[Congressional Record Volume 153, Number 121 (Thursday, July 26, 2007)]
[House]
[Pages H8650-H8675]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
COMMERCE, JUSTICE, SCIENCE, AND RELATED AGENCIES APPROPRIATIONS ACT,
2008
The Committee resumed its sitting.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Price of Georgia
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Price of Georgia:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. __. Total appropriations made in this Act (other than
appropriations required to be made by a provision of law) are
hereby reduced by $750,000,000.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of today, the
gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Price) and a Member opposed each will
control 15 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Georgia.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. I thank the chairman, and I'm pleased to come
to the floor today and offer this amendment. And it's a little
different vein and spirit than we've offered other appropriate fiscally
responsible amendments for other appropriations bills, but it's
similar. But I urge my colleagues to listen closely, because the nuance
has changed greatly.
Before I do begin, though, I want to make certain that any Member
listening, or anybody who has heard the previous discussion and the
assertion that the amendments that are offered by this group of
fiscally responsible individuals can't even get a majority of our own
conference, that's not true. But there's a lot of untruth spoken on
this floor. For a significant majority of the Members of at least the
Republican side of the aisle clearly support fiscally responsible
amendments. I'm hoping and praying for the day that our friends on the
other side join us in that.
I do agree with my friends who spoke previously that this is about
priorities. It is indeed about priorities. This amendment before us
today would reduce the increase in the spending in this portion of the
appropriations bills by $750 million a year, or $7.5 billion over 10
years. Mr. Chairman, I would ask that you remember that number, $7.5
billion over 10 years, because it's there for a reason.
But before I get into the specific reasons of that, I want to talk a
little bit about the process and the disappointment that so many of us
on this side of the aisle have in this process, and so the
disappointment that many folks who have to be muted on the other side
have in the process.
There were grand promises of bipartisanship as we began this session
of Congress earlier this year. And bipartisanship is the least that we
have had on virtually every single issue. And I understand at the
beginning the new majority felt that they had to move forward with many
of their issues, and that's appropriate. That's appropriate. That's
their due, given the results of last November.
However, what we've seen recently has buried any guise of
bipartisanship. And, in fact, the last 2 weeks have been astounding and
actually point to more astounding activities over the next 10 days.
The SCHIP bill, the State Children's Health Insurance Plan, which was
adopted in a bipartisan way 10 years ago, is up for reauthorization;
and now this new majority plans in a unilateral and anti-bipartisanship
way to cut Medicare to aid State bureaucracies; cut Medicare and give
that money to State bureaucracies in an anti-bipartisan way.
The flood insurance bill we've got in the committee right now that
passed last year never got through the Senate but passed the House last
year. It passed, over 400 individuals to 4. And now we have in our
committee today an anti-bipartisan bill that belies any attempt at
bipartisanship by the other side.
And then the farm bill that was alluded to by my good friend from
Georgia just a little bit ago. This farm bill that's going to be on the
floor apparently tomorrow or today, depending on when the majority
decides to bring it, came out of committee virtually unanimously,
virtually unanimously, both sides of the aisle, bipartisan. And yet
over the past 24 hours what we have seen is an anti-bipartisan bill
that puts in that bill a tax increase of $7.5 billion.
Mr. Chairman, you remember the $7.5 billion that I mentioned before.
So this amendment before us today is an amendment to reduce the
increase from 3.1 percent over last year's bill to 1.6 percent. So it
would take that reduction in the increase and would utilize $750
million a year, or $7.5 billion to, attribute to the farm bill that
would then make it so there wouldn't have to be any tax increases that
my friends on the other side so love, but there wouldn't have to be any
tax increases for that portion of the farm bill.
This is a fiscally responsible way. This is the kind of flexibility
that I believe our constituents desire when they ask Congress and they
ask Washington to be responsive to their needs, to respect their
pocketbook, to make certain that they are able to keep more of their
hard-earned money and not be subject to the kind of remarkable tax
increases that we've seen by the other side of the aisle.
So I would encourage my colleagues to adopt this amendment, utilize
those extra monies that the majority is so adept at finding, make it so
that the farm bill needs no tax increases whatsoever.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I rise to claim the time in opposition to
the amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from California is recognized for
15 minutes.
[[Page H8651]]
Mr. SCHIFF. I thank the chairman, and I'll be brief at the outset and
intend to reserve our time for the conclusion of the debate.
But we're here again to really talk about what the priorities of the
Nation are and the competing philosophies of the bipartisan majority
and the small minority that has taken to the floor here today.
The value of the bipartisan majority is to invest in this country, to
make sure that what we have been able to enjoy, the struggle and the
sacrifice that our parents and their parents made, is a tradition that
we continue in the sense that we want to leave an America that is
stronger and that is safer than the one we inherited.
And efforts like this, to cut our investment in law enforcement, to
cut our investment in trying to keep our communities safe, our police
officers safe, are very shortsighted.
