[Congressional Record Volume 153, Number 126 (Thursday, August 2, 2007)]
[House]
[Pages H9565-H9579]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
ENSURING MILITARY READINESS THROUGH STABILITY AND PREDICTABILITY
DEPLOYMENT POLICY ACT OF 2007
Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 601, I call up
the bill (H.R. 3159) to mandate minimum periods of rest and
recuperation for units and members of the regular and reserve
components of the Armed Forces between deployments for Operation Iraqi
Freedom or Operation Enduring Freedom, and ask for its immediate
consideration.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The text of the bill is as follows:
H.R. 3159
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. MINIMUM PERIODS OF REST AND RECUPERATION FOR UNITS
AND MEMBERS OF THE ARMED FORCES BETWEEN
DEPLOYMENTS.
(a) Regular Components.--
(1) In general.--No unit or member of the Armed Forces
specified in paragraph (3) may be deployed for Operation
Iraqi Freedom or Operation Enduring Freedom (including
participation in the NATO International Security Assistance
Force (Afghanistan)) unless the period between the deployment
of the unit or member is equal to or longer than the period
of such previous deployment.
(2) Sense of congress on optimal minimum period between
deployments.--It is the sense of Congress that the optimal
minimum period between the previous deployment of a unit or
member of the Armed Forces specified in paragraph (3) to
Operation Iraqi Freedom or Operation Enduring Freedom and a
subsequent deployment of the unit or member to Operation
Iraqi Freedom or Operation Enduring Freedom should be equal
to or longer than twice the period of such previous
deployment.
(3) Covered units and members.--The units and members of
the Armed Forces specified in this paragraph are as follows:
(A) Units and members of the regular Army.
(B) Units and members of the regular Marine Corps.
(C) Units and members of the regular Navy.
(D) Units and members of the regular Air Force.
(E) Units and members of the regular Coast Guard.
(b) Reserve Components.--
(1) In general.--No unit or member of the Armed Forces
specified in paragraph (3) may be deployed for Operation
Iraqi Freedom or Operation Enduring Freedom (including
participation in the NATO International Security Assistance
Force (Afghanistan)) if the unit or member has been deployed
at any time within the three years preceding the date of the
deployment covered by this subsection.
(2) Sense of congress on mobilization and optimal minimum
period between deployments.--It is the sense of Congress that
the units and members of the reserve components of the Armed
Forces should not be mobilized continuously for more than one
year; and the optimal minimum period between the previous
deployment of a unit or member of the Armed Forces specified
in paragraph (3) to Operation Iraqi Freedom or Operation
Enduring Freedom and a subsequent deployment of the unit or
member to Operation Iraqi Freedom or Operation Enduring
Freedom should be five years.
(3) Covered units and members.--The units and members of
the Armed Forces specified in this paragraph are as follows:
(A) Units and members of the Army Reserve.
(B) Units and members of the Army National Guard.
(C) Units and members of the Marine Corps Reserve.
(D) Units and members of the Navy Reserve.
(E) Units and members of the Air Force Reserve.
(F) Units and members of the Air National Guard.
[[Page H9566]]
(G) Units and members of the Coast Guard Reserve.
(c) Waiver by the President.--The President may waive the
limitation in subsection (a) or (b) with respect to the
deployment of a unit or member of the Armed Forces if the
President certifies to Congress that the deployment of the
unit or member is necessary to meet an operational emergency
posing a threat to vital national security interests of the
United States.
(d) Waiver by Military Chief of Staff or Commandant for
Voluntary Mobilizations.--
(1) Army.--With respect to the deployment of a member of
the Army who has voluntarily requested mobilization, the
limitation in subsection (a) or (b) may be waived by the
Chief of Staff of the Army.
(2) Navy.--With respect to the deployment of a member of
the Navy who has voluntarily requested mobilization, the
limitation in subsection (a) or (b) may be waived by the
Chief of Naval Operations.
(3) Marine corps.--With respect to the deployment of a
member of the Marine Corps who has voluntarily requested
mobilization, the limitation in subsection (a) or (b) may be
waived by the Commandant of the Marine Corps.
(4) Air force.--With respect to the deployment of a member
of the Air Force who has voluntarily requested mobilization,
the limitation in subsection (a) or (b) may be waived by the
Chief of Staff of the Air Force.
(5) Coast guard.--With respect to the deployment of a
member of the Coast Guard who has voluntarily requested
mobilization, the limitation in subsection (a) or (b) may be
waived by the Commandant of the Coast Guard.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Weiner). Pursuant to House Resolution
601, the amendment in the nature of a substitute printed in the bill is
adopted and the bill, as amended, is considered read.
The text of the bill, as amended, is as follows:
H.R. 3159
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``Ensuring Military Readiness
Through Stability and Predictability Deployment Policy Act of
2007''.
SEC. 2. MINIMUM PERIODS OF REST AND RECUPERATION FOR UNITS OF
THE ARMED FORCES BETWEEN DEPLOYMENTS.
(a) Regular Components.--
(1) In general.--No unit of the Armed Forces specified in
paragraph (3) may be deployed in support of Operation Iraqi
Freedom unless the period between the most recent previous
deployment of the unit and a subsequent deployment of the
unit is equal to or longer than the period of such most
recent previous deployment.
(2) Sense of congress on optimal minimum period between
deployments.--It is the sense of Congress that the optimal
minimum period between the most recent previous deployment of
a unit of the Armed Forces specified in paragraph (3) and a
subsequent deployment of the unit in support of Operation
Iraqi Freedom should be equal to or longer than twice the
period of such most recent previous deployment.
(3) Covered units.--Subject to subsection (c), the units of
the Armed Forces specified in this paragraph are as follows:
(A) Units of the regular Army and members assigned to those
units.
(B) Units of the regular Marine Corps and members assigned
to those units.
(C) Units of the regular Navy and members assigned to those
units.
(D) Units of the regular Air Force and members assigned to
those units.
(b) Reserve Components.--
(1) In general.--No unit of the Armed Forces specified in
paragraph (3) may be deployed in support of Operation Iraqi
Freedom unless the period between the most recent previous
deployment of the unit and a subsequent deployment of the
unit is at least three times longer than the period of such
most recent previous deployment.
(2) Sense of congress on mobilization and optimal minimum
period between deployments.--It is the sense of Congress that
the units of the reserve components of the Armed Forces
should not be mobilized continuously for more than one year,
and the optimal minimum period between the previous
deployment of a unit of the Armed Forces specified in
paragraph (3) and a subsequent deployment of the unit in
support of Operation Iraqi Freedom should be five years.
(3) Covered units.--The units of the Armed Forces specified
in this paragraph are as follows:
(A) Units of the Army Reserve and members assigned to those
units.
(B) Units of the Army National Guard and members assigned
to those units.
(C) Units of the Marine Corps Reserve and members assigned
to those units.
(D) Units of the Navy Reserve and members assigned to those
units.
(E) Units of the Air Force Reserve and members assigned to
those units.
(F) Units of the Air National Guard and members assigned to
those units.
(c) Exemptions.--The limitations in subsections (a) and (b)
do not apply--
(1) to special operations forces as identified pursuant to
section 167(i) of title 10, United States Code; and
(2) to units of the Armed Forces needed, as determined by
the Secretary of Defense, to assist in the redeployment of
members of the Armed Forces from Iraq to another operational
requirement or back to their home stations.
(d) Waiver by the President.--The President may waive the
limitation in subsection (a) or (b) with respect to the
deployment of a unit of the Armed Forces to meet a threat to
the national security interests of the United States if the
President certifies to Congress within 30 days that the
deployment of the unit is necessary for such purposes.
(e) Waiver by Military Chief of Staff or Commandant for
Voluntary Mobilizations.--
(1) Army.--With respect to the deployment of a member of
the Army who has voluntarily requested mobilization, the
limitation in subsection (a) or (b) may be waived by the
Chief of Staff of the Army.
(2) Navy.--With respect to the deployment of a member of
the Navy who has voluntarily requested mobilization, the
limitation in subsection (a) or (b) may be waived by the
Chief of Naval Operations.
(3) Marine corps.--With respect to the deployment of a
member of the Marine Corps who has voluntarily requested
mobilization, the limitation in subsection (a) or (b) may be
waived by the Commandant of the Marine Corps.
(4) Air force.--With respect to the deployment of a member
of the Air Force who has voluntarily requested mobilization,
the limitation in subsection (a) or (b) may be waived by the
Chief of Staff of the Air Force.
(f) Definitions.--In this Act:
(1) Deployment.--The term ``deployment'' or ``deployed''
means the relocation of forces and materiel to desired areas
of operations and encompasses all activities from origin or
home station through destination, including staging, holding,
and movement in and through the United States and all
theaters of operation.
(2) Unit.--The term ``unit'' means a unit that is
deployable and is commanded by a commissioned officer of the
Army, Navy, Air Force, or Marine Corps serving in the grade
of major or, in the case of the Navy, lieutenant commander,
or a higher grade.
(g) Effective Date.--This Act shall take effect on the date
of the enactment of this Act.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Skelton)
and the gentleman from California (Mr. Hunter) each will control 30
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Missouri.
Mr. SKELTON. I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 3159, introduced by my
colleague on the House Armed Services Committee, Ellen Tauscher, the
gentlelady from California, as well as other Members of the House.
Our troops and their families are stressed and they are under
pressure. Yesterday, the USA Today newspaper had an article entitled,
``Stress of War Hits Army Kids Hard.'' The article, sadly, was about
the increasing number of child abuse and neglect cases among deployed
Army families. The article quotes Amy Lambert, an Army wife living at
Fort Stewart, Georgia. She states, ``I firmly believe that more time at
home between deployments would be the most beneficial solution.'' I
think that quote sums up the reason we're here and why this bill is
before the House.
Our troops and their families are tired. They are being stressed by
the continued and extended deployments. It's time that Congress takes a
stand on behalf of our families and states in a clear, unequivocal
voice that it is time that servicemembers have a minimum dwell time
between deployments.
This bill would require that active component units and members be
provided at least the same time at home as they are deployed. It would
also require that Reserve and National Guardsmen who are called to
deploy are given at least three times at home as they are deployed.
This proposed minimum period of deployment is less than the
Department's own goal, which provides that active duty servicemembers
should be deployed for 1 year, with 2 years back in home station, and
Reservists and Guardsmen should have 5 years between deployments.
The Army recently implemented a policy that requires active duty
units to deploy for 15 months and only spend 12 months back at their
home station. This is a troubling sign, Mr. Speaker, since the time
back at home station is used to reset, retrain and re-equip forces.
Servicemembers and their families are entitled to a predictable and
stable time between deployments. Congress needs to step up on behalf of
the troops, as well as their families, and say enough is enough.
We need to hold the Department accountable to their own policies and
protect the readiness of our forces. That's no small thing. We have a
moral responsibility to our troops to ensure
[[Page H9567]]
that their quality of life is reflective of the sacrifices that we ask
them to make.
