or technology described in paragraph
(1) may not be exported or reexported.
SEC. 204. TEMPORARY INCREASE IN FEE FOR CERTAIN CONSULAR
SERVICES.
(a) Increase in Fee.--Notwithstanding any other provision
of law, not later than 120 days after the date of the
enactment of this Act, the Secretary of State shall increase
by $1.00 the fee or surcharge assessed under section 140(a)
of the Foreign Relations Authorization Act, Fiscal Years 1994
and 1995 (Public Law 103-236; 8 U.S.C. 1351 note) for
processing machine readable nonimmigrant visas and machine
readable combined border crossing identification cards and
nonimmigrant visas.
(b) Deposit of Amounts.--Fees collected under the authority
of subsection (a) shall be deposited in the Treasury.
(c) Duration of Increase.--The fee increase authorized
under subsection (a) shall terminate on the date that is one
year after the date on which such fee is first collected.
TITLE III--AMENDMENTS TO THE IRAN SANCTIONS ACT OF 1996
SEC. 301. MULTILATERAL REGIME.
Section 4(b) of the Iran Sanctions Act of 1996 (50 U.S.C.
1701 note) is amended to read as follows:
``(b) Reports to Congress.--Not later than 6 months after
the date of the enactment of the Iran Counter-Proliferation
Act of 2007 and every six months thereafter, the President
shall transmit to the appropriate congressional committees a
report regarding specific diplomatic efforts undertaken
pursuant to subsection (a), the results of those efforts, and
a description of proposed diplomatic efforts pursuant to such
subsection. Each report shall include--
``(1) a list of the countries that have agreed to undertake
measures to further the objectives of section 3 with respect
to Iran;
``(2) a description of those measures, including--
``(A) government actions with respect to public or private
entities (or their subsidiaries) located in their
territories, that are engaged in Iran;
``(B) any decisions by the governments of these countries
to rescind or continue the provision of credits, guarantees,
or other governmental assistance to these entities; and
``(C) actions taken in international fora to further the
objectives of section 3;
``(3) a list of the countries that have not agreed to
undertake measures to further the objectives of section 3
with respect to Iran, and the reasons therefor; and
``(4) a description of any memorandums of understanding,
political understandings, or international agreements to
which the United States has acceded which affect
implementation of this section or section 5(a).''.
SEC. 302. MANDATORY SANCTIONS.
Section 5(a) of the Iran Sanctions Act of 1996 (50 U.S.C.
1701 note) is amended by striking ``2 or more of the
sanctions described in paragraphs (1) through (6) of section
6'' and inserting ``the sanction described in paragraph (5)
of section 6 and, in addition, one or more of the sanctions
described in paragraphs (1), (2), (3), (4), and (6) of such
section''.
SEC. 303. AUTHORITY TO IMPOSE SANCTIONS ON PRINCIPAL
EXECUTIVE OFFICERS.
Section 5 of the Iran Sanctions Act of 1996 (50 U.S.C. 1701
note) is amended by adding at the end the following:
``(g) Authority to Impose Sanctions on Principal Executive
Officers.--
``(1) Sanctions under section 6.--In addition to the
sanctions imposed under subsection (a), the President may
impose any of the sanctions under section 6 on the principal
executive officer or officers of any sanctioned person, or on
persons performing similar functions as such officer or
officers. The President shall include on the list published
under subsection (d) the name of any person on whom sanctions
are imposed under this paragraph.
``(2) Additional sanctions.--In addition to the sanctions
imposed under paragraph (1), the President may block the
property of any person described in paragraph (1), and
prohibit transactions in such property, to the same extent as
the property of a foreign person determined to have committed
acts of terrorism for purposes of Executive Order 13224 of
September 23, 2001 (50 U.S.C. 1701 note).''.
SEC. 304. UNITED STATES EFFORTS TO PREVENT INVESTMENT.
Section 5 of the Iran Sanctions Act of 1996 is amended by
adding the following new subsection at the end:
``(h) United States Efforts to Address Planned
Investment.--
``(1) Reports on investment activity.--Not later than
January 30, 2008, and every 6 months thereafter, the
President shall transmit to the Committee on Foreign Affairs
of the House of Representatives and the Committee on Foreign
Relations of the Senate a report on investment and pre-
investment activity, by any person or entity, that could
contribute to the enhancement of Iran's ability to develop
petroleum resources in Iran. For each such activity, the
President shall provide a description of the activity, any
information regarding when actual investment may commence,
and what steps the United States has taken to respond to such
activity.
``(2) Definition.--In this subsection--
``(A) the term `investment' includes the extension by a
financial institution of credit or other financing to a
person for that person's investment; and
``(B) the term `pre-investment activity' means any activity
indicating an intent to make an investment, including a
memorandum of understanding among parties indicating such an
intent.''
SEC. 305. CLARIFICATION AND EXPANSION OF DEFINITIONS.
(a) Person.--Section 14(13)(B) of the Iran Sanctions Act of
1996 (50 U.S.C. 1701 note) is amended to read as follows:
``(B)(i) a corporation, business association, partnership,
society, trust, financial institution, insurer, underwriter,
guarantor, and any other business organization;
``(ii) any foreign subsidiary of any entity described in
clause (i); and
``(iii) any government entity operating as a business
enterprise, such as an export credit agency; and''.
(b) Development and Investment.--Section 14 of the Iran
Sanctions Act of 1996 (50 U.S.C. 1701 note) is amended--
[[Page H10766]]
(1) in paragraph (4), by inserting ``tanker or'' after
``transportation by''; and
(2) in paragraph (9)--
(A) by inserting after subparagraph (C) the following:
``(D) The sale of an oil tanker or liquefied natural gas
tanker.''; and
(B) in the second sentence, by inserting ``, other than a
sale described in subparagraph (D)'' after ``goods, service,
or technology''.
SEC. 306. REMOVAL OF WAIVER AUTHORITY.
(a) Six-Month Waiver Authority.--Section 4 of the Iran
Sanctions Act of 1996 (50 U.S.C. 1701 note) is amended--
(1) in subsection (d)(1), by striking ``except those with
respect to which the President has exercised the waiver
authority of subsection (c)'';
(2) by striking subsection (c); and
(3) by redesignating subsections (d), (e), and (f) as
subsections (c), (d), and (e), respectively.
(b) General Waiver Authority.--Section 9 of the Iran
Sanctions Act of 1996 (50 U.S.C. 1701 note) is amended by
striking subsection (c).
SEC. 307. CLARIFICATION OF AUTHORITY.
Section 6(6) of the Iran Sanctions Act of 1996 (50 U.S.C.
1701 note) is amended by inserting ``the authorities under''
after ``in accordance with''.
SEC. 308. APPLICABILITY OF CERTAIN AMENDMENTS.
The amendments made by sections 302, 305, and 306 shall
apply with respect to acts done on or after August 3, 2007.
TITLE IV--ADDITIONAL MEASURES
SEC. 401. ADDITIONS TO TERRORISM AND OTHER LISTS.
(a) Determinations and Report.--Not later than 120 days
after the date of the enactment of this Act, the President
shall--
(1) determine whether the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary
Guards Corps (in this section referred to as ``IRGC'') should
be--
(A) designated as a foreign terrorist organization under
section 219 of the Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C.
1189);
(B) placed on the list of specially designated global
terrorists; and
(C) placed on the list of weapons of mass destruction
proliferators and their supporters; and
(2) report the determinations under paragraph (1) to the
Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives
and the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate,
including, if the President determines that such Corps should
not be so designated or placed on either such list, the
justification for the President's determination.
(b) Extension of Authority.--The President may block all
property and interests in property of the following persons,
to the same extent as property and interests in property of a
foreign person determined to have committed acts of terrorism
for purposes of Executive Order 13224 of September 21, 2001
(50 U.S.C. 1701 note) may be blocked:
(1) Persons who assist or provide financial, material, or
technological support for, or financial or other services to
or in support of, the IRGC or entities owned or effectively
controlled by the IRGC.
(2) Persons otherwise associated with the IRGC or entities
referred to in paragraph (1).