Now, we all believe that the budget has to be wrestled to the ground
in the sense that over the last 6 years my friends in the Republican
majority borrowed and spent into oblivion. We now have a massive
national debt. As a result of that fiscal responsibility, we've got a
problem on our hands that we need to wrestle to the ground, and we are.
In the majority we have instituted pay-as-you-go rules, something that
the prior majority, my friends in the GOP, were unwilling to do. That
has been along the philosophy of when you're in a hole, stop digging.
So we've stopped the digging.
At the same time, we can't stop investing in our country, we can't
stop investing in our future, we can't stop investing in the security
of our neighborhoods; and that's what this bill is about.
The cuts that my friends in the opposition are proposing here today
have only one merit, and that is they're indiscriminate. They cut the
top priorities along with the lower priorities, all at the same time.
My friends in the, not the minority party, because frankly, we have a
great many Republicans who have joined us. All the Republicans on the
Appropriations Committee support the work product. But the minority
that's speaking here on the floor today isn't willing to do the hard
work and to say this is a high priority; we can't afford to cut it.
This is a lower priority; maybe we can trim this here. No, they're not
willing to do that. They're willing to say let's cut everything
equally, the essentials with the non-essentials. And let's not raise
the revenue we need to support our law enforcement by ending corporate
welfare. They've been unwilling to do that.
These are some of the philosophical differences we'll hear during the
debate on this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I'm going to reserve the balance of my time and look
forward to an opportunity to address the House in a few minutes.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I'm somewhat amused by my
friend's comments. It brings to mind what I have come to describe this
Congress as, and that is the Orwellian democracy that we see day in and
day out. The accusation is that this side of the aisle spent too much
money, so that side of the aisle is going to ``stop digging.'' Well,
they're stopping digging to the tune of a 3.1 percent increase,
billions of dollars of increase. So their response to don't spend that
much is let's spend more. And that's where the Orwellian democracy
comes in.
And the accusation from the other side that comes, that says, well,
you don't want to spend this, you're going to cut this program, you're
going to cut COPS, you're going to cut programs that are vital to our
Nation, it's kind of like having your child come to you and say, I'd
like to have an increase in my allowance. And say they were getting $5
a week. They wanted $10 a week, and you settled on $7.50 a week, and
then your son or your daughter says, hey, you just cut my allowance by
$2.50. That doesn't make any sense. But that's the argument. That's the
argument on the other side.
So we endeavor to have fiscal responsibility. We endeavor to be
responsible with the hard-earned tax money of the American worker.
I'm pleased to yield 2\1/2\ minutes to my good friend from Virginia,
the chief deputy whip, Mr. Cantor.
Mr. CANTOR. Mr. Chairman, I'd like to just first respond. I rise in
favor of this amendment and respond to some of the remarks that were
made on the other side of the aisle.
I think we can all agree that we must continue as a people to invest
in our people, to invest in this country. All of us, all of us were
elected by the constituents that we represent to leave an America
stronger and more secure than the way we found it, stronger and more
secure for our children and our grandchildren.
The problem is here, every time we get a chance, every time we turn
around, we seem to be raising taxes. There is no way that we can leave
an America stronger or more secure if we somehow cut off the economic
engine that allows us to continue to make the investments in our people
of this Nation and in our security.
There were remarks made about the national debt that we are now
experiencing. Well, you know what? The national debt, frankly, is 1\1/
2\ percent of GDP. And from all corners, from the economists to the
former Federal Reserve Chairman to the current Federal Reserve
Chairman, that 1\1/2\ percent of GDP is a lot lower than it has been
recently, and it is due to the very forward-thinking economic and tax
policies that we have in place which reward risk-based investment
which, frankly, don't shun the notion that we should empower the
families and the businesses of this country so that they can take care
of themselves.
And you know what? The revenues in this Federal Government are up
beyond that which we've seen before. That's the product of the economic
policies. That's our key to success and security of this country.
Now, as far as the pay-as-you-go rules that the majority has adopted,
you know what that means? That means never cut spending, always raise
taxes.
{time} 1400
That is why we are here opposing this because, yes, this amendment
allows us not to have to raise taxes to fund the expansion of the farm
bill that the majority has proposed.
Again, I would just ask my colleagues to support the gentleman's
amendment because the bottom line here is what we are talking about is
the difference between raising taxes and raising spending or somehow
getting ahold of ourselves, applying some fiscal discipline so that we
can show the American people that we hear them when they say there is
too much waste and spending in Washington.
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the
gentleman from Ohio.
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
It has been said a couple times here today about money in people's
pockets. And I would suggest that under the leadership of the Democrats
and the Republicans, who have been great, on the Appropriations
Committee, we are putting money back in the pockets of average American
people.
Only half of the people in my congressional district got a tax cut.
Only half. And the ones that got it only got a couple hundred dollars.
So when you look at the big tax cuts that supposedly went to people who
live in Youngstown and Akron, Ohio, that was a couple hundred dollars,
and you compare that with what we are doing with the Pell Grants, an
increase of $500 or $600, that is going to people in my district. So we
are already $400 ahead of the tax cut that the Republicans were so
generous to give.