We need to ensure that our active forces have at least the same
amount of time deployed that they have back home with their families,
and that our citizen-soldiers have at least three times the amount home
as that time deployed.
This bill is also about our national security and its readiness, and
it's about strategic risk. This bill will help to ensure that our
military can deal not only with Iraq, where they have been serving
remarkably under extraordinarily difficult conditions for 4 years, but
wherever the next conflict occurs, our force must have adequate time to
train if it is to be prepared.
And in this exceptional all-volunteer force, we must keep our
retention levels up if we are to insure that our military will be able
to succeed both now and in the next fight, which, of course, is very
unpredictable.
H.R. 3159 is a step in the right direction. I urge my colleagues to
stand with us in support of our troops and in support of our families.
Before I reserve the balance of my time, I ask unanimous consent that
the gentlelady from California (Mrs. Tauscher) control the time on my
behalf.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Lynch). Is there objection to the
request of the gentleman from Missouri?
There was no objection.
Mr. SKELTON. I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the bill.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from California is recognized
for 30 minutes.
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself as much time as I might
consume.
Mr. Speaker, this is a well-motivated bill. I want to commend my
colleagues on the Armed Services Committee for all the great work that
they do, Democrat and Republican. Most of the time we're on common
ground. In this case, I think that this bill does not accrue to the
benefit of the troops. I think it hurts the troops.
{time} 1200
I think that is a question every Member of the House has to ask
themselves: Is this going to be good for the troops, or is it going to
be bad for the troops?
I think it will be bad for the troops, for this reason: We are
fighting a war in Iraq which requires innovation, flexibility and
experience. This bill, which will put a straitjacket on our ability to
deploy troops on the basis that their clock has not yet expired back in
the United States before they go over, is going to have an incredibly
detrimental affect on our ability to project a well-rounded, effective
fighting team in the warfighting theater in Iraq.
Let me talk about that a little bit, Mr. Speaker.
You are going to have units which desperately require specialties.
Some of the specialties, I would remind my friend, are IEDs, the
ability to operate jammers, the ability perhaps to decontaminate if you
come into contact with some of the chemical weapons stockpiles that
were left by the old regime. Military effectiveness is built on dozens
and dozens of specialities, all of which support the other.
The idea that you can't put this team together, that the Marines or
the Army can't put their warfighting team together because they looked
at the list of people who are most able to fill those roles, most able
to move in and stand next to their fellow Marine, their fellow soldier,
their fellow airman, the guy that is doing the mechanic work on that
important helicopter that is going to be the transportation vehicle,
the guy that is doing the repair work on that particular weapons
system, those people are not going to be able to flow over into the
theater because their clock hasn't moved appropriately on the one-to-
one ratio.
Now, we consulted the U.S. Marines on this provision. We didn't
consult political people in the White House. We didn't consult people
who had an opinion on whether or not we should be in Iraq. We consulted
the people who have the job of putting together these packages of
personnel which are required in the warfighting theater and
transporting them to the theater.
Of course, the Deputy Commandant of the Marine Corps for Plans and
Operations is Lieutenant General Richard Natonski. Here is his
statement he gave to the committee. He said, ``In order to support OIF
requirements during Fiscal Year 2008 and comply with the minimum period
between deployments proposed by provisions like H.R. 3159, a one-to-one
ratio, the Marine Corps would have to adjust force generation plans.
These plan adjustments would include extending unit deployments.''
Somebody has to stay on the battlefield. The battlefield is not going
to be empty. So if you are not going to allow new Marines to come in,
the Marines that are there right now are going to have to stay there.
It is the same with the Army. These plan adjustments could include
extending unit deployments, creating provisional units. That means you
are going to have to put new units together because the old unit hasn't
had its meter expire yet. And forcing units to execute missions as in-
lieu-of forces, meaning that units that don't have that specialty are
going to have to become units that have that specialty. That means
``quickie'' training and moving people immediately into the battlefield
to fill a role that otherwise could be filled by people who have a deep
specialty in that capability.
Mr. Speaker, he finishes with this statement that every Member of
Congress should listen to very carefully. He said, each of these
adjustments that will be required by Mrs. Tauscher's bill, among
others, incurs higher risk than that associated with deploying the unit
at a deployment-to-dwell time of seven to six.
I want to remind my colleagues, higher risk means higher risk of
casualties. That is what happens when the guy that is supporting you on
the battlefield doesn't have as much experience as you would like him
to have, doesn't have that specialty, hasn't been there before, doesn't
have that insight that is going to keep you alive.
Mr. Speaker, this is a well-meaning bill. But if you ask this
question, does it help the troops or hurt the troops, this bill hurts
the troops.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mrs. TAUSCHER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Mr. Speaker, I am honored to offer H.R. 3159, a bipartisan bill to
mandate minimum periods of rest, training and recuperation for units
and members of the regular and Reserve components of our Armed Forces
between deployment. Fixing our troops' unpredictable rest and
retraining policy is long overdue.
In an interview last Monday, Marine Corps Commander General James
Conway highlighted repeated deployments and short periods of time
between them to rest as factors contributing to increased mental stress
and burdens on families of service men and women.
As a member of the Armed Services Committee, I am intimately
acquainted with how this war has damaged our national security, our
diplomatic standing and the readiness of our military; and, as a
Californian, I am well aware of how it is draining the defense and
security resources of my home State and others.
As we speak, a unit from Walnut Creek, California, in my district, is
leading a task force comprised of six units that come from armories
throughout the East Bay and Northern California. The California Army
National Guard indicates that the unit of 824 soldiers is the largest
single California National Guard unit to be deployed since the Korean
War. These are men and women who will benefit from this legislation in
real time.
We are sending more and more men and women to Iraq every day. The
Bush administration is failing to accurately account for all of the
costs of these repeated deployments. On the microlevel, our deployed
men and women are being taken away from their families in a revolving
door of service because the war has gone on much longer than the
President believed it would. And on a larger scale, we are damaging the
readiness for our Armed Forces to defend against future attacks here at
home and around the world, as well as national emergencies here at
home.
Mr. Speaker, my bill simply states that if a unit or a member of a
regular
[[Page H9568]]
component of the Armed Forces deploys to Iraq, they will have an
equivalent amount of time at home before they are redeployed. No unit
or member of a Reserve component, including the National Guard, could
be redeployed to Iraq within 3 years of their previous deployment. In
the event of an operational emergency posing a threat to vital national
security interests, the President may waive the amendment's limitations
by certifying to Congress that deployment of the unit or a member is
necessary for national security.
The military departments also are provided waiver authority in the
bill for individual volunteers who seek to redeploy before the
expiration of the mandated time of rest between the deployments. This
bill in no way, shape or form hinders the Commander in Chief's ability
to manage military personnel.
Mr. Speaker, it is critical that we come together and take a very
critical step to preserve the readiness of our men and women in uniform
for them and for our national security.
If we are honest about wanting to support our troops, there is no
better place to start than to correct our troop rotation policy. For
far too long, the members of the Guard and Reserve have been
unrepresented in Congress. Today, every Member has an opportunity to
help them.
Mr. Speaker, I include the following letters of support for my bill
from the Reserve Enlisted Association and Veterans for America.
Reserve Enlisted Association,
July 27, 2007.
Hon. Ellen Tauscher,
Washington, DC.
Dear Congresswoman Tauscher: Thank you on behalf of the
members of the Reserve Enlisted Association of the United
States (REA) for keeping enlisted men and women serving in
the Reserve Component in the forefront of your work as
evidenced by your introduction of a bill to mandate minimum
periods of rest and recuperation between deployments.
REA appreciates the intent of the bill to provide
predictability for serving reservists, their families and
their employers.
Your continued support of the Reserve Components is greatly
appreciated.
Sincerely,
Lani Burnett,
CMSgt, USAFR (RET),
Executive Director.
____
Veterans for America Statement in Support of H.R. 3169
We are compounding the wounds of war.--Bobby Muller,
President of Veterans for America.
Veterans for America strongly supports H.R. 3159, sponsored
by Rep. Ellen Tauscher, calling for adequate dwell time for
our service members serving in Iraq and elsewhere.
Current deployment policies and operational tempo are
compounding the wounds of war. It is a medical fact--
confirmed by DoD studies such as the Mental Health Advisory
Team IV--that repeated exposure to combat greatly increases
the likelihood of service-connected mental health problems.
The DoD Mental Health Task Force has already reported that
almost half of the members of the Guard and Reserve who have
served in Iraq are experiencing such problems, as are 38
percent of Soldiers, and 31 percent of Marines.
Inadequate dwell time will cause these numbers to further
increase.
Rep. Tauscher's bill will help to ensure that our brave men
and women in uniform have the time at home they need to
prepare for a return to combat.
Veterans for America urges members of the House Armed
Services Committee to support this important legislation. The
well-being of our service members depends on it.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to briefly comment to my colleague from
California when he talks about and laments on behalf of the Pentagon
about all of the problems that they are potentially going to have
making all these units up and doing all of these things.
I would like to remind my colleague that the Pentagon has plenty of
people speaking for them and working for them. It is our job as the
Members of the House of Representatives to speak for our Armed Forces
and their families to be sure that we have a consistent policy for
dwell time and rest. I appreciate the fact that we are all interested
in making sure that we have a strong military, but we need to do that
in a way that is responsible and responsive to the needs of our
military and their families.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I would like to yield 4 minutes to the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Saxton), who is a former chairman of the
Terrorism Subcommittee and the ranking member on the Subcommittee on
Air and Land Forces.
Mr. SAXTON. I want to thank Mr. Hunter for yielding time and just say
to my friend, Mrs. Tauscher, that I very much understand and appreciate
the goals that she has in bringing this legislation forward, but, at
the same time, I think there are some realities that we have to face
relative to the subject that the bill addresses.
The problem here is twofold. Number one, there is the issue of
command flexibility. As Mr. Hunter pointed out just a few minutes ago,
we learned in previous wars that making decisions on tactical
activities in a war should not probably be made at the White House and
probably should even less likely be made here by 435 Members of
Congress.
So while I very much appreciate and agree with the goal of making
sure that every soldier and Marine and every member of the four
services gets time to recharge their batteries between deployments,
having a law which stipulates how precisely that is to be done is a
very unwise thing to do.
Secondly, let me say that this problem involves the total number of
people that we have in the service. We make decisions from time to
time, and sometimes those decisions are right, hopefully most of the
time those decisions are right, but sometimes they are not.
In 1991 and 1992, when we started to hear about the ``peace
dividend,'' we decided, collectively, all of us together, some in
disagreement, that it would be okay to reduce the size of the Army from
about 18 divisions to the equivalent of 10. We collectively decided to
reduce the number of people in the Army significantly, almost by half.
So today we are operating with the equivalent of 10 divisions, made up
in a different structure, a brigade structure; and today 20 of those
brigades, Army and Marine brigades, are deployed in Iraq.
When the Commander in Chief and his military commanders in the field
decide they need to make changes, they make them based on need, based
on threat, and based on operational plans and operational capabilities.
That flexibility must in this situation, in my opinion, be preserved.