(c) Definitions.--In this section--
(1) the term ``specially designated global terrorist''
means any person included on the Annex to Executive Order
13224, of September 23, 2001, and any other person identified
under section 1 of that Executive order whose property and
interests in property are blocked by that section; and
(2) the term ``weapons of mass destruction proliferators
and their supporters'' means any person included on the Annex
to Executive Order 13382, of June 28, 2005, and any other
person identified under section 1 of that Executive order
whose property and interests in property are blocked by that
section.
SEC. 402. INCREASED CAPACITY FOR EFFORTS TO COMBAT UNLAWFUL
OR TERRORIST FINANCING.
(a) Findings.--The work of the Office of Terrorism and
Financial Intelligence of the Department of Treasury, which
includes the Office of Foreign Assets Control and the
Financial Crimes Enforcement Center, is critical to ensuring
that the international financial system is not used for
purposes of supporting terrorism and developing weapons of
mass destruction.
(b) Authorization.--There is authorized for the Secretary
of the Treasury $59,466,000 for fiscal year 2008 and such
sums as may be necessary for each of the fiscal years 2009
and 2010 for the Office of Terrorism and Financial
Intelligence.
(c) Authorization Amendment.--Section 310(d)(1) of title
31, United States Code, is amended by striking ``such sums as
may be necessary for fiscal years 2002, 2003, 2004, and
2005'' and inserting ``$85,844,000 for fiscal year 2008 and
such sums as may be necessary for each of the fiscal years
2009 and 2010''.
SEC. 403. EXCHANGE PROGRAMS WITH THE PEOPLE OF IRAN.
(a) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of the Congress
that the United States should seek to enhance its friendship
with the people of Iran, particularly by identifying young
people of Iran to come to the United States under United
States exchange programs.
(b) Exchange Programs Authorized.--The President is
authorized to carry out exchange programs with the people of
Iran, particularly the young people of Iran. Such programs
shall be carried out to the extent practicable in a manner
consistent with the eligibility for assistance requirements
specified in section 302(b) of the Iran Freedom Support Act
(Public Law 109-293).
(c) Authorization.--Of the amounts available to the
Department of State for ``Educational and Cultural
Exchanges'' to carry out the Mutual Educational and Cultural
Exchange Act of 1961, there is authorized to be appropriated
to the President to carry out this section the sum of
$10,000,000 for fiscal year 2008.
SEC. 404. REDUCING CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE WORLD BANK.
The President of the United States shall reduce the total
amount otherwise payable on behalf of the United States to
the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development for
each fiscal year by the percentage represented by--
(1) the total of the amounts provided by the Bank to
entities in Iran, or for projects and activities in Iran, in
the then-preceding fiscal year; divided by
(2) the total of the amounts provided by the Bank to all
entities, or for all projects and activities, in the then-
preceding fiscal year.
SEC. 405. RESTRICTIONS ON NUCLEAR COOPERATION WITH COUNTRIES
ASSISTING THE NUCLEAR PROGRAM OF IRAN.
(a) In General.--
(1) Restriction.--Notwithstanding any other provision of
law or any international agreement--
(A) no agreement for cooperation between the United States
and the government of any country that is assisting the
nuclear program of Iran or transferring advanced conventional
weapons or missiles to Iran may be submitted to the President
or to Congress pursuant to section 123 of the Atomic Energy
Act of 1954 (42 U.S.C. 2153),
(B) no such agreement may enter into force with such
country,
(C) no license may be issued for export directly or
indirectly to such country of any nuclear material,
facilities, components, or other goods, services, or
technology that would be subject to such agreement, and
(D) no approval may be given for the transfer or retransfer
directly or indirectly to such country of any nuclear
material, facilities, components, or other goods, services,
or technology that would be subject to such agreement,
until the President makes the determination and report under
paragraph (2).
(2) Determination and report.--The determination and report
referred to in paragraph (1) are a determination and report
by the President, submitted to the Committee on Foreign
Relations of the Senate and the Committee on Foreign Affairs
of the House of Representatives, that--
(A) Iran has ceased its efforts to design, develop, or
acquire a nuclear explosive device or related materials or
technology; or
(B) the government of the country that is assisting the
nuclear program of Iran or transferring advanced conventional
weapons or missiles to Iran--
(i) has suspended all nuclear assistance to Iran and all
transfers of advanced conventional weapons and missiles to
Iran; and
(ii) is committed to maintaining that suspension until Iran
has implemented measures that would permit the President to
make the determination described in subparagraph (A).
(b) Construction.--The restrictions in subsection (a)--
(1) shall apply in addition to all other applicable
procedures, requirements, and restrictions contained in the
Atomic Energy Act of 1954 and other laws; and
(2) shall not be construed as affecting the validity of
agreements for cooperation that are in effect on the date of
the enactment of this Act.
(c) Definitions.--In this section:
(1) Agreement for cooperation.--The term ``agreement for
cooperation'' has the meaning given that term in section 11
b. of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954 (42 U.S.C. 2014(b)).
(2) Assisting the nuclear program of iran.--The term
``assisting the nuclear program of Iran'' means the
intentional transfer to Iran by a government, or by a person
subject to the jurisdiction of a government with the
knowledge and acquiescence of that government, of goods,
services, or technology listed on the Nuclear Suppliers Group
Guidelines for the Export of Nuclear Material, Equipment and
Technology (published by the International Atomic Energy
Agency as Information Circular INFCIRC/254/Rev. 3/Part 1, and
subsequent revisions), or the Nuclear Suppliers Group
Guidelines for Transfers of Nuclear-Related Dual-Use
Equipment, Material, and Related Technology (published by the
International Atomic Energy Agency as Information Circular
INFCIR/254/Rev. 3/Part 2, and subsequent revisions).
(3) Country that is assisting the nuclear program of iran
or transferring advanced conventional weapons or missiles to
iran.--The term ``country that is assisting the nuclear
program of Iran or transferring advanced conventional weapons
or missiles to Iran'' means--
(A) the Russian Federation; and
(B) any other country determined by the President to be
assisting the nuclear program of Iran or transferring
advanced conventional weapons or missiles to Iran.
(4) Transferring advanced conventional weapons or missiles
to iran.--The term ``transferring advanced conventional
weapons or missiles to Iran'' means the intentional transfer
to Iran by a government, or
[[Page H10767]]
by a person subject to the jurisdiction of a government with
the knowledge and acquiescence of that government, of goods,
services, or technology listed on--
(A) the Wassenaar Arrangement list of Dual Use Goods and
Technologies and Munitions list of July 12, 1996, and
subsequent revisions; or
(B) the Missile Technology Control Regime Equipment and
Technology Annex of June 11, 1996, and subsequent revisions.
(d) Effective Date.--The amendment made by subsection (a)
shall apply to expense paid or incurred on or after January
1, 2007.
TITLE V--MISCELLANEOUS PROVISIONS
SEC. 501. TERMINATION.
(a) Termination.--The restrictions provided in sections
203, 404, and 405 shall cease to be effective with respect to
Iran on the date on which the President determines and
certifies to the appropriate congressional committees that
Iran--
(1) has ceased its efforts to design, develop, manufacture,
or acquire--
(A) a nuclear explosive device or related materials and
technology;
(B) chemical and biological weapons; and
(C) ballistic missiles and ballistic missile launch
technology;
(2) has been removed from the list of countries the
governments of which have been determined, for purposes of
section 6(j) of the Export Administration Act of 1979 (50
U.S.C. 2405(j)), section 620A of the Foreign Assistance Act
of 1961, section 40 of the Arms Export Control Act, or any
other provision of law, to have repeatedly provided support
for acts of international terrorism; and
(3) poses no significant threat to United States national
security, interests, or allies.
(b) Definition.--In subsection (a), the term ``appropriate
congressional committees'' means the Committee on Foreign
Affairs of the House of Representatives and the Committee on
Foreign Relations of the Senate.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Israel). Pursuant to the rule, the
gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) and the gentlewoman from Florida
(Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) each will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California.