When you look at cutting student loan interest rates in half, saving
$4,000 over the course of a loan, that is money in the pockets of
people who live in most of our congressional districts.
And I am thankful for the concern for the American families, but I
wish our friends on the other side, at least most of them, were around
when we tried to give them a pay raise and increase the minimum wage.
They are talking about taking money out of their pockets. We are trying
to put money in their pockets. That is what we are trying to do here.
And as the gentleman from New York made the point a few minutes ago,
we are funding 2,800 cops. We can't pass police and fire levies in my
district because the cities just don't have the money, and we don't
have the local economy.
The Federal Government does have a responsibility to make our streets
[[Page H8652]]
safer. That is what this bill does. That is what the chairman and the
ranking member of the subcommittee have done. And that is why this
amendment needs to go down. This is not the time to start cutting
police officers going to our streets to make our communities safer so
that we can grow our local economies.
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I want to make just two quick points in response to my friend's
argument that these are not real cuts, these are somehow imaginary
cuts, and the illustration he gave of the allowance he gives his child.
Two things, one factual and one philosophical.
On the factual side, my friend's across-the-board cuts will mean very
real, very direct, very incontrovertible cuts, less money now than the
year before in many vital programs; not every program, but many vital
programs including some I will point out in my friend's home State of
Georgia, things that law enforcement in Georgia and around the country
care a great deal about. Real cuts. We will talk about some of them.
We can't hide behind an across-the-board amendment and say, we are
not really cutting anything, because you are. Basically what you are
telling your child in the allowance hypothetical is we are going to cut
how much we are going to spend on your education, a real cut. We are
going to cut how much we are going to spend on your health care, a real
cut. Let's hope you don't get sick.
One of my friends in the opposition, in support of this same
amendment, last week said, American families are just going to have to
make the decision, we can't afford to have each of our kids go to
college. Maybe we will have to choose one child who won't go to
college. Well, philosophically the bipartisan majority of this House
doesn't accept that for America. We believe every child who is bright
enough to go to college ought to go to college. The fact that his
parents may be rich or poor shouldn't matter. And we are willing to
make the investments in our colleges to make sure that no parent has to
say this child can go to college and this one can't because we are not
willing to make the investment.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, once again I am amused by the
comments of my good friends and colleagues on the other side.
The fact of the matter is the departments that run these programs
that we are addressing right here asked for $2.3 billion less than our
good friends on the other side are proposing us to spend, which means
that they believe they can accomplish the goals that have been given to
them with $2.3 billion less.
And they talk about all this wonderful caring they have for families.
Well, the largest tax increase in the history of our Nation that they
passed in their budget, about $2,700 per family, is a peculiar way of
showing you are caring for the American family.
With that, Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the
minority whip, my good friend from Missouri (Mr. Blunt).
Mr. BLUNT. Mr. Chairman, I thank my friend for yielding. I am pleased
to be here as a part of this debate.
I continue to hear as these debates go on that somehow these
increases are not real increases, and I continue to be mystified by
that. I think if my good friend from Georgia's amendment was approved,
and I voted for his cutting amendment on each of these bills, if that
amendment was approved, we would still have an increase in this bill of
a little over 5 percent.
Now, I don't know how that calculates out to not an increase, but I
am continuing to try to figure out how that is not an increase. I do
know that that increase of 5 percent anywhere that I talk to Americans
is an increase. And I know, more importantly, in the course of today
and tomorrow that what my friend from Georgia is suggesting is that if
we let this one appropriations bill grow by 5 percent, as we move on
later into the discussion of the farm bill, we would have saved enough
money in this 1.4 percent cut not to have a tax increase that puts the
farm bill in jeopardy.
The farm bill is a bill that I voted for in the past and hope to vote
for this year, but it is a bill that doesn't have to include a tax
increase. But the $7.5 billion over 10 years that the farm bill needs
could be gained right here if we would save $750 million of the
increase in this bill.
I just urge my colleagues to look at what we are doing here, realize
that we are jeopardizing important things by moving forward in a way
that spends more money than we have to spend this year.
Most of these programs are good programs. I was a college president
for 4 years. I believe in college education, in everybody having one. I
don't believe that the reality is as stark as our friends on the other
side would suggest. I believe a 5 percent increase used wisely would
make all of these programs work effectively and for the American
people, and we would be making the decisions we need to make for the
other things we need to do.
I support this amendment.
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I am happy to yield 30 seconds to my
colleague from Ohio.
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
It is very interesting and we need to continue to point this out: We
had a measure within the first 100 hours we were here to cut $14
billion from the oil company subsidies, and my friends on the other
side couldn't find the courage to vote for that, but they want to do it
on the back of these COPS programs in our local neighborhoods. Ninety
billion dollars' worth of tax shelters, they didn't vote for that, but
yet they want to cut COPS programs in our local communities. They had
the opportunity to stop funding these huge tax cuts and subsidies to
the oil companies, refused to do that for fear of alienation, and now
they choose to do it on the backs of these programs.