So, while those of us on this side of the aisle certainly share the
goals of the gentlewoman from California, this bill is most unwise and
will do, as Mr. Hunter said, much more harm than good to our troops in
the field.
Mrs. TAUSCHER. Mr. Speaker, at this time, I am happy to yield 1
minute to my friend and colleague from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews).
(Mr. ANDREWS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. ANDREWS. I thank my friend for yielding and I rise in strong
support of her legislation.
Mr. Speaker, there is no disagreement that we should do only what is
right for our troops in the field and keep them safe, but there is a
disagreement over the meaning of article I of the Constitution of the
United States.
Conduct of the foreign policy of this country is not the exclusive
purview of the executive branch, but for too long in this institution
we have behaved as if it is. So this bill says that it is about time
that the Congress of the United States took on our responsibility for
assessing the problems in Iraq, took on our responsibility to provide
for the common defense. Not to be a spectator as the executive branch
makes these decisions in isolation but to be a thoughtful and full
partner in that decision-making process.
It is very important for the Members to understand that if the
President feels that there is an impairment to the national security of
the country, he has the authority to waive the provisions of this bill.
But, absent that, he should abide by it.
Please vote ``yes.''
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Iowa
(Mr. King).
Mr. KING of Iowa. I thank my friend from California for yielding.
Mr. Speaker, I listened with interest to this debate. I think I will
start with the constitutional side of this and what I believe is a
disagreement and maybe a fundamental and real disagreement in the
Constitution.
I will make this statement, that the Constitution grants Congress the
[[Page H9569]]
power to do three things with regard to war: One of them is to declare
it, and that is clear; the second one is to raise an Army and a Navy
and, by implication, an Air Force, and that is clear; and the third
thing is to fund it. But there is nothing in this Constitution that
says that we have the authority to overrule the Commander in Chief, nor
to micromanage a war. Nor are there any 535 generals that are somehow
or another empowered within article I or any other article of the
Constitution it.
So when the gentleman says that it is a constitutional responsibility
of Congress to conduct foreign policy, I would ask, where in this
Constitution do you find that? I find that all vested in the powers of
the President, where he appoints ambassadors, he sets foreign policy.
Yes, with the advice and consent of the Senate on the confirmation, but
it is the President's foreign policy, it is the President's State
Department, and it is the President's military to command.
When we deviate from that, we put ourselves in the condition where
our Continental Army was back before we established this Constitution.
They knew what was wrong. The Continental Congress was trying to fight
a war by consensus, and that is why we have a Commander in Chief, and
we must adhere to that.
If you really want to give some rest to these troops, don't tell the
President what he has to do. He is doing all he can to give our troops
all the rest he can.
I just came back from there. Expand this standing, active duty
military so that they can get some rest. Don't pull them out of the
field. And if you are sincere about this, don't limit it to Operation
Iraqi Freedom. Expand this globally. If you really mean it, they get
tired wherever they are, in Afghanistan, Iraq and wherever they happen
to be on the globe.
The President knows that. He cares about these troops. I looked him
in the eye last week. He is doing everything he can. Everyone is a
volunteer, and everyone is a volunteer not just for the military but
for this mission. And you cannot separate your support for the troops
from support of the mission. You must support their mission. If you are
going to ask them to put their lives on the line for us, then you stand
for their mission. The least we can do is wait for General Petraeus'
report.
Mrs. TAUSCHER. Mr. Speaker, I would like to remind my colleagues that
opposing this bill is to ratify the status quo; and if my colleagues
choose to say that things are going just great, that we are not
damaging our readiness, that we are not damaging the ability for the
Guard to be home when they are needed by their Governors to do
emergencies here, that we are not overstressing our troops, then I urge
my colleagues not to support my bill. They are then ratifying the
status quo.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to my friend and colleague, the
gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Cummings).
Mr. CUMMINGS. I want to thank Mrs. Tauscher for this very important
legislation, and I support it wholeheartedly.
I want to say to the last gentleman that spoke, it is because we
support our troops, because we care about them and their families, that
we support this legislation. 159,000 of our troops are currently
deployed in battle to stabilize Iraq.
{time} 1220
On Tuesday, the United States Department of Defense reported that
another 20,000 will be sent to Iraq for rotation duty.
In the meantime, our servicemembers continue to suffer through
multiple deployments with little time for rest or to retrain. The DOD
has continuously failed to meet the goal of deploying active duty
troops for 1 year and allowing them to rest for 2, along with ensuring
that Reservists are deployed for 1 year and rest for 5. This failure
has often been called a backdoor draft.
Not only has ongoing multiple deployments had a detrimental physical
and emotional impact on our troops and their families, but it also has
hindered the Armed Forces' ability to reach its retention and
recruitment goals. Namely, both the Army and Air Force have failed to
reach their retention goals for the mid-career and career personnel. At
the current rate, there will be few officers and enlisted soldiers left
to lead. Who will be our next generation of soldiers? I urge all of my
colleagues to vote in support of this legislation.
Mr. HUNTER. I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Virginia (Mrs.
Drake).
Mrs. DRAKE. Mr. Speaker, I recognize that this is a contentious
issue. I also recognize that some of us will never agree on the
question of Iraq and whether our presence there is justified. However,
I believe there is common ground, and I introduced a substitute
amendment during the Armed Services Committee that highlights the
common ground.
My substitute amendment, which is modeled after Senator Lindsey
Graham's alternative to what has come to be known as the Webb
amendment, replaced the base text with a sense of Congress that the
Department of Defense should strive to meet certain goals concerning
dwell time between troop deployment.
My amendment maintained the goals that are outlined in the underlying
bill. My amendment represents an alternative that touches on the issues
that all of us, Republicans and Democrats, agree on. We all agree that
our troops need to rest between deployment. We all agree that a rested
fighting force is an effective fighting force. We all agree, hopefully,
that these goals should not be limited to troops deployed to Operation
Iraqi Freedom, which the underlying bill unfortunately does.
We all agree that this committee must continue, as it has done so
effectively in the past, providing the resources to our troops that
they need to do their jobs effectively and safely.
I believe this bill creates an unrealistic expectation on the part of
our families and our military members. The bill does not define threat
to national security interests, and the Presidential waiver is simply
paperwork with no minimum standard.
I also believe this bill violates the separation of powers as defined
in our Constitution. Unfortunately, the Democrat majority decided to
consider this bill under a closed rule with no room for debate on
alternatives.
Mr. Speaker, there is common ground on this issue, but,
unfortunately, it is not represented in this bill, and I urge my
colleagues to vote against H.R. 3159.
Mrs. TAUSCHER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
North Carolina (Mr. Jones).
Mr. JONES of North Carolina. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for
introducing this legislation and giving me 1 minute.
Deployed, depleted, desperate. Deployed, depleted, desperate. A news
article in the Raleigh, North Carolina, paper in April of this year,
and I read: ``The volunteer military, especially the Army and the
Marine Corps, has been ground down by endless combat deployments.''
Deployed, depleted, desperate. They desperately need this bill to pass
so they can spend time with their families.
One other quick point. An Army study found that the more often
soldiers are deployed, the longer they are deployed each time. And the
less time they spend at home, the more likely they are to suffer mental
health problems, such as combat trauma, anxiety, and depression.
I close by saying again, deployed, depleted, desperate. We have got
to pass this legislation. God bless our men and women in uniform. As
Barry McCaffrey said in the spring of this year, the Army and the
Marine Corps are going to unravel if we don't help them.
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I want to address my remarks to the
gentleman, for a second, to the gentleman who just spoke.
My son is a marine who is doing his third tour. He is calm. He is
determined. He loves his country, just like all of his fellow marines.
The constant illustrating or projecting of our Armed Forces as somehow
victims is something that finds absolutely no truth when you go out
among our uniformed personnel.
The Marine Corps has never been more effective. They have never had
higher morale. They have excellent reenlistment rates. Interestingly,
there are high reenlistment rates among the
[[Page H9570]]
people that are in combat. They are not deployed to the point where
they are depleted, and they are not desperate and their families are
not desperate.
With those happy words, I would like to yield 3 minutes to the
gentleman from California (Mr. McKeon), a member of the committee.
Mr. McKEON. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I
thank him and his family and son, especially, who joined the Marines
the day after
9/11 and is now serving his third deployment.
I rise today in opposition to the cleverly dubbed troop readiness
bill being considered. While none of us here want to be at war, the
fact remains that we are. And we owe it to the honorable men and women
in uniform to provide the proper tools, resources and atmosphere for
victory.
So it is beyond my comprehension that my colleagues on the other side
of the aisle must insist on limiting the authority of our military
leaders and General Petraeus.
From the outset, this poorly crafted dwell time bill may have the
faint appearance of trying to improve the readiness of units and
quality of life of members in the Armed Forces, but it is just another
example of the disingenuous goal masked by a clever name. In truth, the
bill is a backhanded attempt to force an American withdrawal from Iraq.
In doing so, the bill limits the flexibility of the U.S. military
commanders to conduct operations in the field and only prohibits troops
deployed in Iraq. This is a point that should not be overlooked. The
true intent of this legislation is obvious. There are mandates that
only apply to the U.S. forces committed to Operation Iraqi Freedom.
Afghanistan, another active theater in this war against terror, is not
even mentioned. If this were a sincere effort on the part of my
Democrat counterparts, it would apply to all deployments.
Mr. Speaker, the harsh realities in this bill would have lasting
negative effects on our military and would inappropriately infringe
upon the constitutional duties of the President of the United States as
Commander in Chief. If this bill were to become law, it would paralyze
our military. It would increase stress on our Armed Forces by reducing
the pool of forces available and would intensify the risk of our
soldiers remaining in Iraq. Moreover, it could theoretically extend the
amount of time forces remain on the ground in Iraq, which would
negatively impact the morale of our soldiers and their families at
home.
Mr. Speaker, H.R. 3159 is bad policy, and I urge my colleagues to
oppose it. Churchill once said in the midst of another war, ``Give us
the tools and we will finish the job.''
Mr. Speaker, it is the duty of this House and of this Congress and of
this Nation to give our men and women the resources they need to see
this conflict through to the end. While our troops are fighting in
Iraq, Democrat leadership is crafting thinly veiled legislation to
weaken their ability to succeed, and I think we must ask ourselves why.
I urge my colleagues to join me in opposing this bill.
Mrs. TAUSCHER. Mr. Speaker, I remind my colleagues that voting
against this bill is to vote for the status quo.
At this time I am very happy to yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman
from California (Ms. Harman).
Ms. HARMAN. Mr. Speaker, to paraphrase an old ad, when Ellen Tauscher
and Ike Skelton speak, I listen. They work together carefully on
important legislation, and this is a piece of important legislation.
I don't know about others in this Chamber, but I am tired. We have
been working all day and all night for weeks to try to get to an August
recess after accomplishing as much as possible. It is 100 degrees
outside. The humidity level is very high, but we are in an air-
conditioned place.