General Leave
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may
have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to
include extraneous material on the bill under consideration.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from California?
There was no objection.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution. Mr.
Speaker, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad will address the United
Nations General Assembly in just a couple of hours, the latest step in
his campaign to remove all obstacles to Tehran's headlong pursuit of
nuclear weapons. We, in turn, must resolve to use every available
peaceful means, economic, political, and diplomatic, to put a stop to
that deadly, dangerous pursuit.
Peaceful persuasion in this instance will require a lot of leverage.
Strong international sanctions must be imposed against the regime in
Tehran, biting sanctions that will bring about a change in policy.
Ideally, Mr. Speaker, such measures would be undertaken through the
United Nations. But if China and Russia continue to block effective
U.N. sanctions against Iran, the United States must move ahead in the
company of as many other like-minded nations as possible. And if
multilateral sanctions are not in the offing, the United States needs
to be prepared to tighten and to fully enforce our own sanctions
without any exceptions.
Current law imposes sanctions in the U.S. market on any foreign
company that invests $20 million or more in the Iranian energy sector.
But the law lets the executive branch, at its sole discretion, waive
those sanctions. And for years, Mr. Speaker, administrations of both
parties have done so without fail.
Since 1999, giant companies such as Royal Dutch Shell, France's
Total, Italy's ENI, and Inpex of Japan have invested over $100 billion,
over $100 billion, in the Iranian energy industry, and the United
States has done nothing to stop them.
If we wish to impose serious and biting sanctions on Iran, effective
measures that will change the behavior of the regime in Tehran, it is
clear what we must do. We must take away the power from the
administration to waive sanctions we pass.
Two days ago on 60 Minutes, the President of Iran had this to say
about the issue of nuclear weapons: ``We don't need a nuclear bomb . .
. In political relations right now, the nuclear bomb is of no use. If
it was useful, it would have prevented the downfall of the Soviet
Union.''
I wish that we could take Ahmadinejad at his word, but we obviously
cannot. This is the same man who yesterday said, ``Our people are the
freest in the world'' and ``there are no homosexuals in Iran.'' We are
all aware of the many other absurd and irrational statements that have
emanated from Tehran since this man took power.
But there is one arena in which I agree with Ahmadinejad: when he
says his country has the same right as every other country to use
civilian nuclear power. Every country has that right. But if they all
decide to get there by mastering the full nuclear fuel cycle, then the
door will be wide open to an unprecedented global proliferation of
nuclear weapons.
That is why earlier the House passed my legislation to authorize the
creation of an International Nuclear Fuel Bank under the auspices of
the International Atomic Energy Agency. Every country, including Iran,
can draw from that bank the nuclear fuel necessary for the production
of civilian nuclear energy under strict IAEA safeguards, but no nation
will be able to divert nuclear materials for military purposes. The
International Atomic Energy Agency supports my approach, as do all five
permanent members of the U.N. Security Council, including our own
administration.
One would think that the decision makers in Tehran would look upon
this idea of an International Nuclear Fuel Bank as an elegant way to
get Iran out of a difficult, unproductive, and singularly isolated
situation. I hope that they will take this road and they will use this
opportunity to move away from their current isolation in the
international community.
And I hope as well that the administration will see its way clear to
opening up serious and continuing dialogue with Iran. When I hear it
said that it is somehow wrong to talk with Iran, I think back to the
days when the Soviet Union had thousands of nuclear-tipped missiles
aimed at the United States. Surely, the Soviets then were a great deal
more dangerous to us than the Iranian leadership is today, and yet we
talked with them daily. We maintained a very active diplomacy vis-a-vis
the Soviet Union. We were engaged in trade, travel, and cultural
exchanges of many types.
Mr. Speaker, I am not alone in hoping that relations with Iran can
and will be improved. But as long as irrationality prevails in Tehran,
we must be prepared to employ all peaceful means at our disposal to
ensure that the regime renounces its pursuit of nuclear weapons.
Iran today faces a choice between a very big carrot and a very sharp
stick. It is my hope that they will take the carrot, but today we are
putting the stick in place.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Mr. Speaker, today is a day of contrast. Today as we stand here in
this hallowed Chamber of democracy discussing the threat that Iran
poses to the United States and, indeed, to global security, to its own
people as well, Iran's leader will later be spewing his venomous
rhetoric before the United Nations General Assembly.
Last year, the leader of the Iranian regime called for Israel to be
wiped off the map and for a new wave of Palestinian attacks to destroy
the Jewish state. He further stated that anyone who recognizes Israel
will burn in the fire of the fury of Islamic nations.
This is not the first time that the Iranian leadership has called for
the destruction of Israel. On December 14, 2001, former Iranian leader
Rafsanjani threatened Israel with nuclear attack, saying that the use
of even one nuclear bomb inside Israel would destroy that country while
it would do little harm to the Islamic world.
Given the Iranian regime's history of acting on its declarations, we
should be under no illusions regarding its intentions. And its
intentions are to get a nuclear weapon. In fact, they are even taking
out advertisements about it.
[[Page H10768]]
Let me show you this very revealing ad that appeared in the May issue
of the Economist. As they say, ``a picture is worth a thousand words.''
Even as the International Atomic Energy Agency reported that ``gaps
remain in the agency's knowledge with respect to the scope and content
of Iran's centrifuge program . . . including the role of the military
in Iran's nuclear program . . .'' and voiced concern regarding
``undeclared nuclear material and activities in Iran,'' and even as
additional sanctions were being considered against Iran by the United
Nations Security Council, this request for proposals for two new large
nuclear plants appeared in a major western magazine. And let me point
out that the ad clearly identifies the name of the bank, a European
bank. For the record, it is Austria Bank Creditansalt, with the account
number clearly evident in the advertisement.
Mr. Speaker, for over 5 years, Iran has been manipulating the
international community, buying time to expand and to hide its nuclear
program, and it is making rapid progress. The International Atomic
Energy Agency report of August 30 of this year stated that Iran is
running almost 2,000 centrifuges with as many more being tested or
under construction, indicating that it has already overcome many of the
roadblocks to manufacturing nuclear fuel, including weapons-grade
material.
The estimate of the International Atomic Energy Agency, however, may
be too conservative. Iranian leader Ahmadinejad put the number of
centrifuges at 3,000 and said that the program was making great
strides. His comments underscored his regime's intense focus on its
nuclear weapons program and should increase our focus and our sense of
urgency.
{time} 1045
When thinking of the consequences of an Iranian nuclear bomb, we must
always remember that Iran is the number one state sponsor of terrorism,
supplying weapons, funding, training and sanctuary to terrorist groups
such as Hezbollah and Hamas that have murdered countless civilians and
threatens our allies in the region and elsewhere; that Iran continues
to supply Shiite Islamic groups in Iraq with money, training and
weapons that fuel sectarian violence; that Iran is responsible for the
deaths of U.S. troops by providing the resources and the materials used
for improvised explosive devices, or IEDs, and other much more powerful
weapons; that Iran is also supplying the Taliban with weapons to use
against our troops serving in Afghanistan.
My daughter-in-law is proudly wearing our Nation's uniform right now
in Afghanistan, and Iran's work is a danger to her and all of our sons
and daughters serving overseas.
However, Tehran's pursuit of these destructive policies has one
weakness, namely, its dependence on the revenue derived from energy
exports. For that reason, the U.S. has targeted Iran's energy sector,
attempting to starve it of its foreign investment. U.S. law prohibits
American firms from investing in Iran, but foreign entities continue to
do so. To address that problem, my distinguished colleague, my good
friend from California, the chairman of our committee, Mr. Lantos, and
I introduced the Iran Freedom Support Act, which was enacted into law
in September of last year.
This legislation under consideration today, however, H.R. 1400,
builds upon that foundation, reiterates the application of the Iran
Sanctions Act, ISA, to parent companies of foreign subsidiaries that
engage in activities that ISA would prohibit for U.S. entities. Like
its predecessors, the Iraq Freedom Support Act and H.R. 957, this bill
before us, H.R. 1400, expands the application of the Iran Sanctions Act
to any financial institution, insurer, underwriter, guarantor, or other
business organization including any foreign subsidiary of the
foregoing. Mr. Speaker, this bill enlarges the scope of the ISA
sanctions to include the sale of oil or liquefied natural gas tankers.