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
A couple quick points. Of course we hear the mantra from my friends
on the other side of this bill's representing a tax increase when there
is no tax increase in this bill. We have now heard the same statement
applied to the farm bill. There is no tax increase in the farm bill.
My friends seem to think that the corporate welfare that we provide,
if you cut corporate welfare, that somehow we are increasing taxes on
average Americans; if we do away with offshore tax savings, that we are
somehow doing away with the income of ordinary Americans. But I think
ordinary Americans would rather have the investment in our law
enforcement. They would rather have safe streets than safe shelters
overseas.
And one point I wanted to make with respect to a comment that my
friend from Georgia made. He said the departments here aren't even
asking for the resources we are providing them. None of the agencies
want the resources that they would be provided in this bill.
Maybe my friend represents a very different district than my own, but
I have never had police officers from my cities of Burbank, Glendale,
or Pasadena come to me and say, Congressman, we have too much money for
cops. We have too many cops on the street. We don't want any of your
help. Thank you, but no thank you.
Now, maybe things are quite a bit better in Georgia. Maybe there is
no crime in Georgia, and maybe your police departments are saying, we
don't need vests, we don't need cops, we are doing great, thank you,
but no thank you.
That is not what I am hearing. What I am hearing is they have got
greater responsibilities in the war on terror. They have got higher
gang violence. They need the resources. They need the people on patrol.
That is what I am hearing.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, at this point I am pleased to
yield 2 minutes to my good friend from Indiana (Mr. Pence).
(Mr. PENCE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. PENCE. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I
thank him for bringing this important amendment.
Facts are stubborn things, Mr. Chairman. The CJS bill spends $53.6
billion. This amendment would reduce that by 1.4 percent, but it would
still allow for
[[Page H8653]]
an increase in the Commerce-Justice, and Science spending. With the
passage of this amendment that is being characterized as a cut in the
CJS budget, this bill still increases by nearly $1 billion compared to
last year.
And let me be clear on what we are trying to do, I think what the
gentleman from Georgia is trying to do here, and that is we are trying
to find a way to avoid having to raise taxes the way the Democrats are
planning to do in the farm bill later today. I mean, the Democrat
majority is planning to bring a $7.5 billion tax increase to the floor
of the Congress in the context of the farm bill later today, and we are
just trying to take this opportunity to make a cut in a single year
that, if we did it over 10 years, we wouldn't have to raise taxes.
Now, that is being characterized as the work of a small minority
versus a bipartisan majority. At least they are not calling us a fringe
this week.
Well, I think if the small majority is the people that want to pay
for increases in spending with budget discipline, and the bipartisan
majority is the one that wants to pay for increases in spending by
raising taxes, I am happy to be part of the small majority that I
happen to think speaks for the overwhelming majority of the American
people, who want this Congress to live within its means, who want this
Congress in a bipartisan way to make the tough choices to put our
fiscal house in order.
I commend the gentleman from Georgia. I thank him for his vision. I
urge passage of the Price amendment, because if it passes, it will lay
a foundation where we will not have to raise taxes by $7.5 billion in
the farm bill later today.
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. LEWIS of California. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last
word.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. LEWIS of California. Mr. Chairman, I had not intended to speak on
this matter, but the rhetoric has gotten my attention enough that I
thought I should share with the American people as well as my
colleagues my early experience in public affairs.
I will never forget running for a school board, and people were
talking about the Federal Government's beginning to get involved in
education. I remember saying to those people, let us be very, very
careful about going to Uncle Sam to finance our schools when
traditionally that is the highest of State responsibilities, and they
cooperate with local districts to provide for our schools and control
them.
Uncle Sam then gave only 10 cents on the dollar for education, and
those who gave the 10 cents wanted to tell us more and more what to do
in our local school districts.
{time} 1415
All these years later, I must say it's like 50 years later, we
continue to want to tell people what to do in their local schools, and
we're now giving them 90 cents on the dollar. Those who are talking
about free gifts for people who are providing for educational
activities, et cetera, et cetera, et cetera, eventually the folks who
are sending their children for school, one way they will pay for that
education, one way or another. For you could, in those days, I'm not
sure what the figure is now, but in those days you could take every
family that made $100,000 or more, and anything above that $100,000,
tax it 100 percent, and you could run the government for 30 days.
The people are not stupid. They know, as you're playing games with
them suggesting, oh, Uncle Sam has a free lunch here some way, the
folks that you're talking to are having to pay the bills in the final
analysis regardless, because all those rich people, you tax them 100
percent, and they will not run your government more than 30 or 60 days.
And who pays for the rest of it?