In contrast to us, over 100,000 American troops, very brave kids, are
in 120 degree weather with 40 to 75 pounds of equipment on their backs,
bravely defending America. I think as tired as I am, this bill strikes
the right tone and says that in order to fulfill our constitutional
duty to provide for the common defense, our constitutional duty to
provide for the common defense, we have to make sure that we have a
ready military.
Mr. Speaker, we don't. It is broken. Every expert we have heard from
knows that. Our failure to plan adequately for the post-military phase
in Iraq and Afghanistan and elsewhere has created a broken military.
So I commend the sponsor of this bill and the others who have helped
draft it. I am proud to be a cosponsor in the effort to state clearly
that the kids we have sent into harm's way should get the rest and
training they deserve.
I would close by saying there was a lot of conversation this morning
about FISA and how we are at heightened risk and we are doing the wrong
things. Well, I know what is the right thing to do about FISA, and I
know what is the right thing to do about a broken military. Pass this
bill.
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I am just constrained again, and I yield
myself 30 seconds.
The military is not broken. The Army is not broken. The Marine Corps
is not broken. This continued depiction of our military people as
victims who are totally desperate, as the last Member of Congress who
spoke on the other side depicted them, that they are somehow desperate,
their families are desperate, they are ineffective, they are broken, is
totally in error.
We have never had better morale. We have never been more effective.
The interesting thing is the people who are reenlisting are reenlisting
from the combat units. That means that they think that their mission
has value, and that means that they have high morale.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Michigan (Mrs.
Miller).
Mrs. MILLER of Michigan. Mr. Speaker, I don't think you can find a
single Member in this House who does not want the war in Iraq to end.
We pray every day, every day that the war ends. And we are all so very
proud of the brave men and women who serve us in the Armed Forces. We
all want them to come home to their families safe and secure.
But unfortunately, the terrorists don't really care what we want.
Like it or not, the terrorists' war against us is going to continue
through the end of this administration and into the next. Whatever you
think of George W. Bush, after his time is up, this war will not end.
I can understand the consternation that some have for the way the
Bush administration has prosecuted this war. I can understand the
desire of some who want to tie his hands. But for the life of me, I
cannot understand why we would want to tie the hands of the next
administration, of the next President, as he, or she, takes on the
mantle of responsibility to lead our Armed Forces as Commander in
Chief.
In fact, I just heard the other day one of the major Democrat
Presidential contenders, Senator Obama, who said that as President he
might order an invasion into Pakistan. This, of course, would be a
major escalation of the war. How would this legislation affect his
ability to do that? What impact would it have on our troops, because
this legislation only refers to Iraq deployments.
Could some troops who just returned from Iraq, could they immediately
be deployed to Pakistan by ``President Obama''. I believe it would
allow that, regardless of their need for dwell time.
All of us need to think through everything we are doing and how our
actions affect our troops and their families. Military families should
not be given false hope of decreased deployments and longer dwell
times, because any President forced to take on the tremendous
responsibility of leading our Armed Forces in this war will just
utilize the waiver provisions in this bill and make it meaningless.
You would think any President would just give their Secretary of
Defense a blanket waiver. So really, what is the point of this
legislation?
Mr. Speaker, in September, General Petraeus will be coming to
Congress with his unvarnished assessment in his report on progress in
Iraq. Recent reports fortunately have been more positive about the
progress being made by our military; although, I will note that the
lack of progress by the Iraqi Government on the political front remains
a huge problem. The fact that the Iraqi Parliament is taking a recess
is cause for great consternation.
[[Page H9571]]
But let us all pray that real progress is happening which will allow
our troops to come home, and complete their mission and come home soon.
I would ask my colleagues to wait to hear the assessment from General
Petraeus and then make a judgment on how to move forward in Iraq. I
don't believe this legislation is fair to our troops.
And I also want to make a point that I have very high regard and
respect for my colleague, the gentlewoman from California, who brings
this to the floor today. I do not question her motives for a moment on
this, but I do urge my colleagues to defeat this legislation.
Mrs. TAUSCHER. Mr. Speaker, at this time I am very happy to yield
1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Gilchrest).
Mr. GILCHREST. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding.
I want to say as a marine combat veteran 40 years ago in Vietnam, I
sometimes wonder, as I look around this Chamber, which Members would I
follow into combat. Those of you who are sitting here now, those of you
who are sitting here now, are you competent enough to lead soldiers
into this very difficult human endeavor?
The troops are doing a stunningly competent job and they continue to
do so. Are we as Members of this House doing a stunningly competent job
to be thoroughly informed about the problems of the war in Iraq and the
Middle East?
Part of our competence must be to understand the psychological and
physical stress our soldiers in real combat must endure. Experience in
combat, those of us who have been there, know how valuable that is to
one soldier and the next soldier. But we as policymakers must come up
with a policy, and we weigh that experience that is necessary with the
physical and psychological endurance of those soldiers that is
necessary.
Respecting the troops means we are responsible and competent in
developing a policy that is worthy of those young men and women. I urge
support for this legislation.
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I would like to yield 3 minutes to the
gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Akin) whose son has served as a marine in
Iraq.
Mr. AKIN. Mr. Speaker, I have to say in terms of sympathy, I
understand the motivation I believe and the interest in our troops that
this legislation is designed to deal with. I have two marines that are
my sons. I have visited the one when he was in Fallujah. I talked to a
number of their troops. I think I understand the stresses that are
involved in warfare, also as somebody who served as an officer myself.
That said, however, I think there is a danger when we take a look at
a specific problem and we try to micromanage a solution from the
position of Congress. It didn't work during the War of Independence.
And the trade-offs as to whether or not you are going to leave somebody
in theater longer, there are a lot of different factors that you have
to balance and a lot of special situations.
To give you one that seems a little bit obvious, I suspect that
General Petraeus and other generals have been in theater a pretty long
time. They probably would have to get a special waiver from the
President to do their jobs.
We understand it would be better if they could take a break and see
their families more, but the specific situation in their situation
calls for the fact that this sort of blanket rule we are going to top-
down impose as Congressmen or Congresswomen doesn't make a whole lot of
sense.
{time} 1240
To try to set up a policy now and to hamstring all the military
planners and to apply it just specifically to the situation in Iraq
effectively reduces our options, makes it more complicated for us to
get our job done, and effectively makes it so that we have less
practical combat strength.
I think all of us have agreed that we've seen that we need more
troops, and that's something that we need to deal with and have the
courage to put that into the budgets in the future. But I think this is
a micromanagement. While it may be inspired by good intentions, and I
do know that there is a lot of stress on Marine families and Army
families as well, I think this is the wrong to go, and I would urge my
colleagues to vote ``no.''
Mrs. TAUSCHER. Mr. Speaker, I'm so happy to yield 1 minute to my
friend and colleague, the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Loebsack).
Mr. LOEBSACK. I thank the gentlewoman from California for yielding.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in very strong support of H.R. 3159, of
which I'm a proud cosponsor.
I would like to thank the gentlewoman from California and the
chairman of the Armed Services Committee for their leadership on this
issue.
Just 14 months after returning from deployment in support of
Operation Iraqi Freedom, the 833rd Engineer Company of the Iowa Army
National Guard was again mobilized for combat duty in Iraq. The men and
women of the 833rd have served with distinction. Yet, by providing
inadequate and unpredictable rest between deployments, the Bush
administration has broken our contract with our citizen soldiers. We
have strained our troops, endangering both our men and women in uniform
and our national security.
Our servicemembers must have the dwell time necessary to be fully
rested, trained and equipped. This bill provides the rest and
predictability necessary to ensure the health of our Armed Forces, and
I strongly urge its passage.
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield to Mr. Shimkus, the gentleman from
Illinois, 3 minutes.
(Mr. SHIMKUS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. SHIMKUS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the ranking member and my good
friend, Congresswoman Tauscher.
This is a tough bill, and I appreciate it being brought to the floor.
People know I come here heartfelt because of my 25 years connected with
the United States Army. I don't like to throw that out. You know that.
An Army Ranger and Army paratrooper, still an active reservist, but I
have become frustrated that we are losing sight of why we have a
military.
The mission of the United States military is to fight and win our
Nation's wars. Now, many people don't want us to have a military, I
understand that, but I think the best hope for democracy and freedom in
the world today, even in our work with NATO, is a strong, powerful,
committed, professional United States military, and we work on that
with our NATO allies.
The mission of the infantry is to get close with and destroy our
enemies. Destroy our enemies, to go after them and fight them and send
down the message that we're going to fight you until you leave us
alone.
Now, there are folks on the other side who don't want us to have
that. I am one that thinks it's necessary to have in this country. So I
don't think we're in conflict. I do think that we have lost some faith
in our leadership in the military. I still have it. I still think our
career military officers will make the tough call to deploy and use
their troops.
I'm going a little bit slower than I hoped because I'm talking from
the heart, but more than just the officer rank, it's the career
enlisted leaders. In the Army, it's the command sergeant majors all the
way up, from the commanding down to the first sergeant in the company.
You have to believe that they will raise the issue about whether their
troops cannot perform the mission. That is part of who they are. And
when you fight in the trenches and you develop that bond that makes you
an effective fighting force, how dare they not think about their
soldiers first. I think they do.
I believe in the military. I think their heart's right, and our
volunteer military is the best on the face of the earth today. I know
we want to keep it that way.
I'm not sure this is the right way to go, but I just wanted to come
down and talk from the military's perspective.
General Leave
Mrs. TAUSCHER. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members
may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their
remarks on H.R. 3159.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentlewoman from California?
There was no objection.
Mrs. TAUSCHER. Mr. Speaker, at this time, I'm honored to yield 2
minutes to my friend and colleague, the gentlewoman from New Hampshire
[[Page H9572]]
(Ms. Shea-Porter) who's a cosponsor of this legislation.
Ms. SHEA-PORTER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from California
for the opportunity.
I stand here today in strong support of H.R. 3159. As a former
military spouse and the proud wife of a veteran, I know how important
this is to military families. The President's policies have failed on
many levels, but they certainly have failed on the soldiers, the troops
who are suffering this great strain right now.
I find it ironic that the Iraqi parliament is on vacation for a month
while we stand here and tell our troops that they cannot have a break,
that they need to stay in the field in the heat and keep fighting the
battle for the Iraqis.
The Army's available, active duty combat brigades, along with 80
percent of the Reserves and National Guard, have served at least one
tour in Iraq and Afghanistan; and the strain is starting to show.
Recruiting and reenlistment are down, especially in the Army which
has reported about a 7 percent first retention drop, and we're having
to offer greater bonuses to attract people. Reports of traumatic brain
injury and post-traumatic stress syndrome are up; and this spring the
Secretary of Defense announced that active duty soldiers can expect to
spend more time in Iraq than they spend at home, with only 12-month
breaks between 15-month deployments.
We hear a lot of talk from the White House about supporting our
troops. That is what this bill does. This bill will support our troops
by supporting their right to have a break from combat, and it will
support our military families by protecting their rights to spend time
with their loved ones.