In addition, the bill before us states the sense of Congress that the
United States should prevent foreign banks from providing export
credits to foreign entities seeking to invest in Iran's energy sector.
And in line with the Iran Freedom Support Act, which urged the
President to instruct the U.S. ambassador to the U.N. to push for
United Nations Security Council sanctions against Iran, this bill
before us commends the U.N. Security Council for its previous action
and urges additional action.
H.R. 1400 also restricts U.S. nuclear cooperation with any country
that helps Iran's nuclear program or transfers advanced conventional
weapons or missiles to Iran. This puts countries seeking to maintain
good relations with the U.S. on notice that we will not allow ourselves
to be used as indirect purveyors of nuclear assistance to Iran.
Finally, let me emphasize, Mr. Speaker, that this bill speaks
directly to the people of Iran. The regime in Tehran continues its
brutal crackdown on human rights advocates, on religious and ethnic
minorities, on opponents in the universities and the press, and on
dissidents in general. And to address their plight, the bill before us
expresses the unwavering support of the American people for the tens of
millions of Iranians suffering under a brutal medieval regime.
We must always remember that we share a common enemy, the regime in
Tehran, and a common goal, which is freedom.
Mr. Speaker, thank you for this time. But I mostly want to thank the
chairman of our committee, Mr. Lantos, for his leadership on this
issue, and I strongly urge my colleagues to support its adoption.
And with that, Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 3 minutes to the
distinguished chairman of the Middle East Subcommittee of the Foreign
Affairs Committee, Mr. Ackerman of New York.
Mr. ACKERMAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for yielding me the time, as
well as for your tireless efforts in support of the legislation that we
are considering today.
There is no more imperative threat facing the world today than
checking Iran's nuclear aspirations. Sometimes, in the midst of urgent
debate over the right tactics to use to stop the mullahs' mad march
towards the bomb, we lose sight of the big strategic picture. By
focusing on the particular costs of each sanction, the monstrous
reality of a world in which Iran possesses nuclear weapons can slip
into the background. This loss of perspective is a terrible mistake.
Critics of H.R. 1400, both here and abroad, see only the cost and the
irritants of American sanctions. Their concerns focus on economic
liberty and their own bottom line, on their national sovereignty, but
not their national security.
Protests are heard regarding our insensitivity to the Iranian regime
and the likelihood of sanctions hurting the Iranian people. The critics
are, unfortunately, missing the point. In a vacuum, sanctions always
seem harsh unless you consider the nonpeaceful alternative.
To fully and fairly judge the proposals in a sanctions measure such
as H.R. 1400, we have to consider what a future without it might look
like. If you don't want to see the complete collapse of the nuclear
nonproliferation regime and the rapid nuclearization of the entire
Middle East, then you're for the bill. If you don't want to see Iranian
proxies, such as Hamas and Hezbollah, taking over the Palestinian
Authority and the Government of Lebanon, then you're for the bill. If
you don't want to see Iran accelerating its supply of arms and training
to terrorists around the world, then you're for the bill. If you don't
want the supply and the price of oil to be set in Tehran, then you're
for the bill. If you don't want to even imagine a nuclear device
exploding somewhere, anywhere in the Middle East, then you're for the
bill. And, finally, if you do abhor war, if you really don't want to
see military force used to stop Iran's nuclear program, if you hate the
very idea of America attacking Iran's nuclear program, then you're for
this bill.
The official title is the Iran Counter-Proliferation Act. The proper
title should be the Stop the Iranian Bomb by Every Peaceful Means
Possible Act. This is the alternative.
We are running out of time. Nuclear weapons in the hands of Iran's
mullahs are not inevitable; but to prevent such an international
security catastrophe,
[[Page H10769]]
we need every tool at our disposal now while there is still time. The
longer we wait, the greater the danger and difficulty of the challenge
we face. Now is the time to apply the absolute maximum diplomatic,
political and economic pressure that we can muster.
H.R. 1400 will crank up the pressure and help us avoid having to
choose between military action and an Iranian atomic bomb. I urge all
Members to support this bill.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, at this time, I would like to yield 6
minutes to Mr. Pence, the ranking member on the Subcommittee on the
Middle East and South Asia of our Committee on Foreign Affairs.
(Mr. PENCE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. PENCE. I thank the gentlelady for yielding. I also thank the
ranking member and the distinguished chairman of this committee for
their extraordinary and visionary work in bringing H.R. 1400 to the
floor of this Congress to enhance United States diplomatic efforts with
respect to Iran by imposing additional economic sanctions against Iran.
As the ranking member and my other senior colleagues have described,
this legislation would continue an expanding effort to confront Iran's
rhetoric and reality in a manner both diplomatic and economic. And the
reasons to do so are legion. Iran, for instance, denies the Holocaust
and hosted a Holocaust-denying conference which aired on Arab
television across the region.
President Ahmadinejad, as I will describe in a moment, has repeatedly
advocated ``wiping Israel off the map.'' Their headlong and reckless
pursuit of a nuclear weapons program ominously would enable them to do
that in a matter of minutes when combined with their missile
technology.
Iran supplies and trains insurgents fighting U.S. forces and Iraqi
forces in Iraq, as General Petraeus and Ambassador Crocker and the
physical evidence and the incarceration of Iranian intelligence
personnel now in Baghdad attest. Iran supports Hezbollah, Hamas, and
other terrorist organizations.
But I want to speak specifically, Mr. Speaker, to yesterday and
today's events involving the Iranian President, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad,
who arrived yesterday for a forum in Columbia University and an address
at the United Nations today. Let me be clear: If my colleagues have no
other reason to support H.R. 1400, we can look to the rhetoric and the
statements in the past 48 hours of President Ahmadinejad. He is a
destabilizing force leading a threatening country and gave evidence of
that repeatedly in statements on American television, Columbia
University, and I expect at the U.N. today.
Ahmadinejad veers regularly between the deadly and the bizarre. He is
perhaps best known for the menacing statements about advocating the
elimination of the State of Israel. But at last year's address to the
U.N. General Assembly, President Ahmadinejad told an Iranian cleric
that he had felt the hand of God entrancing world leaders as he
addressed that body. All of these various threats and outrages are
delivered with a trademark eery grin, which would be easy to dismiss as
the rantings of a madman were he not vested with the power of a head of
state. Yet his musings are as clear and as threatening as those musings
written in a prison cell in the 1930s entitled ``Mein Kampf.''
This is a man who is on a misguided mission; he is a dangerous and
deluded leader. We ignore his intents at our peril. While his speech at
Columbia University yesterday was described as a rambling speech by the
New York Times that meandered from science to religion to the creation
of human beings, it was his claim that he was a ``peaceful'' man, that
Iran possessed, as he made some reference to, a thriving Jewish
community, and his claim that Iran was a country where no homosexuals
lived. For me, I cannot decide which of those statements was more
Orwellian or more offensive to reality or to western respect for
individual liberty. But they do give us a window into the mindset of a
leader.
And, Mr. Speaker, I believe no terrorist despot deserves an Ivy
League forum, and have said so. On ``60 Minutes'' Sunday night,
Ahmadinejad refused to address what we all know to be true: his forces
and weaponry, as I said before, are directly implicated in the deaths
of American forces in Iraq, and that would have been reason enough to
deny him a podium.
Now, we are occasionally told, and maybe some will hesitate to
support this legislation today because Ahmadinejad is not in charge,
that some believe a relatively moderate group of clerics are the real
power in Iran. But in a military parade just Saturday, the Supreme
Leader Ayatollah Khamenei, allegedly a moderate in some versions, had a
banner displayed alongside him that read: ``The Iranian Nation is ready
to bring any oppressive power to its knees.'' Clearly, this threatening
posture is deep-seated; it is not focused on one man.