Another point that is very important, in my view, the rhetoric that
suggests that the Federal Government should do everything centers
around the reality that the Federal Government has a responsibility to
provide for the national defense, make an effort to provide security
and freedom in the world, and then make sure our local government and
our State governments are healthy. They are not healthy if you so
discourage industry that they leave the country in order to be able to
get their work done and produce the products that we need. Those rich
oil companies that you're talking about, they're leaving the country.
The light bulbs we were talking about earlier, they're all made in
China. It's about time we recognize that Uncle Sam does not have every
answer.
I'm going to vote ``no'' on this bill, in spite of what the gentleman
from California said earlier. I have the privilege of being the ranking
member on the committee, but I'm going to be voting ``no'' because it
is about $2 billion over the President's budget request, and the
agencies around know they don't need as much money as you folks want to
spend on them.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Wisconsin is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. OBEY. You know, Mr. Chairman, we've had a game going on in this
Capitol for the last 6 years. It's called ``Shift the Shaft,'' and
nowhere is it more clear than in what has happened with law enforcement
funding.
As I said yesterday, we've had a Kabuki dance going on in this
Congress for years. What happens is each year the President comes up
with a budget. He's looking for things he can squeeze out of the budget
to make room for tax cuts for millionaires. And so what does he do? He
cuts the guts out of our assistance to local law enforcement, and then
we wonder why the crime rate has gone up the last 2 years. He cuts the
guts out of law enforcement, and then each year the previously
Republican-controlled Congress comes in, they restore about one-third
of those cuts, they say, oh, what good boys are we. Look at what we've
done to help law enforcement. And at the end of that time, we're $1.5
billion below where we were in 2001 in terms of our assistance to local
law enforcement. Now, maybe that makes sense to some folks; it doesn't
make sense to me, not with the explosion of meth problems all over the
country, not with the explosion of drug problems.
The prior Speaker of the House had a big thing about going after drug
production in Colombia. We're spending hundreds and millions of dollars
in Colombia, but we're not spending nearly enough money here at home to
reduce the demand for those same drugs that are being produced in
Colombia, and this amendment would cut that further.
The same crowd talking is the crowd that didn't mind providing $600
billion in borrowed money in order to finance that misbegotten war in
Iraq. It's the same crowd that is willing to provide $57 billion in tax
cuts to millionaires this year, paid for with borrowed money. But then
they divert the public's attention from the cause of those on-the-cuff
expenditures by saying, oh, we're going to focus a 1 or a 2 percent cut
on law enforcement, a 1 or 2 percent cut on the National Science
Foundation so we can get people to think that that's the problem that's
causing the deficit and not our profligacy for the last 2 years.
Now our friends on the Republican side of the aisle say, oh, we've
got this terrible tax cut coming in the farm bill. Baloney. What we're
trying to do in the farm bill is to increase support for domestic
nutrition programs so that, in addition to having 44 million people in
this country who are walking around without health insurance, we don't
also have a lot more kids walking around who are hungry. And we're
talking about paying for that not by raising taxes on middle-class
Americans, but by closing the loopholes on offshore foreign
corporations.
Now, I'm not at all surprised that the Republican leadership cannot
tell the difference between closing tax loopholes on special interests
and raising taxes on the middle class. The difference is that on this
side of the aisle we can, and that's why we're voting against your
amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 15 seconds
to my good friend from Georgia (Mr. Westmoreland).
Mr. WESTMORELAND. I thank my friend for yielding.
[[Page H8654]]
I just want to clear up one thing. Let's clear the smoke out of the
room here and put some facts in the discussion. The Clinton
administration awarded the Halliburton contract. Mr. Cheney only
extended it. The Bush administration only extended it after trouble in
the Middle East broke out.
Mr. SCHIFF. I thank the gentleman for his defense of the Vice
President and Halliburton. I'm sure the Vice President has no
connection, no history with Halliburton whatsoever.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, may I inquire as to how much time
remains on each side?
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Georgia has 1\1/4\ minutes
remaining. The gentleman from California has 5\1/2\ minutes.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I do want to point out that there
isn't a corporation in this world that pays taxes that don't come from
somewhere other than the back pockets of the American people. There
isn't a single corporation in this Nation that doesn't pay taxes where
that money doesn't come from individuals.
Corporations don't pay taxes; it's passed through, it goes to the
individual. So to say that any increase in taxes on corporations
doesn't affect the American people is ridiculous. It's ridiculous. To
talk about the oil companies that have their taxes increased, all that
the majority has done is driven us to greater reliance on foreign oil.
This amendment would decrease the increase of spending in this
portion of the appropriations bill by 1.4 percent, $750 million a year,
$7.5 billion over 10 years, in order to cover what the majority says is
the desire and the need to have a tax increase for the farm bill.
This is the kind of fiscally responsible spending and appropriations
that the American people are demanding. They aren't interested in a
government that is so large that it can take away everything that they
need. They believe they can make better decisions with their money than
the government makes with their money.
And so we strongly urge our colleagues to adopt this amendment to
avoid a tax increase on the farm bill.