I urge my colleagues, regardless of how they feel about this war and
the President's policies, to support H.R. 3159.
Mrs. TAUSCHER. Mr. Speaker, at this time, I'm happy to yield 1 minute
to my friend, colleague and neighbor from California (Ms. Lee).
Ms. LEE. Mr. Speaker, let me just say thank you to the gentlewoman
from California (Mrs. Tauscher) for putting forth this bill, which I
believe will take a significant step forward in ending this occupation
in Iraq.
This administration professes to care about our troops, so let me
tell you, why have about 250,000 of our troops served more than one
tour? Tell me this, why have tours in Iraq been extended for all active
duty Army soldiers from 12 months to 15 months?
I will tell you why. This administration, after nearly 5 years,
nearly half a trillion dollars, and nearly 3,700 brave American lives,
is willing to sacrifice the health and safety of our troops and the
security of our Nation in a last-ditch effort to save face for its
failed policies in Iraq.
Enough is enough, Mr. Speaker. The price is simply too high. The
least we can do is give our troops this badly needed break. That's the
least we can do.
I congratulate Congresswoman Tauscher for this legislation and urge
my colleagues to support it. Our troops need this, and both sides of
the aisle should vote for this in a bipartisan fashion.
Mrs. TAUSCHER. Mr. Speaker, at this time, I'm happy to yield 1 minute
to my friend and colleague, the gentleman from Georgia, who is the vice
chairman of the Subcommittee on Terrorism on the Foreign Affairs
Committee, Mr. Scott.
Mr. SCOTT of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I thank very much Mrs. Tauscher.
It's such a pleasure to be here.
This is an extraordinarily important bill, and it is timely. I think
it's very important to answer one of my colleague's questions about the
constitutional responsibilities. It's clear in Article I, section 2, of
the Constitution. Both James Madison as well as Hamilton concurred when
they mentioned not only to declare war is the duty of the Congress, not
only to raise the Army, but to support the Army. Those words are there,
Mr. Speaker.
Now, I have been over to Iraq and Afghanistan and talked and looked
at the soldiers themselves. I've gone throughout my district and talked
to soldiers' families. The stress is in their eyes as you go.
I've gone to Landstuhl in Germany and sat with our soldiers on every
trip. I've been three times over there and three times we've been to
Germany and talked. The stress is there.
In the military report that was just issued, Mr. Speaker, it said
that the extension of the duty, the longer the time and the stress of
combat, the longer and the greater occurrences of psychological stress.
Our Army may not be broken, Mr. Speaker, but it's at the breaking
point, and we need to give ample time for our soldiers to come home and
rest.
If you care about the soldiers, vote for this bill.
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield to Dr. Gingrey, the gentleman from
Georgia, 3\1/2\ minutes.
Mr. GINGREY. Mr. Speaker, I want to refer to my colleague from
Georgia who just spoke. I reference article II, section 2, of the
Constitution where it says the President shall be Commander in Chief of
the Army and the Navy of the United States and of a militia of the
several States.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong opposition to this legislation.
It's rather outrageously being hailed by the Democrats as a readiness
measure. Unfortunately, I fear this becomes nothing more than another
attempt by this majority to pander to their liberal base and capitalize
on public opinion polls by once again, this time a little more
subtlety, attempting to draw down the troops in Iraq.
This is because the readiness provision within this bill apply only
to troops returning from Iraq. While a unit which just completed a 15-
month tour in Iraq could not be deployed for 15 months, they could be
deployed to combat in Afghanistan or, for that matter, Mr. Speaker,
anywhere else in the world tomorrow without any regard for dwell time
or readiness.
Inexplicably, while we're engaged in a worldwide campaign against
terror, this majority is only concerned with the readiness of the
troops deploying to Iraq.
Further, Mr. Speaker, by legislating the military deployment cycle,
this bill would hamper the Department of Defense and bar the deployment
of units that may be needed to reinforce our efforts in Iraq. Any
constitutional scholar would tell you that these decisions, by their
very nature, are the job of the Commander in Chief, not 435 would-be
commanders in chief.
Now, to get around these unfortunate facts, my friends on the other
side of the aisle included in their bill a Presidential waiver. During
consideration of the bill in committee, the dangerous implications it
could have on our ability to fight and win this global war on terror
were often dismissed by the Democrats, my colleagues on the House Armed
Services Committee, because of the presence of a waiver in the bill.
In reality, Mr. Speaker, not only will this bill make it more
difficult to prosecute the global war on terror, the waiver adds
another layer of bureaucracy that could potentially disrupt the
deployment preparation cycle.
Mr. Speaker, all of this comes, unfortunately, during a time when we
are just now starting to see marked progress and the momentum swinging
in our favor in Iraq. Sadly, what is great news for America and for our
troops is consequently bad news for the Democratic majority and this
defeatist attitude.
Just this week, a New York Times editorial authored by Mike O'Hanlon
and Kenneth Pollack reflected this progress. Make no mistake, Mr.
Speaker, these two men have steadily criticized the prosecution of the
war and lack of progress in Iraq over the past 4 years. However, just
this week they wrote, ``We are finally getting somewhere in Iraq, at
least in military terms. Today, morale is high. The soldiers and the
Marines told us they feel that they now have a superb commander in
General David Petraeus; they are confident in his strategy, they see
real results, they feel now they have the numbers needed to make a real
difference.''
And thankfully, U.S. casualties in Iraq are the lowest in 8 months.
Mr. Speaker, I know we are all passionate about this issue, and I
care deeply about our troops and our Nation, and I know Mrs. Tauscher
and my colleagues on the other side of the aisle do as well. But now is
not the time to risk impeding the progress that we are making. Now is
the time to continue building on the turnaround we
[[Page H9573]]
have made in the Anbar Province and the improvement we are seeing in
Baghdad.
I urge my colleagues to vote ``no.''
Mrs. TAUSCHER. Mr. Speaker, at this time, I'm happy to yield 2
minutes to my friend and colleague, the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms.
Jackson-Lee).
(Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas asked and was given permission to revise
and extend her remarks.)
Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Mr. Speaker, let me thank my good friend
and thank her for her leadership on the Armed Services Committee; and
to my friends on the other side of the aisle, it is great news that we
have a new direction in the Armed Services Committee that takes
seriously the issues of readiness and the quality of life for our
troops.
Some would ask the question, troops are in battle, why are you
worrying about the quality of life? Because my friend who cited the
Constitution failed to recognize Article I, Section 8, that indicates
that Congress does have the authority to declare war. Embodied in that
declaration is a responsibility for our troops.
And might I refer my friend to the letter by the Reserve Enlisted
Association which is thanking Congresswoman Tauscher for acknowledging
the importance of rest time, rest time between battles. These soldiers
are battle worn, mentally and physically. The first part of their duty
they were over there with no equipment, no Humvees that were
reinforced, no equipment that protected them from those weapons they
were being shot at by. The Veterans for America emphasizes we are
compounding the wounds of war.
When I visited Iraq, I would talk to individuals who are carpenters
and painters. They were given a gun, and they were told to get into
battle. Readiness is a key.
I just was home in my district, and a mother came to me crying. Her
son is a naval Reserve officer who's been in the Reserves for some 20
years or so, 38 years old, is being handed a gun and said go off to
war. There are disciplines and there are training that we must give to
these individuals.
And just a few appropriation cycles ago, I offered an amendment
dealing with the time frame for redeployment. We're seeing soldiers
being redeployed once, twice, three times, four times with no rest. And
so we have a balance here for active duty, Reserve, National Guard
forces, and others.
We are clearly doing the right thing in this bill, and I ask my
colleagues to support it.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H.R. 3159, the
Ensuring Military Readiness Through Stability and Predictability
Deployment Policy Act of 2007. I would like to thank my colleague Ms.
Tauscher for introducing this legislation, and the Chairman of the
Armed Services Committee, Mr. Skelton, for his leadership on this
Issue.
Mr. Speaker, no issue will define this Congress more than how we
handle the ongoing conflict in Iraq. In recent weeks and months, this
Congress has taken definitive action to end what we, and the people of
the United States, believe to be a conflict without tangible goals and
targets. The American people made their views clear last November: The
time has come to end U.S. military involvement in Iraq.
And yet, the Bush Administration has decided to instead increase the
numbers of American soldiers in Iraq. President Bush's ``New Way
Forward'' strategy, announced in January, calls for the deployment of
over 20,000 additional U.S. combat forces, to be used to stabilize
Baghdad and the Anbar Province. This is coming at a time when,
according to an NBC News/Wall Street Journal Poll, 59 percent of
Americans believe we should be reducing the number of troops in Iraq.
Mr. Speaker, at the heart of this effort are our brave troops, the
men and women who courageously risk and too often lose their lives
thousands of miles from home. The Iraq war has already cost over 3,500
American lives. More than 25,000 Americans have been injured. Thousands
of U.S. personnel have lost limbs or suffered debilitating mental and
physical injuries. Yet as casualties rise, the Bush Administration
pushes for the escalation of American soldiers into the most hostile
communities in Iraq. In addition to the enormous expenditure of lives,
American taxpayers have paid more than $400 billion to sustain this
misadventure.
When a soldier is deployed away from home for lengthy periods of
time, his or her entire family suffers. Earlier this week, the United
States Army released a report that stated that the children of enlisted
soldiers are 60% more likely to be abused or neglected when a parent is
deployed to a combat zone. The author of this study commented, ``The
surprising finding was that the effect of deployment was so consistent.
Just about any way we could divide the population, we found increased
rates of child maltreatment during deployment. We looked at pay grade,
rank, single or multiple deployments, whether the family lives on or
off post--all showed increases.'' Researchers attributed this to the
increasing trend of continuous deployment of our soldiers. As Chair of
the Congressional Children's Caucus, I would like to register my strong
concern about the impact this war is having on American children and
families.
This bill, H.R. 3159, contains important provisions to ensure that
those who are sent to fight in what I have always considered to be an
ill-advised war have adequate time to rest and recover between
deployments: time to spend with their families and loved ones, and time
to recover from the mental and psychological problems that are all too
common after combat deployment. As we continue to work here in Congress
to bring this war to a speedy and comprehensive conclusion, I believe
we must make every effort to provide consideration for those who bear
the brunt of this Administration's ill-advised preemptive war in Iraq.
Mr. Speaker, I believe that our service men and women deserve enough
time to rest and recover at home between combat deployments for
Operation Iraqi Freedom. This legislation reaffirms the stated
Department of Defense policy for deployment, which is currently being
waived for Iraq, calling for a 1:2 deployment ratio for active duty and
a 1:5 ratio for reserve soldiers. It continues to allow the President
and the Chiefs of the Military services to waive these requirements, if
unforeseen circumstances arise.
Four years after our ill-advised invasion, the evidence is clear and
irrefutable: The invasion of Iraq, while a spectacularly executed
military operation, was a strategic blunder without parallel in the
history of American foreign policy. This is what can happen when the
Congress allows itself to be stampeded into authorizing a president to
launch a preemptive war of choice. It is time to rethink our strategy
in Iraq, to encourage and engage in diplomacy, and to sit down with the
various players in the Middle East and make real strides towards
securing Iraq, the Iraqi people, and most importantly our most precious
resource: the troops we love so dearly.