But I think as we argue today for H.R. 1400 to bring additional
economic sanctions against Iran, we should look at the man who is the
leader of the country. H.R. 1400, sponsored by our distinguished
chairman and ranking minority member, does the reasonable step of
imposing additional economic sanctions against Iran.
But let me say I believe it is imperative that we must continue to
use every tool in our power to pressure and isolate this dangerous and
threatening regime. And the people of the United States of America, the
U.N. Security Council, our neighbors and allies in the region also need
to be prepared to keep all options on the table as we confront this
regime. It is my hope H.R. 1400, with its diplomatic and economic
initiative, will prevail and bring Iran back from the nuclear brink,
and that would be my prayer. But we must remain committed to the notion
that this nation and this leader in Iran must not be permitted to come
into possession of a usable nuclear weapon.
{time} 1100
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the
distinguished chairman of the Subcommittee on Terrorism,
Nonproliferation and Trade of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr.
Sherman of California.
Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for yielding, and I
thank him for this outstanding piece of legislation.
Yesterday, at Columbia University, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad made two
points that were newsworthy. First, there are no gay people in Iran.
Second, there is no nuclear weapons program in Iran. These two points
are equally true.
To focus on Iran's nuclear program, we do not need military action. I
want to emphasize that this bill does not authorize, it does not
justify, it does not urge military action in any way. In fact, it gives
us an alternative, and that is economic and diplomatic pressure.
Now, we owe a special debt of gratitude to the mullahs who are
running Iran, because their mismanagement, corruption and oppression
has made their government vulnerable, vulnerable even in an $80-a-
barrel world. Today, Iran faces a slow decline in its oil fields.
Without further investment, they won't be exporting oil in 10 years.
Today, as I speak, they are rationing gasoline in Tehran.
We need to be able to use our considerable broadcasting resources to
send a message into Iran for the people and elites of that country:
that you face diplomatic and economic isolation if you don't abandon
your nuclear program. The problem is that none of us can lie that well
in Farsi. We have not imposed economic isolation on Iran. But with this
bill, we can begin.
We have acquiesced in World Bank loans to the Government of Iran.
With this bill, we stop putting money into the unit of the World Bank
that is making loans to Iran. We ought to look at other things we can
do to make sure that there are no further World Bank loans to Iran.
Currently, we import from Iran--not oil, but only the stuff we don't
need, and they can't sell anywhere else. This bill ends imports from
Iran.
With regard to oil companies, again, we owe a special debt of
gratitude to those mullahs whose outrageous business practices and
threats of expropriation have made oil companies reluctant to invest in
Iran. But now we have got to make them more reluctant to invest in
Iran. This bill turns to foreign subsidiaries of U.S. oil companies and
bans their investment in Iran.
[[Page H10770]]
With regard to foreign-based oil companies, it sends a clear message:
Don't do business with Iran if you expect to do business-as-usual in
the United States. We have had that kind of sanction against foreign-
based oil companies for quite some time under what was then called the
Iran-Libya Sanctions Act (ILSA). We applied that act against Libya, and
it worked. It is now time to apply that act with regard to oil
companies investing in Iran. This bill moves us a long way in that
direction.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I am proud to yield 3 minutes to Mr.
Shays of the National Security and Foreign Affairs Subcommittee of the
Committee on Oversight and Government Reform.
Mr. SHAYS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding to me.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 1400, the Iran Counter-
Proliferation Act, what I call the bipartisan Lantos-Ros-Lehtinen
Resolution. We need to prohibit nuclear cooperation between the U.S.
and countries who are aiding Iran's nuclear program, and we need to
strengthen our current sanctions against Iran.
First, we cannot talk about Iran in a vacuum. We need to pass this
resolution and put other pressure on this government. We also need to
make sure that we do not leave Iraq and the Middle East to this
country. Iran is pursuing nuclear capabilities and is one of the
world's most egregious exporters of terrorism, funding Hamas, Hezbollah
and Iraqi insurgents. We are needing to confront Iran because they are
funding the Iraqi insurgents, therefore killing Iraqis who are on our
side. They are literally killing our American troops. The seriousness
of these facts was made clear when Iran's president threatened to wipe
Israel off the map. That is his intent.
In addition, in April 2006, Ayatollah Khamenei told another one of
the world's worst human rights abusers, Sudan, that Iran would gladly
transfer nuclear technology to it. Khamenei stated, ``The Islamic
Republic of Iran is prepared to transfer the experience, knowledge and
technology of its scientists.'' That is a quote. I am hopeful the
ongoing discussions between the Iranians and the United Nations to
craft a permanent nuclear agreement will be successful. But I am not
holding my breath.
It is critical that our Government utilize the tools at our disposal,
including economic and diplomatic sanctions and the appropriate
distribution of foreign aid to those groups who oppose the current
regime to deter the threat Iran poses to global security. It is also
appropriate and essential for us to impose pressure on the other
nations of the world who prop up the Iranian Government and the
extremists at the helm by their investing heavily in that nation.
The bottom line is, in spite of its assurances to the contrary, Iran
remains committed to a nuclear weapons program. The United States must
be unequivocal in its rejection of these ambitions. We need to realize
that if you don't want war with Iran, then we need to make sanctions
work.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to my good
friend from Texas (Mr. Edwards) for a colloquy.
Mr. EDWARDS. I first want to commend Chairman Lantos for his strong
leadership in this legislation. I support it very strongly and think
it's good for our Nation and the security of the world. I would like to
express that I have heard some concerns raised about whether section
405 unintentionally might create any roadblocks to the Nunn-Lugar
program where the United States and Russia work together to prohibit
nuclear materials from getting into the hands of terrorists. Obviously,
no one here, no one in Russia, no one in this country would want to
make it more difficult to protect our Nation from theft of nuclear
material from Russia.
Mr. Speaker, I just hope that as we move toward the final version of
this legislation and discuss this with the Senate, I hope we can ensure
it would not in any way unintentionally undermine our ability to
evaluate physical protection systems at sites that receive U.S. nuclear
exports and to just ensure that in no way do we unintentionally create
some roadblocks for the continuation of the Nunn-Lugar program.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. EDWARDS. I yield to the gentleman from California.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman's time has expired.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my friend from Texas for raising this
issue. The Nunn-Lugar program is one of the most valuable international
pieces of legislation since the end of the Second World War. It has
gone a long ways in preventing nuclear materials falling into dangerous
hands. It is imperative that the Russian Federation work together with
the international community to thwart Iran's nuclear ambitions. I very
much look forward to working with my friend from Texas to ensure that
that goal and the nonproliferation goals are fully met in this
legislation.
Mr. EDWARDS. I thank the gentleman for his leadership and his
comments.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman
from Illinois (Mr. Kirk), the cochair of the Congressional Iran Working
Group.
Mr. KIRK. Mr. Speaker, the history of the 20th century tells us that
genocidal dictators say what they will do and then do what they said.
Hitler told us in his writings that he would murder Jews. And he did.
Stalin said that he would liquidate the Kulaks, Russia's small farmers.
And he did. Pol Pot said he would eliminate the middle class and
intellectuals. And he did. Now the President of Iran said he will wipe
Israel off the face of the Earth. And he will.
Now, we Americans promised in 1945, never again. Ahmadinejad says
that one Jewish holocaust is not enough, that he would wish to commit a
second genocide, and he would deny that that would happen because he
already denies that the holocaust happened.
Now, our options with regard to Iran are poor. Option one is to leave
this to the United Nations alone. But that appears to lead to the
Iranians having the bomb. Option two is to let Israel's armed forces
remove the threat. But that mission is dangerous and uncertain.
Thanks to Chairman Lantos and Ranking Member Ros-Lehtinen, we in
Congress are developing a better and third option. Sanctions against
Iran can work. This bill strengthens such sanctions. We can do more. We
should bankrupt Bank Melli, a funder of terror. And we should
quarantine gasoline sales to Iran. These measures could cripple Iran.
Like the Yugoslav dictatorship, we can bring effective pressure to bear
to achieve our objectives without military action.