Mr. SCHIFF. I thank the gentleman for pointing out that corporations
don't pay taxes. I don't think that's quite true, but that certainly is
the aim of my friend from Georgia, and my friends in the majority have
been working hard for that object for some time.
I am happy to yield 30 seconds to my colleague from New York (Mr.
Israel).
Mr. ISRAEL. I thank the gentleman.
I just want to shed some light on some of the rhetoric we've heard.
Ripe from the committee report, FBI field investigative resources used
for criminal investigative matters have decreased 29 percent from
nearly 6,200 agents to 4,400 agents over the same period. The committee
is concerned over the decline in FBI criminal investigative resources,
particularly in light of the recent announcement by the FBI that
violent crime in communities across the Nation, murders, robberies,
forcible rapes and aggravated assaults, rose for the second straight
year.
Why would we want to cut the FBI $90 million when crime is
increasing?
Mr. SCHIFF. I thank the gentleman for pointing out the cuts to the
FBI and other law enforcement that would be occasioned by this
amendment and others that my friends are offering.
The cuts go deeper. They cross the board in terms of everything that
the Justice Department does. My friend's amendment would cut funding
for victims of child abuse. My friend's amendment would cut funding for
the COPS program. It would cut funding for violence against women,
victims of violence against women. But let's hone in on a very
specific, because my friend says, well, these aren't really cuts. Let
me talk about one program specifically that my friend's amendment makes
a very real cut to, not artificial, not Orwellian, not imaginary, and
that's bulletproof vests.
Back in 2003, the Attorney General announced the Body Armor Safety
Initiative in response to the failure of bullet-resistant vests. One in
particular worn by a police officer in Pennsylvania was discovered that
the xylan vests, when they were old and used, weren't stopping bullets
the way they were supposed to, and so the Justice Department started a
program to replace these vests.
The COPS program funds an effort to provide vests for local police
departments. That program has been very successful. In my friend's home
State of Georgia, for example, he can pick any city, Alpharetta City,
the program bought 40 new bulletproof vests for the police officers in
Alpharetta City. Across Georgia, there were 1,100 of these xylan vests
replaced that needed to be replaced.
In the new COPS program that we're funding here, Alpharetta City got
25 new bulletproof vests. Cherokee County got 293 bulletproof vests.
Cobb County got 566 bulletproof vests. DeKalb County got another 240.
Georgia, in total, just in this particular year, I think 2005, got
4,789 new bulletproof vests.
My friend's amendment makes a real cut to the number of bulletproof
vests we can provide cops, not a decrease in the rate of increase, but
makes a real cut. Under my friend's amendment, the cops in Georgia are
going to get fewer bulletproof vests than they would get without it and
than they got last year.
Now, I can't go home to my district and tell the cops of Burbank,
Pasadena and Glendale that I cut their funding for their bulletproof
vests, but the indiscriminate nature of this amendment means that is
exactly what it would do in my district, in my friend's district in
Georgia.
My friend from Colorado, who has an amendment, I'm sure, for another
across-the-board cut, Fort Collins, Colorado, they got five vests.
Greeley City got 53 bulletproof vests. Longmont City got 28 bulletproof
vests. Colorado, in this particular year, got 3,900 new vests. These
across-the-board cuts mean fewer bulletproof vests for cops in
Colorado.
My friend's amendment from Ohio, with even bigger across-the-board
cuts, would be devastating in Ohio. Ohio, in this program, got 5,200
new vests. So what is that going to mean? A 6 percent cut. That means,
what, several hundred fewer bulletproof vests? Well, that may not mean
much to us here, but if you're one of those cops that can't get their
vest replaced and that vest isn't going to work so well against one of
those assault rifles or one of those other heavy-caliber munitions
they're facing out there on the street, it means a heck of a lot.
And I don't know about my friend from Georgia, but I don't have the
cops from my district coming to me and saying, we've got more money
than we need. We don't need bulletproof vests. We don't need
interoperable communications equipment. A lot of the cops out in the
County of Los Angeles can't talk to each other because their
communications equipment won't talk to each other. We fund that here.
My friend's amendment cuts that here.
How can my friends, not on the bipartisan majority, but in the
minority that has expressed themselves here today, say they're for law
and order, say they're standing behind the men and women in uniform,
and then make real cuts to what we provide? Or, as my chairman points
out, if you don't just look at last year, compared to last year where
we didn't do very well by them either, but if you look at where we were
in 2001, we're going backwards, not forwards. We're not even at where
we were 5 years ago.
This amendment is a mistake, and I urge my colleagues to reject it.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. MOLLOHAN. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from West Virginia is recognized
for 5 minutes.
Mr. MOLLOHAN. Mr. Chairman, I just want to expand on the excellent
debate and the points that have been made in opposition to this
amendment.
The fact is we are in a period of rising crime. In the last 2 years
we have experienced a rise in crime. We are looking at an amendment
that proposes an across-the-board cut.