Mr. Speaker, I will continue to strongly oppose this war until we are
finally able to end this conflict. In the meantime, I believe it is our
responsibility, here in Congress, to make sure that those we send to
fight and risk their lives in Iraq receive the very best care and
services. This includes adequate time to rest and recover between
deployments.
I strongly urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this
legislation.
Mrs. TAUSCHER. Mr. Speaker, at this time, I'm happy to yield 2
minutes to my friend and colleague, the gentleman from Pennsylvania,
Admiral Sestak.
Mr. SESTAK. Mr. Speaker, this is a tough bill. We found out after
Vietnam that, instead of rotating our forces, if we had just stayed
there with the same force, as we did in World War II, our fighting
would have been more effective and less lives would have been lost. But
this war is different.
We found out in World War II that, on average, a man in that combat
did 182 days of combat, horrific combat, but 182 days on average. In
this war, in those 15 months, our men and women are overseas in Iraq.
Every day of those 15 months those men and women go outside the wire,
into combat. This is a different war.
I am taken, first and foremost, by the reports that more are coming
home with post-traumatic syndrome. I am, second, taken with our
constitutional responsibility to make rules for the government and
regulation of our armed services. And then third, I'm taken by the
waiver, the national security waiver that is placed within this bill
that our national command authorities, the President and the Secretary
of Defense may waiver for national security reasons the requirement to
send troops forward if they have even been home less than they were in
combat.
Our national command authorities every day must approve every
deployment. They must, therefore, only turn to us and say it is a
national requirement that they must redeploy less than they have been
over there in Iraq.
{time} 1300
This is a different war, and I am glad to see we are taking seriously
our responsibility to provide for the rules,
[[Page H9574]]
the regulation, the government of our armed services in what is truly a
different war and yet give our President the right to ensure that the
risks are weighed for a national security waiver.
Mrs. TAUSCHER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to my friend and
colleague, the gentlelady from Ohio (Mrs. Jones).
(Mrs. JONES of Ohio asked and was given permission to revise and
extend her remarks.)
Mrs. JONES of Ohio. I would like to thank my colleague, Mrs.
Tauscher, for her leadership on this committee and on this issue. When
I went to Congress, I never thought that I would be deploying troops or
welcoming caskets back to my congressional district. What I am learning
is most of the young men and women who get killed in Iraq are on their
second or third or fourth tour. Clearly it must indicate that they need
some rest and down time.
I am here to say I understand, Mr. Leadership in the military, you
think you know what you are doing, but I am telling you I sit with
mothers and fathers and sisters and brothers and aunts and uncles who
have lost people in the military. If all it takes to help them save
their lives is to give them some rest, give them some rest.
Does it need to be mandated? Apparently so. Let's mandate it. Let's
give our young men and women the time they need, down time, to be able
to do a good job. I support your resolution and am glad to stand up
with you.
Mrs. TAUSCHER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself as much time as I may
consume.
Mr. Speaker, what I continuously hear from my colleagues on the other
side of the aisle are arguments that speak for poor Pentagon planners
that are going to have to work a little harder to put units together
and handcuffing the Commander in Chief.
Let me remind my colleagues that this Presidential waiver, which is
inside of this bill, is not only substantive, but it is there to
prevent further degrading of our military readiness. I think we all
understand that we have heard from people like General McCaffrey, who
most recently reported to Congress that 88 percent of nondeployed Army
Guard units are rated not ready or poorly equipped, that the Army is
overextended, and that we will soon be unable to meet our Homeland
Security commitments and meet any new threats if we maintain the
current abusive and untenable dwell-time policy.
The question for the Members of the House today is who do you stand
for. Do you stand for military planners or other members of the
Pentagon who have the executive branch to speak for them, or do you
stand with the American people, the families of our troops, and the
troops themselves, to be sure that we increase our readiness to make
sure that we honor their service and their valor and their sacrifice by
making sure that they are not only retrained and ready, but they have
time to be home with their family before they are redeployed.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, could you tell us how much time we have
left.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from California has 1 minute,
and the gentlewoman from California has 3\1/2\ minutes.
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, let me make this point: we are in two
warfighting theaters right now, Afghanistan and Iraq. We have troops
deployed.
We are, by all accounts at this point, doing well in those
warfighting theaters. Somebody stays in battle space. For the
gentlelady who asked me, who do you stand with, the planner in the
Pentagon, or the troops in the field, I would answer very firmly, I
stand for the troops in the field. I stand for that marine corporal who
needs to have that gunnery sergeant, who's been there before, who
understands how you avoid that roadside bomb, who understands how you
approach that village, who understands how you work that cannon, who
understands how you interrogate people without risking your own troops.
That comes from experience, and the idea that we are going to deny
these experienced, noncommissioned officers, these old hands whose
experience can make the difference between life and death because their
meter didn't expire when they were back home, and they only got 6
months' worth of dwell time in country, rather than 7, is the wrong
reason to vote for this bill.
Please oppose this bill, readiness mandates, with a ``no.''
Mrs. TAUSCHER. Mr. Speaker, I want to respond to my colleague,
because I think it's important that we make sure that we have
everything on the table and that we are very clear about who we are
standing for and who we are putting the burdens on.
What is clear to me is that we have the finest military in the world,
that we have men and women, sons and daughters, spouses, brothers and
sisters, employees, friends and neighbors that have decided to give
their country their time, ultimately, perhaps, pay the sacrifice, the
ultimate sacrifice, and go fight for the American people and their
ideals to protect us here at home.
We have an opportunity today to do what is right, to do what the
Pentagon has not done for many reasons. I know my colleagues want to
make this about the Iraq war, but I know this is really about our
families and our troops.
If we cannot guarantee them some predictability for their dwell time
at home, for retraining and rest, we are going to continue to degrade
the readiness of our military. We are in no shape in this very
dangerous world to continue on that path.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to my friend and colleague, the
gentlelady from California (Ms. Waters).
Ms. WATERS. I would like to commend the gentlelady from California
for the tremendous work that she has done, not only to deal with all of
the problems of our being in Iraq, but for bringing this legislation to
the floor.
The U.S. has been at war in Afghanistan since October 7, 2001, and in
Iraq since March 19, 2003. Since that time, over 1 million troops have
been deployed to Iraq, in total, with 500,000 having been deployed at
least twice. These numbers are rapidly growing at the detriment of the
military. There are currently 160,000 troops on active duty in Iraq.
To keep up this level of deployment with an all-volunteer military,
the administration is cutting corners on previous rules on troop
deployment limits and rest times. Our military is being ground down to
the hilt, and it's near the breaking point.
In recent briefings, Major General Batiste said young officers and
noncommissioned officers are leaving the service at an alarming rate.
Equipment is in dismal shape, requiring hundreds of billions of dollars
to refit the force to preinvasion conditions. Active duty companies
preparing for deployment to Iraq within the next 6 months are at less
than 50 percent strength, are commanded by young and sometimes
inexperienced lieutenants, and are lacking the equipment needed for
training. Our all-volunteer force cannot sustain the current attempt
for much longer.
The lack of deployment limits and dwell times have taken an
incredible strain on the individuals who have been asked to shoulder
this burden. Post-traumatic stress disorder and similar illnesses are
significantly amplified by enduring or repeated deployments to Iraq.
Consequently, our men and women in uniform are returning with levels
of mental illness not seen since Vietnam. According to a recent study
by the Department of Defense, 49 percent of National Guardsmen report
mental health problems. Let us not forget the hidden casualties of the
war in Iraq, the families.
Ms. ESHOO. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this bill to provide
minimum ``dwell-time'' for our troops who have served in Iraq.
Madam Chairwoman, I opposed the war in Iraq from the outset and will
continue to do so.
In 4 years, the war has done great damage to our global prestige, our
national morale, and our national security. More than anything, it has
damaged our military and their families.
It is Congress's duty to ensure that our troops are treated with
respect and that they have resources for the missions they perform.
Equally important, it is Congress's job to ensure our troops have the
rest and training they need. With this bill, we will do right by our
military personnel and their families by ensuring they have adequate
time at home between deployments.
The Defense Department has established a goal to provide active duty
service personnel
[[Page H9575]]
with 2 years at home between each year they are deployed, and 5 years
at home for every year of deployment for reserves.
Regrettably that goal has not been achieved. In fact, the policy has
been waived by the Defense Department for those serving in Iraq.
In the last 4 years our troops and reserves have shouldered the
burden of multiple deployments overseas with professionalism and
courage. The strain on them and their families grows with each day they
are away from home, yet tours of duty have been extended time and
again. Just this past April, Secretary Gates announced that tours of
duty for the Army would be increased from 12 months to 15 months.
The strain is not only being felt by our troops and their families,
it's also affected the Armed Forces, particularly the Army, in meet
recruiting and retention goals.
With this bill, we call for time between deployments for active-duty
personnel in Iraq to equal to or exceed the length of their most recent
deployment. For National Guard and Reserve units and members, the bill
calls for time between deployments of at least three times longer than
the length of their most recent deployment.
This may seem like a small step, but for our troops it's essential.
I urge my colleague to vote yes on this bill.
Ms. WOOLSEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 3159 and
thank Congresswoman Tauscher for her leadership.
We have had a lot of disagreement on the occupation of Iraq. There is
one thing we all agree upon, however--the support of our troops.
The toll that has been taken on our men and women in uniform is
unimaginable. They have volunteered to sacrifice so much in service to
their Nation.
Unfortunately, political decisions by this administration have
prevented us from bringing this misguided occupation to an end.
Today, we try to fulfill our commitment to the brave troops who are
out there serving on the front line. The least we can do is to ensure
that every service member gets the right amount of training and rest.
It is our moral obligation.
I support H.R. 3159 and look forward to the day when we can bring our
troops home for good.
Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, we have had some fierce debates here in the
Congress about our occupation of Iraq. Many Republicans insist that
redeploying our troops from Iraq will lead to failure there. My
Democratic colleagues and I see it much differently. We see clearly
that our continued occupation is a debacle that prevents Iraqis taking
control of their own nation and destiny.
But what Democrats and Republicans can agree on is that Iraq is not
America's only national security concern. America faces several potent
strategic challenges: al Qaeda. Afghanistan. Iran. North Korea. If we
continue to exhaust our military in Iraq, we risk being at a
disadvantage facing these other dangerous threats.
This bill ensures that our troops get the rest, recuperation and
retraining they need to be most effective. If we fail to provide our
troops with the time they need to rest, refit, and retrain at home, we
are putting them at a disadvantage when they return to theater.
Furthermore, the common sense provisions in this bill mean that we
are paying attention to another group that has borne the brunt of this
war: our soldiers' families. It has been said that there are two ways
to break the military: you can break the soldier, or you can break the
family. Our troops agreed to accept a certain level of hardship when
they enlisted. The least we can do in return is make sure that we have
their back, and are giving them the time they need to recuperate.