The new President of France sees the growing danger and says the
international community and Europe should act. The new French President
is right. This bill takes us in the direction of a safer world and one
in cooperation with our allies.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the
distinguished Chair of the Western Hemisphere Subcommittee of the
Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. Engel of New York.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I thank our distinguished chairman for
yielding to me. I rise in strong support of this legislation.
Mr. Speaker, yesterday, I was in New York City, my hometown, where I
spoke at a demonstration in front of the United Nations protesting
Ahmadinejad's speaking at that world body. I also then went to Columbia
University where I also participated in a protest outside of Columbia
University.
Mr. Speaker, I want to be able to tell my children and my
grandchildren that I did something when evil raised its ugly head.
Perhaps if there had been more of this in the 1930s, Adolph Hitler
might not have come to power. He said what he was going to do, as the
gentleman from Illinois just said, and he carried it out. When Mr.
Ahmadinejad says he wants to wipe Israel off the face of the Earth and
do all kinds of other countless, horrific things, he means it.
This bill squeezes the Iranian regime where it counts the most, in
the pockets, economically. No one could have
[[Page H10771]]
foreseen that the Soviet Union could have rotted from within. But the
Iranian regime is rotting from within. They are now importing oil.
There's an energy crunch in Iran. This is the way to topple that
regime. I think that they are the biggest threat right now to the
world.
The United Nations discredits itself. We will soon have a resolution
condemning their so-called Human Rights Commission, which does nothing
but attack Israel. We need to stand up and say that we were able to act
when it counted. This is one of the most important things that the
Congress can do by slapping sanctions on Iran.
We have the Syria Accountability Act which I introduced with the
distinguished ranking member. We are going to have another bill. Syria
and Iran, who represent threats to the region, need to be hit in the
pocketbook, economically, in order for their regimes to collapse or for
them to change their behavior.
Mr. Speaker, this bill does that. That is why everyone should support
it today.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I reserve my time.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1\3/4\ minutes to the
distinguished member of the Intelligence Committee, the gentlewoman
from California (Ms. Harman).
{time} 1115
Ms. HARMAN. Mr. Speaker, California is poised to join several other
States in requiring its huge pension funds to disinvest in Iran. The
decision is bipartisan. I commend my State's Democratic legislature and
Republican Governor for this bold move.
So, H.R. 1400 too, is a bold bipartisan move, and I urge its passage.
It tightens enforcement of U.S. sanctions, which are working; it
conditions future nuclear cooperation with Russia on that country's
ceasing its nuclear ties with Iran; and it designates Iran's
Revolutionary Guards, who have long carried out terrorist acts in Iraq
and the region, as a terror organization.
Mr. Speaker, Los Angeles, California, is home to over 800,000 Iranian
Americans. In fact, it's called sometimes the ``Tehrangeles.'' I
understand that, because we have such a large population. Our fight,
however, is not with the ``Tehrangelenos,'' and it surely is not with
the Iranian people either; but our fight, and we must continue it, is
against the threats and the actions of the extreme regime in Iran who
threaten our Democratic ally Israel and who threaten the entire world
with the prospect of a nuclear bomb.
Coercive sanctions are working. H.R. 1400 will add new tools to those
sanctions. This is the right way for this country to speak out and the
right way for this country to achieve results.
Mr. HERGER. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 1400, as amended
to strengthen its goals and effect.
The Iranian regime supports terrorism. Iran's President has called
for Israel to be, and I quote, ``wiped off the map.'' Iranian special
forces are fighting a ``proxy war'' against U.S. troops in Iraq and are
training Iraqi Shiite extremists. Iran's uranium enrichment continues
to fly in the face of several United Nations resolutions, and the
International Atomic Energy Agency, IAEA, reports that Iran could
develop nuclear weapons in as few as 3 years.
A multilateral strategy will most effectively block Iran's dangerous
ambitions. The U.N., in particular, must adopt additional, stronger
measures to stop this hostile regime dead in its tracks. I am also very
encouraged by the recent statements of French President Sarkozy calling
on France and the rest of Europe to adopt ``international'' and
``multilateral'' economic sanctions against Iran, in coordination with
U.S. efforts.
As I have said on this floor before, I question the effectiveness of
unilateral sanctions because they often disturb the very
multilateralism that we currently see taking shape against Iran.
Careful drafting, however, can alleviate the disruption, and the Ways &
Means Committee strengthened H.R. 1400 by inserting provisions that
will preserve this growing international coalition.
More specifically, H.R. 1400 maintains the President's discretion
under current law not to impose import restrictions, if refraining
would best serve the foreign policy purpose. To that end, Section 307
of this bill clarifies that the full ``authorities'' of IEEPA are
implicated in Section 6(6) of the Iran Sanctions Act, not just the
authority to impose import restrictions. A parallel rule of
construction is included in Section 201.
In addition, my Committee was careful to clarify in Section 202 that
the bill's import restrictions apply only to the current regulation, so
the President retains needed flexibility. Finally, Section 406 of the
bill as introduced and reported was stripped and replaced with a new
funding source.
For these reasons, I urge support of H.R. 1400, as amended.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I submit a series of letters from other
committees that have jurisdiction over parts of this legislation.
House of Representatives,
Committee on Ways and Means,
Washington, DC, September 24, 2007.
Hon. Tom Lantos,
Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC.
Dear Mr. Chairman: I am writing regarding H.R. 1400--``to
enhance United States diplomatic efforts with respect to Iran
by imposing economic sanctions against Iran, and for other
purposes''--which was reported by the House Foreign Affairs
Committee on August 2, 2007.
As you know, the Committee on Ways & Means has jurisdiction
over import matters. Accordingly, certain provisions of H.R.
1400 fall under the Committee's jurisdiction.
There have been some productive conversations between the
staffs of our committees, during which we have proposed some
changes to H.R. 1400 that I believe I help clarify the intent
and scope of the measure. My understanding is that there is
an agreement with regard to these changes. Modifications were
made to section 202, relating to additional import sanctions
against Iran, and section 406, relating to certain tax
incentives, was removed. In addition, provisions were
included in section 201 and a new section 307 was added to
H.R. 1400 to clarify that other provisions of the Act did not
affect the President's authority under the International
Emergency Economic Powers Act, particularly as such authority
relates to measures restricting imports.
To expedite this legislation for floor consideration, the
Committee will forgo action on this bill and will not oppose
its consideration on the suspension calendar. This is done
with the understanding that it does not in any way prejudice
the Committee or its jurisdictional prerogatives on this, or
similar legislation, in the future.
I would appreciate your response to this letter, confirming
our understanding with respect to H.R. 1400, and would ask
that a copy of our exchange of letters on this matter be
included in the record.
Sincerely,
Charles B. Rangel,
Chairman.
____
Committee on Foreign Affairs,
House of Representatives,
Washington, DC, September 24, 2007.
Hon. Charles B. Rangel,
Chairman, Committee on Ways and Means,
Washington, DC.
Dear Mr. Chairman: Thank you for your letter regarding H.R.
1400, the Iran Counter-Proliferation Act of 2007.
I appreciate your willingness to work cooperatively on this
legislation and the mutually agreed upon text that is being
presented to the House. I recognize that the bill contains
provisions that fall within the jurisdiction of the Committee
on Ways and Means. I agree that the inaction of your
Committee with respect to the bill does not in any way
prejudice the Committee on Ways and Means or its
jurisdictional prerogatives on this or similar legislation in
the future.
I will ensure that our exchange of letters be included in
the Congressional Record.
Cordially,
Tom Lantos,
Chairman.
____
House of Representatives,
Committee on Financial Services,
Washington, DC, September 21, 2007.
Hon. Tom Lantos,
Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC.
Dear Mr. Chairman: I am writing concerning H.R. 1400, the
Iran Counter-Proliferation Act of 2007. This bill was
introduced on March 8, 2007, and was referred to the
Committee on Foreign Affairs, and in addition, to this
Committee, among others. The bill has been reported by the
Committee on Foreign Affairs.
There is an agreement with regard to this bill, and so in
order to expedite floor consideration, I agree to forego
further consideration by the Committee on Financial Services.