The first thing you all need to understand about this amendment is
that it is indiscriminate. It doesn't look at what programs are being
cut. It doesn't talk about cutting one program more because it's a
lower priority or that program less because it's a higher priority, or
excluding some programs from being cut because they are a tremendously
high priority.
My colleague just talked about State and local law enforcement. The
previous amendment would have cut the
[[Page H8655]]
Justice Department by some $681 million. This amendment cuts the
Justice Department by $335 million. Those are real dollars and real
cuts to law enforcement. Those cuts translate directly to local law
enforcement and the people that are actually fighting crime in the
streets.
{time} 1430
What the Federal Government has done to support those folks in the
past is given them resources, as the gentleman just described. If you
are the sheriff's department in rural America, or you are the chief of
police in urban America, or if you are a local law enforcement
coordinator, then you are hurt badly by this across-the-board cut
amendment.
The last amendment was a $45 million cut to State and local law
enforcement. That means, as the gentleman just eloquently described, a
large cut to our State and local law enforcement.
I would like to describe another area of the bill that would be cut
by this amendment. To emphasize how real these cuts are, let's look at
NASA. We have acknowledged that NASA is not being funded at a level
that allows it to meet its missions across the board. If you are at
Glenn Research Center or the Ames Research Center, and you are out
there listening to this amendment, you need to understand that across-
the-board cuts are going to mean significant things to your institutes.
It means you are going to have fewer resources when right now you have
a mission that you already lack resources to perform.
Employees at Kennedy Space Center, Marshall Space Flight Center,
Goddard Space Flight Center and Johnson Space Flight Center in Texas,
or who live in the communities and depend on it will be impacted by
this amendment.
Science. This amendment would cut $79.7 million out of the science
account. In this bill we tried to increase the science account so they
will be able to do their missions.
Aeronautics; $9 million. And out of exploration--Johnson Space Flight
Center and Kennedy Space Flight Center ought to be really tuned in to
this--$54.9 million.
A total cut for NASA, Mr. Chairman, of $246.7 million. NASA is
concerned about that. NASA says, and let me read, ``The consequence of
these cuts is that NASA will not be able to make as effective or safe a
transition to the new systems as originally planned. There will likely
be significant workforce impacts as a result. Thus these budget
reductions have ripple effects over many years due to the highly
integrated nature of the shuttle and exploration systems. Many shuttle
employees are at risk with these across-the-board cuts.''
So, Mr. Chairman, this is just another reason of why we should be
against these across-the-board cuts.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from New Jersey is recognized for
5 minutes.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. I yield to the gentleman from Georgia.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I rise and with all due respect
would ask my colleagues to simply read the amendment. The amendment
states, total appropriations made in this act are hereby reduced by
$750 million. That is not an across-the-board cut. That allows the
agencies to determine where best they are able to absorb a decrease in
the increase that they would be provided by this underlying bill. What
we challenge with this 1.4 percent reduction in the increase is for
each of those agencies to find 14 cents out of every $10.
Mr. Chairman, I would suggest that is what families do all across
this Nation every day. So our priorities are the American family. Our
priorities are the American family. We take our responsibility
seriously to keep it fiscally prudent and fiscally responsible.
Mr. Chairman, we believe this amendment moves us in that direction.
We would urge our colleagues to support the amendment.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Price).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chairman announced that the
noes appeared to have it.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Georgia will
be postponed.
Amendment Offered by Mr. King of Iowa
Mr. KING of Iowa. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. King of Iowa:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
TITLE VII--ADDITIONAL GENERAL PROVISIONS
Sec. 701. None of the funds in this Act may be used to
employ workers described in section 274A(h)(3) of the
Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1324a(h)(3)).
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of today, the
gentleman from Iowa (Mr. King) and a Member opposed each will control 5
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Iowa.
Mr. KING of Iowa. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Mr. Chairman, this amendment that I bring before the House is an
amendment that I brought on at least two other appropriation bills. The
section of the Code that it addresses, 274A(h)(3), is the section that
defines those who are not lawful to work in the United States. It
includes two categories of people. It would be those who are unlawfully
present and those who are lawfully present without work authorization.
My amendment prohibits any of the funds that are appropriated under
this act from being used to employ persons who are not lawful to work
in the United States.
It is a standard amendment that I brought in the past. Should the
gentleman ask me to yield, I would be open to that, obviously.
Meanwhile, the point that inspires me to come to the floor more than
any other is a report that was released in June of 2006 by the Office
of the Inspector General of the Social Security Administration that
identified that approximately 11,000 employees were likely working for
the government, 7 Federal agencies, 7 State agencies, and 3 local
agencies, under nonwork Social Security numbers. All the Federal
Government needed to do was run their databases against each other, the
Social Security Administration and the Department of Homeland Security.
They could have identified these employees.
The category that I have described only includes those who are
lawfully present but not authorized to work, but there is another
category of those that are not lawfully present that this amendment
would address, as well.
Mr. MOLLOHAN. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. KING of Iowa. I yield to the gentleman from West Virginia.