The strength of our armed forces comes from the strength of our men
and women in uniform. If we fail to pass this bill, we risk weakening
American national security. We face a host of threats beyond Iraq. Pass
this bill to keep America strong and prepared.
Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this legislation to
provide some Congressional oversight over the deployment and
maintenance of our troops stationed overseas. As the Constitution
states in Article I Section 8., Congress has the power ``to make rules
for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces,'' and
therefore Congress has an obligation to speak on such matters. I have
been and remain extremely concerned about the deployment extensions and
stop-loss programs that have kept our troops deployed and engaged for
increasingly extended periods of time. My constituents who are affected
by this policy have contacted me with their concerns as well.
The legislation at least seeks to provide some guidance and relief to
our troops who have been stretched to the limit by the increasing
duration of deployment overseas and the decreasing duration of time
back home between deployments. Several military experts, including
General Barry McCaffrey, have commented on this problem and the
challenges it poses to the health and safety of our troops.
Although I am voting for this bill, I am increasingly concerned about
Congress's approach to the issue of our continued involvement in Iraq.
Rather than a substantive move to end the US military presence in Iraq,
this bill and others that have passed recently seem to be merely
symbolic moves to further politicize the war in Iraq. Clearly the
American public is overwhelmingly in favor of a withdrawal from Iraq,
but Congress is not listening. At best, the House seems willing to
consider only such half-measures as so-called re-deployment. We need a
real solution that puts the safety of our troops above politics. We
need to simply bring them home. As I said recently on the Floor of the
House, we just marched in so we can just march out.
The proper method for ending the war is for Congress to meet its
responsibility to deauthorize and defend the war. Micromanaging a troop
deployment is not the answer since it overstays the bounds of
Congressional authority.
Mr. HOLT. Mr. Speaker, the House is taking action today to bring some
sanity back to our military deployment and rotation policies. I intend
to vote for this bill.
We all know that because of these repeated deployments, the divorce
rates of military families are up, and the financial burdens faced by
our Guard and Reserve families have been enormous. While this bill
cannot address all of the deployment-related problems confronting our
military families, it would address one of the most glaring:
insufficient down time and retraining between deployments.
If this bill becomes law, it would mandate dedicated periods of time
between deployments for all servicemembers. For active duty personnel,
the intervals between deployments would have to be at least as long as
the last deployment itself. For our Guard and Reserve forces, the
interval between deployments would have to be at least three times the
length of a servicemember's last tour.
Every Member of this House can tell multiple stories they've heard
from servicemembers or their family members about the toll that these
multiple, sometimes back-to-back deployments take on our military
families. Let me quickly relate one story I've heard, one of many
reasons I'm voting for this bill today.
Bill Potter is an attorney and lecturer in politics at both Princeton
University and Rutgers University. Just over a year ago, he wrote an
op-ed in the Trenton Times regarding the situation of his nephew, a
Marine Corps captain, who had been blinded in his right eye after being
fired on by an Iraqi policeman-turned-insurgent--one of many Iraqi
policemen-turned-insurgents that we have trained and armed with an
inadequate counterintelligence effort by the Iraqi government to weed
out such bad actors.
Bill's nephew is a remarkable young man. Wounded twice in Iraq on his
first tour in 2005, recovered sufficiently to go on a deployment to the
Pacific in 2006 and is now facing the prospect of a second tour in Iraq
beginning in January 2008--and of leaving his now nine year-old son
behind for a third time in as many years.
This young Marine--like so many others--has already paid too high a
price for this President's misguided war in Iraq. This bill, if
enacted, would at least give our servicemembers and their families some
real down time between deployments--time to reconnect with each other,
and time for these gallant Americans to get the rest and refresher
training that they will need to face the future. It's for all of those
reasons that I'm voting for this bill, and I urge my colleagues to do
the same.
Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I went to the Rules Committee yesterday for
the fourth time since January asking that my amendment be made in order
to allow the House to discuss and vote on the recommendations of the
bipartisan Iraq Study Group as the way forward in Iraq.
For the fourth time this year, the Rules Committee said no. I can
only assume from that action that the Democrat leadership instead
prefers to continue to lock down the House and deny the opportunity to
take the bipartisan road on Iraq policy.
On the question of finding solutions in Iraq, this House cannot
continue to just blindly follow the White House or the leadership of
the Congress.
The Washington Post has editorialized that the debate on Iraq in
recent weeks is all about political gamesmanship. Every member in this
House knows that's true and that is what's been going on here. More
importantly, I believe that the American people know what's going on.
Just look at the polls on where Congress stands.
We owe it to the men and women in our armed forces who are putting
their lives on the line every day in Iraq to at least take the time to
discuss the recommendations of the Iraq Study Group.
[[Page H9576]]
We also owe it to their families.
We need to have a honest, true debate on the recommendations of the
Iraq Study Group.
To not vote on the recommendations of such a distinguished group that
took over eight months looking at this issue and talking to dozens of
military officers, regional experts, academics, journalists and high-
level government officials from America and abroad just doesn't make
sense. Take a look at the Iraq Study Group report for the extensive
lists of those who advised the ISG, including the military senior
advisor panel--retired Navy Admiral James O. Ellis, Jr., retired Army
General John M. Keane, retired Army General Edward C. Meyer, retired
Air Force General Joseph W. Ralston, and retired Army Lt. General Roger
C. Schultz, Sr.
As I have said time and time again, the Iraq Study Group is the way
forward and what I believe is the best and most appropriate way to be
successful in Iraq.
It was bipartisan and all of its 79 recommendations were unanimous.
Two of its members--Lee Hamilton, the co-chair, and Leon Panetta--
served in this body. Two others--Alan Simpson and Chuck Robb--served in
the Senate.
Co-chair Jim Baker and Lawrence Eagleburger served as secretary of
State.
Bill Perry was President Clinton's secretary of Defense.
Bob Gates served on the panel for seven months--stepping down to
become the current secretary of Defense.
H.R. 2574, the Iraq Study Group Recommendation Implementation Act of
2007, which was the basis of the amendment I asked to be made in order
under the bill we are debating today, has 59 cosponsors--34 Republicans
and 25 Democrats.
We all know the war has created a bitter divide in our country. The
ISG allows us to come together.
I will say it again: the best way forward is for both the Congress
and the president to embrace the recommendations of the Iraq Study
Group.
Mr. Speaker, in the final analysis, it comes down to doing the right
thing. The question is, when will the leadership in Congress show the
courage that the American people expect and do the right thing--not for
me or for the members of this House, but for the thousands of brave men
and women serving in uniform, their families and the good of our
country?
Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this bill.
We continue to fight to end the war in Iraq. However, in the
meantime, we must ensure that our troops are provided with the time to
return home, rest, recuperate and train before they return to battle.
Our troops have risked their lives and Congress has a responsibility to
stand up for them.
The legislation we are considering today strengthens the American
military by mandating minimum periods of rest and recuperation for
units and members of regular and reserve components of our Armed Forces
between deployments. The bill states that if a unit or member of a
regular component of the Armed Forces deploys to Iraq, they will have
an equivalent amount of time at home before they are redeployed.
The legislation will help alleviate a significant military readiness
crisis. When the Bush Administration took office in 2001, all active
duty Army divisions were rated at the highest readiness levels and were
fully manned, equipped, and trained. Now, the Administration's failed
policies in Iraq have depleted our military and put a tremendous strain
on our troops. Already, an estimated 250,000 soldiers in the Army and
Marine Corps have served more than one tour in Iraq and each one of the
Army's available active duty combat brigades has served at least a 12-
month tour in Iraq or Afghanistan. And this spring, the Defense
Secretary announced that all active duty Army soldiers would have their
tours in Iraq extended from 12 to 15 months.
The war in Iraq has had disastrous consequences for our Armed Forces
and our troops. By reducing the stress on our men and women in uniform
and ensuring they get the training they need to stay safe, this
legislation makes support for the troops into more than an empty
slogan.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. All time for debate has expired.
Pursuant to House Resolution 601, the previous question is ordered on
the bill, as amended.
The question is on the engrossment and third reading of the bill.
The bill was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time, and was
read the third time.
Motion to Recommit Offered by Mr. Hunter
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I offer a motion to recommit.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is the gentleman opposed to the bill?
Mr. HUNTER. Yes.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Clerk will report the motion to
recommit.
The Clerk read as follows:
Mr. Hunter moves to recommit the bill H.R. 3159 to the
Committee on Armed Services with instructions to report the
same back to the House forthwith, with the following
amendments:
In subsections (a)(1) and (b)(1) of section 2, strike ``No
unit'' each place it appears and insert the following:
``Subject to section 3, no unit''.
Add at the end of the bill the following new section:
SEC. 3. CERTIFICATION REQUIREMENT.
Subsections (a)(1) and (b)(1) of section 2 may not be
implemented unless the Secretary of Defense certifies to the
President and to Congress that implementation of those
subsections--
(1) would not cause the tour length of any deployed unit
(or members assigned to that unit) to be extended; and
(2) would not increase the operational risk to any deployed
unit.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from
California is recognized for 5 minutes in support of his motion.
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, thank you. I want to thank my colleagues on
both sides of the aisle for their decorum during this debate and for
their true interest and their motivation in support of our troops.
We all want to conclude this war. We all want to do everything that
we can for military families. We simply have a difference of opinion as
to whether or not mandating certain rest periods before a soldier or a
marine can go back to battle is in the interest of the war fighting
troops.
My answer is, it's not in the interest. It will not raise their
morale. What it will do is it will deprive our war fighting troops. It
will deprive that corporal, it will deprive that squad in Fallujah or
Baghdad or up in Mosul. That experienced old hand, that NCO, who is in
the military for a career, and who knows that particular area, and he
knows how to avoid roadside bombs, and he knows how to interrogate
insurgents, and he knows how to approach a certain canyon so that you
don't expose yourself to fire. He won't be there if the gentlelady's
motion passes, because he will only have spent 6 months instead of 7
months back at Camp Pendleton, and he won't be available to move to the
field of battle.
Now, you know, this is a war of specialties, and I notice that one
thing that the majority did, which I think was a good move, was that
they excluded the special operations forces from this particular law.
The reason they excluded them is because they are special operations
forces who have to move back and forth in the theater and have to move
out of the theater on a regular basis, sometimes going back and forth
between Afghanistan and Iraq, because they have specialties which mean
life or death to our war fighters in both of those theaters, and they
can't be held back, chained back by this law.
I have got news for my colleagues. There are a lot of people in the
regular forces whose presence also means life or death to the
combatants in those forces. You have to have experience.
Even the line units are full of specialties. If you have a person who
is an expert in roadside bombs, and he comes back after a 7-month tour,
if he is a marine, or after a 1-year tour, if he is an Army soldier, he
comes back and he gets the latest schooling on a jamming device that
will keep that 152 round from blowing up, that roadside bomb, and
destroying a Humvee and destroying American soldiers.