I do so with the understanding that this decision will not
prejudice this Committee with respect to its jurisdictional
prerogatives on this or similar legislation. I request your
support for the appointment of conferees from this Committee
should this bill be the subject of a House-Senate conference.
Please place this letter in the Congressional Record when
this bill is considered by the House. I look forward to the
bill's consideration and hope that it will command the
broadest possible support.
Barney Frank,
Chairman.
____
House of Representatives,
Committee on the Judiciary,
Washington, DC, September 6, 2007.
Hon. Tom Lantos,
Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman Lantos: In recognition of the desire to
expedite consideration of H.R. 1400, the ``Iran Counter-
Proliferation Act of
[[Page H10772]]
2007,'' the Committee on the Judiciary agrees to waive formal
consideration of the bill.
Section 401 of the bill, which requires the President to
determine whether the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps in
Iran should be listed as a foreign terrorist organization
under section 219 of the Immigration and Nationality Act,
falls within the rule X jurisdiction of the Committee on the
Judiciary.
The Committee takes this action with the understanding that
by foregoing consideration of H.R. 1400 at this time, the
Committee on the Judiciary does not waive any jurisdiction
over subject matter contained in this or similar legislation.
The Committee also reserves the right to seek appointment of
an appropriate number of conferees to any House-Senate
conference involving this legislation, and requests your
support if such a request is made.
I would appreciate your including this letter in your
Committee's report for H.R. 1400, or in the Congressional
Record during consideration of the bill on the House floor.
Thank you for your attention to this matter.
Sincerely,
John Conyers, Jr.,
Chairman.
____
Committee on Foreign Affairs,
House of Representatives,
Washington, DC, September 6, 2007.
Hon. John Conyers,
Chairman, Committee on the Judiciary,
Washington, DC.
Dear Mr. Chairman: Thank you for your letter regarding H.R.
1400, the Iran Counter-Proliferation Act of 2007.
I appreciate your willingness to work cooperatively on this
legislation. I recognize that the bill contains provisions
that fall within the jurisdiction of the Committee on the
Judiciary. I acknowledge that the Committee will not seek a
sequential referral of the bill and agree that the inaction
of your Committee with respect to the bill does not waive any
jurisdiction of the Judiciary Committee over subject matter
contained in this bill or similar legislation.
Further, as to any House-Senate conference on the bill, I
understand that your committee reserves the right to seek the
appointment of conferees for consideration of portions of the
bill that are within the Committee's jurisdiction.
I will ensure that our exchange of letters are included in
the Congressional Record during the consideration of House
debate on H.R. 1400, and I look forward to working with you
on this important legislation. If you wish to discuss this
matter further, please contact me or have your staff contact
my staff.
Cordially,
Tom Lantos,
Chairman.
____
House of Representatives, Committee on Oversight and
Government Reform,
Washington, DC, September 7, 2007.
Hon. Tom Lantos,
Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman Lantos: I am writing to confirm our mutual
understanding with respect to the consideration of H.R. 1400,
the Iran Counter-Proliferation Act of 2007.
As you know, on August 2, 2007, the Committee on Foreign
Affairs reported H.R. 1400 to the House. The Committee on
Oversight and Government Reform (Oversight Committee)
appreciates your effort to consult regarding those provisions
of H.R. 1400 that fall within the Oversight Committee's
jurisdiction, including matters related to the federal
workforce and contracting.
In the interest of expediting consideration of H.R. 1400,
the Oversight Committee will not separately consider this
legislation. The Oversight Committee does so, however, with
the understanding that this does not prejudice the Oversight
Committee's jurisdictional interests and prerogatives
regarding this bill or similar legislation.
I respectfully request your support for the appointment of
outside conferees from the Oversight Committee should H.R.
1400 or a similar Senate bill be considered in conference
with the Senate. I also request that you include our exchange
of letters in the Congressional Record during consideration
of this legislation on the House floor.
Thank you for your attention to these matters.
Sincerely,
Henry A. Waxman,
Chairman.
____
Committee on Foreign Affairs,
House of Representatives,
Washington, DC, September 7, 2007.
Hon. Henry A. Waxman,
Chairman, Committee on Oversight and Government Reform,
Washington, DC.
Dear Mr. Chairman: Thank you for your letter regarding H.R.
1400, the Iran Counter-Proliferation Act of 2007.
I appreciate your willingness to work cooperatively on this
legislation. I recognize that the bill contains provisions
that fall within the jurisdiction of the Committee on
Oversight and Government Reform. I acknowledge that the
Committee will not seek a sequential referral of the bill and
agree that the inaction of your Committee with respect to the
bill does not prejudice the Oversight Committee's
jurisdictional interests and prerogatives regarding this bill
or similar legislation.
Further, as to any House-Senate conference on the bill, I
understand that your committee reserves the right to seek the
appointment of conferees for consideration of portions of the
bill that are within the Committee's jurisdiction, and I
agree to support a request by the Committee with respect to
serving as conferees on the bill (or similar legislation).
I will ensure that our exchange of letters are included in
the Congressional Record during the consideration of House
debate on H.R. 1400, and I look forward to working with you
on this important legislation. If you wish to discuss this
matter further, please contact me or have your staff contact
my staff.
Cordially,
Tom Lantos,
Chairman.
Mr. BLUMENAUER. Mr. Speaker, I share my colleagues' concern about the
possibility of a nuclear armed Iran, so it is with regret that I must
vote against this bill. Similarly to other bills that purported to
sanction Iran and which I voted against, this legislation doesn't
provide additional tools for diplomacy. Rather it limits the
President's flexibility to use sanctions as a tool to deal with the
Iranian challenge. However, by focusing the sanctions within it on
third-parties such as Russia and Australia, this bill would make it
more difficult to maintain the united international diplomatic front
that is critical to resolving the Iranian situation peacefully.
We need to craft a new framework for relations with Iran; one that
advances our interests and values through engagement and support for
the Iranian people. I believe it is more important than ever for
forceful U.S. diplomatic re-engagement to support peace, democracy, and
a more secure regional dynamic. We must also undertake the difficult,
yet critical, task of engaging directly and honestly with Iran, despite
its often destructive and destabilizing role. The lack of a serious
diplomatic relationship strengthens those who seek chaos and isolation,
while leaving the U.S. with fewer levers of influence and more blind
spots than we can afford.
Faced with the prospect of nuclear war with the Soviet Union,
President John F. Kennedy said, ``Let us never negotiate out of fear.
But let us never fear to negotiate.'' For the United States and our
friends in the Middle East, the prospect of continued terror, violence,
and instability is too dire to do otherwise.
Mr. BACA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 1400, the Iran
Counter-Proliferation Act of 2007.
With this bill, the United States will have the tools to persuade
Iran's Government to abandon its pursuit of nuclear weapons.
We are sending a strong message to the world. We will not tolerate
violations of the Genocide Convention. This bill calls for Iranian
President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad to be brought before the International
Court of Justice for his repeated calls for the destruction of Israel.
We will continue to use diplomatic methods to stand tough and protect
our allies abroad. This bill ends all Iranian imports to the United
States and restricts U.S. exports to Iran to strictly food and
medicine.
I also believe economic pressure is an effective deterrence. This
bill prevents U.S. subsidiaries of foreign oil companies that are
sanctioned for investing in Iran's oil sector from receiving U.S. tax
benefits for oil and gas exploration.
Iran will not violate rules and go unnoticed. This bill also
encourages the administration to prohibit all Iranian state-owned banks
from using the U.S. banking system.
I urge my colleagues to support this bill.
Mr. HOLT. Mr. Speaker, I rise today as a cosponsor and strong
supporter of the Iran Counter-Proliferation Act of 2007, H.R. 1400. It
is appropriate that we are debating this bill today while Iran's
President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad addresses the United Nations General
Assembly.
The current regime in Iran poses troubling security challenges to the
community nations and our allies in the Middle East. The hateful and
threatening comments made by the President of Iran against Israel
cannot be tolerated. Further, the provocative actions taken by Iran to
further their nuclear weapons program are not acceptable. A nuclear
Iran would destabilize the region and threaten the United States and
our allies. Iran must alter its dangerous course, and the United States
needs to be fully involved to help bring this about.
My commitment to ending Iran's nuclear weapons program is one of the
reasons I was an early cosponsor of the Iran Counter Proliferation Act
of 2007. H.R. 1400 is important legislation that would prevent nuclear
cooperation between the United States and any country that provides
nuclear assistance to Iran as well as support diplomatic and economic
means to resolve the Iranian nuclear problem. It would also expand
bilateral sanctions against Iran by severely limiting the export of
U.S. items to Iran and by prohibiting all imports. Additionally, H.R.
1400 calls for enhanced UN Security Council efforts in response to
Iran's continued defiance of the
[[Page H10773]]
international community. Finally, it is important to note that the bill
specifically states that the administration cannot interpret anything
in the legislation as a congressional authorization of a military
strike on Iran.
Earlier this year, the House passed the Iran Sanctions Enabling Act
of 2007, H.R. 2347. This legislation which I also supported would
authorize State and local governments to divest from, and prevent
investment in, companies with financial ties to Iran's energy sector,
or that sell arms to the Government of Iran, and financial institutions
that extend credit to the Government of Iran.
H.R. 1400 is logical next step to ensure that the United States does
everything in our power to prevent Iran from becoming a nuclear state
and further destabilizing the Middle East. I urge my colleagues to
support this vital legislation.
Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strongest opposition to this
curiously-timed legislation which continues to beat the drums for war
against Iran. It is interesting that this legislation was not scheduled
for a vote this week, but appeared on the schedule at the last minute
after a controversial speech by Iran's President at Columbia
University.
The House has obviously learned nothing at all from the Iraq debacle.
In 2002, Congress voted to abrogate its Constitutional obligation to
declare war and instead transfer that authority to the President. Many
of my colleagues have expressed regrets over their decision to transfer
this authority to the President, yet this legislation is Iraq all over
again. Some have plausibly claimed that the move in this legislation to
designate the Iranian military as a foreign terrorist organization is
an attempt to signal to the President that he already has authority
under previous resolutions to initiate force against Iran. We should
recall that language specifically requiring the President to return to
Congress before initiating any strike on Iran was removed from
legislation by House leadership this year.
In expanding sanctions against Iran and against foreign businesses
and countries that do business with Iran, we are hurting the American
economy and moving the country closer to war. After all, sanctions are
a form of warfare against a nation; and, if anyone has forgotten Cuba,
sanctions never achieve the stated goals.
This legislation authorizes millions more dollars to identify and
support young Iranians to come to the United States. Does anyone
believe that we are assisting political opposition to the current
Iranian regime by singling Iranians out for U.S. support? How would
Americans react if the Chinese government were funding U.S. students to
come to China to learn how to overthrow the U.S. government? This move
is a counterproductive waste of U.S. taxpayer dollars.
The march to war with Iraq was preceded with numerous bills similar
to H.R. 1400. No one should be fooled: supporters of this legislation
are aiming the same outcome for Iran. I strongly urge a ``no'' vote on
this bill.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I again thank the chairman, Mr.
Lantos.
Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back
the balance of my time.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the
gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) that the House suspend the rules
and pass the bill, H.R. 1400, as amended.
The question was taken.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds
being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, this 15-
minute vote on the motion to suspend the rules on H.R. 1400 will be
followed by 5-minute votes on motions to suspend the rules postponed
yesterday in the following order:
H. Res. 584, by the yeas and nays;
H. Con. Res. 210, by the yeas and nays;
H. Res. 663, by the yeas and nays.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 397,
nays 16, not voting 19, as follows:
[Roll No. 895]
YEAS--397
Ackerman
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Allen
Altmire
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Bachmann
Bachus
Baird
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Barrow
Barton (TX)
Bean
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Biggert
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (NY)
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Bonner
Bono
Boozman
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boustany
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Brady (TX)
Braley (IA)
Broun (GA)
Brown (SC)
Brown, Corrine
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Butterfield
Buyer
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carney
Carter
Castle
Castor
Chabot
Chandler
Clarke
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Coble
Cohen
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Cooper
Costa
Costello
Courtney
Cramer
Crenshaw
Crowley
Cuellar
Culberson
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (KY)
Davis, David
Davis, Lincoln
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
DeFazio
DeGette
DeLauro
Dent
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Donnelly
Doolittle
Doyle
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Edwards
Ehlers
Ellsworth
Emanuel
Emerson
Engel
English (PA)
Eshoo
Etheridge
Everett
Fallin
Farr
Fattah
Feeney
Ferguson
Filner
Forbes
Fortenberry
Fossella
Foxx
Frank (MA)
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gerlach
Giffords
Gillibrand
Gingrey
Gohmert
Gonzalez
Goode
Goodlatte
Gordon
Granger
Graves
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hall (TX)
Hare
Harman
Hastert
Hastings (FL)
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hill
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hobson
Hodes
Hoekstra
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Hulshof
Hunter
Inglis (SC)
Inslee
Israel
Issa
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson (GA)
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Jones (OH)
Jordan
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Keller
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kirk
Klein (FL)
Kline (MN)
Knollenberg
Kuhl (NY)
LaHood
Lamborn
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latham
LaTourette
Levin
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (GA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Lynch
Mack
Mahoney (FL)
Maloney (NY)
Manzullo
Marchant
Markey
Marshall
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (CA)
McCarthy (NY)
McCaul (TX)
McCollum (MN)
McCotter
McCrery
McGovern
McHenry
McHugh
McIntyre
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
McNerney
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Mica
Michaud
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller (NC)
Miller, Gary
Mitchell
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moran (KS)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murphy, Tim
Murtha
Musgrave
Myrick
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Neugebauer
Nunes
Oberstar
Obey
Ortiz
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Pearce
Pence
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (GA)
Price (NC)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Radanovich
Rahall
Ramstad
Rangel
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reyes
Reynolds
Richardson
Rodriguez
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Royce
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Ryan (WI)
Salazar
Sali
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Saxton
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Sensenbrenner
Serrano
Sessions
Sestak
Shadegg
Shays
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Shimkus
Shuler
Shuster
Simpson
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Solis
Souder
Space
Spratt
Stearns
Stupak
Sullivan
Sutton
Tancredo
Tanner
Tauscher
Taylor
Terry
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Thornberry
Tiberi
Tierney
Towns
Turner
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Upton
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walberg
Walden (OR)
Walsh (NY)
Walz (MN)
Wamp
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Welch (VT)
Weldon (FL)
Weller
Westmoreland
Wexler
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (OH)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
NAYS--16
Abercrombie
Baldwin
Bartlett (MD)
Blumenauer
Conyers
Ellison
Flake
Gilchrest
Hinchey
Lee
McDermott
Miller, George
Moore (WI)
Olver
Paul
Stark
NOT VOTING--19
Berry
Bishop (GA)
Carson
Cubin
Davis (IL)
Davis, Jo Ann
Delahunt
Herger
Jindal
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, E. B.
Kucinich
Lampson
Platts
Poe
Ross
Schmidt
Snyder
Tiahrt
{time} 1142
Messrs. BLUMENAUER, GEORGE MILLER of California, GILCHREST, BARTLETT
of Maryland, CONYERS, HINCHEY, Ms. LEE and Ms. BALDWIN changed their
vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
[[Page H10774]]
Mr. NEAL of Massachusetts and Ms. LORETTA SANCHEZ of California
changed their vote from ``nay'' to ``yea.''
So (two-thirds being in the affirmative) the rules were suspended and
the bill, as amended, was passed.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
Stated if:
Mr. PLATTS. Mr. Speaker, on rollcall No. 895 (H.R. 1400), I missed
the vote due to extenuating circumstances. Had I been present, I would
have voted ``yea.''
Mrs. SCHMIDT. Mr. Speaker, on rollcall No. 895, I was late returning
from Walter Reed Army Medical Center and missed the vote. Had I been
present, I would have voted ``yea.''
____________________