He has that capability. But he now cannot go back into theater
because the Tauscher amendment has passed, and he can't be deployed. So
he stays here with that particular insight, that particular capability,
and probably the Marines or the Army will rush a team in. They will try
to give them a fast learning period and rush them in, to be a poor
substitute for this guy who really has the expertise of telling our
people how to jam those signals that detonate those deadly roadside
bombs.
Now, what if we need decontamination, we have got a decontamination
team in the regular military. They can't go over unless they get a
waiver from the President.
Well, it was argued that these waivers will be easy to get. But you
know the Marines have told us that they can't plan for a waiver,
because they can only follow along. The law will say you can't go.
I have got a picture that I have kept in the Armed Services Committee
for a
[[Page H9577]]
long time, as the former chairman of the committee, and now ranking
member, serving alongside my great friend, Mr. Skelton.
{time} 1315
It is a picture of a 5-ton truck that was struck by a Humvee with a
particular armor equipment and an armor package that this committee
sent those soldiers. And there is a letter attached to it and it is a
letter of thanks that says, ``Thanks to you on the Armed Services
Committee for making sure that we got this armor.'' And this was after
this 5-ton truck has been blown up. And it said, ``We owe our lives,
the fact that all eight of us were able to escape, to you on the Armed
Services Committee,'' but it also says, ``to our gunnery sergeant.''
That gunnery sergeant that had the capability, that had that certain
expertise of being able to do what it took to make sure that all eight
of his people survived.
Mrs. Tauscher has said, who do you stand with, the big Pentagon
planners or the troops?
The worst thing you can do, Mrs. Tauscher, for my son who is on his
third deployment, or anybody else's son, is to take away that gunnery
sergeant or that senior NCO or that expert who can stand by their side
and help them to survive in this very dangerous warfighting theater.
Please vote for this motion to recommit. This motion to recommit says
that you cannot make this law certain unless you----
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Lynch). The gentleman's time has
expired.
Mr. HUNTER. I would ask the gentlelady for 30 additional seconds.
Mrs. TAUSCHER. I don't have the time, sir.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the motion to recommit.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentlewoman is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mrs. TAUSCHER. Mr. Speaker, I want to make it very clear what this
motion to recommit does. This motion to recommit guts our bill and
prevents us from giving the dwell time necessary to our troops so that
they are not overcommitted, that they can be rested, that they can be
retrained, and that they can be resuscitated and spend time with their
family.
This motion to recommit prevents us from having the readiness that we
need for our national security. It prevents the 50 Governors from
having their National Guard back home and rested, with good equipment,
to deal with contingencies here at home.
This motion to commit is just another delaying tactic by the minority
to deny our troops the dwell time that they need to train, equip, and
rest.
The best part about this is the motion to recommit is absolutely
unnecessary. If the Secretary of Defense determines that the proposed
dwell times in this bill will cause tour lengths of currently deployed
units to be extended, or increases the operational risk to deployed
units, the underlying bill already provides the President's ability to
waive the deployment mandate.
So this motion to recommit is not necessary. It is, once again,
perhaps the last fig leaf on the last fig tree that my colleagues can
find to not stand with the troops and their families to provide them
the dwell time they need at home to be ready for the next deployment.
At this time, Mr. Speaker, I close by saying I urge my colleagues to
defeat the motion to recommit and vote ``aye'' on H.R. 3159.
I yield to the chairman of the committee.
Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Speaker, I rise to oppose the motion to recommit
offered by my friend, my colleague from California who has served with
me through the years on the Armed Services Committee.
The ground forces of the United States in particular are being
stretched and strained as never before. For instance, during the Second
World War, those that were involved with active combat after 3 or 4
months at the most would be taken off line for rest and recoupment. The
young men and young women today that are in Iraq are on point in combat
and now are extended up to 15 months. I think this bill helps alleviate
that point and helps keep the readiness at a higher level.
The stretching and straining of the ground forces, in particular the
Army, will have a breaking point. We already know about the equipment
shortage of nondeployed units. Why stretch these young people? Why not
bring them home? This is a reasonable proposal, reasonable, and should
be enacted into law. And, as the gentlelady from California points out,
should there be any problem with any unit, there are waivers provided
for in this legislation.
This is simple and straightforward. It is about protecting our
military readiness, it is protecting the health of the troops and, by
the way, helping those families recoup with their loved ones as they
come back home with predictability, knowing when they will be home and
knowing when they will be due to be deployed once again.
So I find myself having to vote against this motion to recommit for
all those reasons: the families, the troops, and the need for
predictability; and I compliment the gentlelady on this proposal to
bring about predictability for our troops.
Mrs. TAUSCHER. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to defeat the motion
to recommit, which will deny our troops the dwell time that they
desperately need and will deny the American people the readiness in
their military. I urge my colleagues to support H.R. 3159, and vote for
its passage.
I yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Without objection, the previous question is
ordered on the motion to recommit.
There was no objection.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion to recommit.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the noes appeared to have it.
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 and clause 9 of rule
XX, this 15-minute vote on the motion to recommit H.R. 3159 will be
followed by 5-minute votes on passage of H.R. 3159, if ordered, and the
approval of the Journal, if ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 207,
nays 217, answered ``present'' 1, not voting 7, as follows:
[Roll No. 795]
YEAS--207
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Altmire
Bachmann
Bachus
Baird
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Barrow
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Biggert
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Bonner
Bono
Boozman
Boren
Boustany
Brady (TX)
Broun (GA)
Brown (SC)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Carney
Carter
Castle
Chabot
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Cubin
Culberson
Davis (KY)
Davis, David
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
Dent
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Doolittle
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Ehlers
Emerson
English (PA)
Everett
Fallin
Feeney
Ferguson
Flake
Forbes
Fortenberry
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gerlach
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Granger
Graves
Hall (TX)
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Hobson
Hoekstra
Hulshof
Hunter
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Jindal
Johnson (IL)
Jordan
Keller
King (NY)
Kingston
Kirk
Kline (MN)
Knollenberg
Kuhl (NY)
LaHood
Lamborn
Lampson
Latham
LaTourette
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
LoBiondo
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Mahoney (FL)
Manzullo
Marchant
Marshall
Matheson
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McHugh
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
Melancon
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Mitchell
Moran (KS)
Murphy, Tim
Musgrave
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Pearce
Pence
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Porter
Price (GA)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Radanovich
Ramstad
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Saxton
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shays
Shimkus
Shuster
Simpson
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Souder
Space
Stearns
Sullivan
Tancredo
Terry
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Turner
Upton
Walberg
Walden (OR)
Walsh (NY)
Wamp
Weldon (FL)
Weller
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
[[Page H9578]]
NAYS--217
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Allen
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Baldwin
Bean
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Boswell
Boucher
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Brown, Corrine
Butterfield
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carson
Castor
Chandler
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Costello
Courtney
Cramer
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis, Lincoln
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Donnelly
Doyle
Edwards
Ellsworth
Emanuel
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Farr
Fattah
Filner
Frank (MA)
Giffords
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gonzalez
Gordon
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hare
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hill
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hodes
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson (GA)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (NC)
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
Klein (FL)
Kucinich
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lee
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lynch
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McGovern
McIntyre
McNerney
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Michaud
Miller (NC)
Miller, George
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murtha
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Paul
Payne
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Pomeroy
Price (NC)
Rahall
Rangel
Reyes
Rodriguez
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Shuler
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Spratt
Stark
Stupak
Sutton
Tanner
Tauscher
Taylor
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Towns
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Welch (VT)
Wexler
Wilson (OH)
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
ANSWERED ``PRESENT''--1
King (IA)
NOT VOTING--7
Clarke
Crenshaw
Davis, Jo Ann
Ellison
Johnson, Sam
Oberstar
Walz (MN)
Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore
The SPEAKER pro tempore (during the vote). Members are advised there
are 2 minutes remaining.
{time} 1344
Messrs. OLVER, CUELLAR, JOHNSON of Georgia and AL GREEN of Texas
changed their vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
Mr. CAMPBELL of California and Mr. MORAN of Kansas changed their vote
from ``nay'' to ``yea.''
So the motion to recommit was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the passage of the bill.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Recorded Vote
Mrs. TAUSCHER. Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. This will be a 5-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 229,
noes 194, answered ``present'' 3, not voting 6, as follows:
[Roll No. 796]
AYES--229
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Allen
Altmire
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Baldwin
Barrow
Bean
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Brown, Corrine
Butterfield
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carson
Castle
Castor
Chandler
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Costello
Courtney
Cramer
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis, Lincoln
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Donnelly
Doyle
Edwards
Ellsworth
Emanuel
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Farr
Fattah
Filner
Frank (MA)
Giffords
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gonzalez
Gordon
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hare
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hill
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hodes
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson (GA)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (NC)
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
Klein (FL)
Kucinich
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lee
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lynch
Mahoney (FL)
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McGovern
McIntyre
McNerney
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Michaud
Miller (NC)
Miller, George
Mitchell
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murtha
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Paul
Payne
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Pomeroy
Price (NC)
Rahall
Rangel
Reyes
Rodriguez
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shays
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Shuler
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Space
Spratt
Stark
Stupak
Sutton
Tanner
Tauscher
Taylor
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Towns
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walsh (NY)
Walz (MN)
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Welch (VT)
Wexler
Wilson (OH)
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
NOES--194
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Bachmann
Bachus
Baird
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Biggert
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Bonner
Bono
Boozman
Boustany
Brady (TX)
Broun (GA)
Brown (SC)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Carney
Carter
Chabot
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Cubin
Culberson
Davis, David
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
Dent
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Doolittle
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Ehlers
Emerson
Everett
Fallin
Feeney
Ferguson
Flake
Forbes
Fortenberry
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gerlach
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Granger
Graves
Hall (TX)
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Hobson
Hoekstra
Hulshof
Hunter
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Jindal
Johnson (IL)
Jordan
Keller
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kirk
Kline (MN)
Knollenberg
Kuhl (NY)
LaHood
Lamborn
Latham
LaTourette
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
LoBiondo
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Manzullo
Marchant
Marshall
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McHugh
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
Melancon
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Moran (KS)
Musgrave
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Pearce
Pence
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Porter
Price (GA)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Radanovich
Ramstad
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Saxton
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shimkus
Shuster
Simpson
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Souder
Stearns
Sullivan
Tancredo
Terry
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Turner
Upton
Walberg
Walden (OR)
Wamp
Weldon (FL)
Weller
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
ANSWERED ``PRESENT''--3
Davis (KY)
English (PA)
Murphy, Tim
NOT VOTING--6
Clarke
Crenshaw
Davis, Jo Ann
Ellison
Johnson, Sam
Oberstar
Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore
The SPEAKER pro tempore (during the vote). Members are advised there
are 2 minutes remaining in this vote.
{time} 1353
Ms. BERKLEY changed her vote from ``no'' to ``aye.''
[[Page H9579]]
Mr. TIM MURPHY of Pennsylvania changed his vote from ``no'' to
``present.''
So the bill was passed.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
____________________