Mr. MOLLOHAN. Mr. Chairman, this amendment, as we understand it, is
merely a restatement of current law, which already prohibits the
employment of unauthorized aliens. We don't read into it that it
imposes any new burden on those who are using funds appropriated under
the act. It is fully consistent with current legal obligations imposed
on all employers, regardless of whether or not they use such funds.
We would accept the amendment, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. KING of Iowa. Mr. Chairman, reclaiming my time, I thank the
chairman. I concur with the analysis that he has delivered to the floor
of this House, Mr. Chairman. I would encourage adoption of my
amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Iowa (Mr. King).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Mrs. Musgrave
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment offered by Mrs. Musgrave:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
[[Page H8656]]
TITLE VII--ADDITIONAL GENERAL PROVISIONS
Sec. 701. Appropriations made in this Act are hereby
reduced in the amount of $267,755,000.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of today, the
gentlewoman from Colorado (Mrs. Musgrave) and a Member opposed each
will control 15 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from Colorado.
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Mr. Chairman, this discussion is becoming very familiar as we go
through these appropriations bills. This bill is $2.2 billion over the
President's request. That is a percentage of 4.2 percent. It is $1.6
billion over last year's amount with an increase of 3.1 percent over
last year. My amendment would take the increase from 3.1 percent to 2.6
percent.
Mr. Chairman, I have thought a lot about this. This has especially
been on my mind today as we are getting ready to vote on the farm bill
in the afternoon.
When I think about raising taxes to pay for these programs, there is
not anyone in here that is doubting the worthiness of the way we are
spending dollars in this bill. I personally have a son-in-law that is a
police officer, so when you talk to me about bulletproof vests, that is
something that I think about when I think about the young man that is
married to my daughter and the father of my three grandchildren. So I
want to say these are worthy things that we are spending these dollars
on.
But we have to realize there is not an infinite supply of money that
just falls out of the sky. We have taxpayers that fund all of these
programs. And while the programs are worthy, and I support an increase,
I merely want to take the increase from 3.1 to 2.6 percent.
As we get ready to consider the farm bill today, during the markup of
the farm bill I offered an amendment, and my amendment basically said
we would have a sense of Congress that the programs in the farm bill
would not be paid for by a tax increase. Unfortunately, the chairman
ruled that my amendment was out of order and it was not germane.
Yesterday, while we had a discussion with the Secretary of
Agriculture over the farm bill, he said that perhaps Mrs. Musgrave's
amendment was the most germane of all the amendments, because we are
looking at an enormous tax increase to pay for the farm bill.
In the Fourth District of Colorado, we have about 2 million cattle.
We are eighth in the country in total value of egg production. We have
an enormous dependence upon agriculture in our district. The whole
northeastern and southeastern part of the State depends on agriculture
as the basis of their economy.
We were told all along during the farm bill discussion that we were
not going to have a tax increase. In fact, if I may quote the chairman,
when I offered my amendment, he said, ``Nobody is talking about a tax
increase here.'' Now, today, we have the farm bill coming up on the
floor, and we have a tax increase.
I had to call the Farm Bureau today, my friends at the Farm Bureau. I
talked to the Farmers Union. I talked to the wheat growers, the
cattlemen, corn growers, telling the folks that now the rug has been
pulled out from under us on this farm bill. We had an agreement. We no
longer have an agreement. We are looking at a tax increase. Rural
America, not just the Fourth District of Colorado, is looking in today
to see what we do with the farm bill, and I am very disappointed that
now we are looking at a tax increase.
When we think about the taxpayer out there, just average Americans,
they work clear up into April to pay their taxes. April 30 is ``tax
freedom day.'' I would like to have each young person that is getting
ready to enter the workforce think about that. You work all through
January, you work through February, you work through March, you work
through April before you get to quit paying for government. When you
think about it, Americans work longer to pay for government than they
do for food, clothing and housing combined.
We need to show some discipline here, just a mere 0.5 percent. Again,
increase the spending for these worthy needs, but take it from 3.1 to
2.6 percent.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
{time} 1445
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, I claim the time in opposition.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from New York is recognized for 15
minutes.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Iowa (Mr. King).
Mr. KING of Iowa. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentlewoman from Colorado
for yielding.
As I listen to this debate, there are a number of things that race
across my mind. One of them is the constant repetition of the
statement, ``This is a real cut. This is a real cut.'' It is a real cut
in a real big increase. So if you want to describe it as a real cut,
you have to say a real cut in a real big increase or you're not telling
the American people what is really going on here.
There are a few areas of our budget that are discretionary spending,
and there are a few areas of our budget that aren't discretionary
spending. Those that are on auto pilot we can't do a lot about in the
appropriations process. Yet those that are discretionary spending, we
can do something about. Yet the majority seems to be determined to
continue to accelerate the increases in spending in the discretionary
sections of our budget. It is like you are driven to grow this
government no matter the price to the taxpayers.
So I have come in a realization here in the first 6 or 7 months of
this 110th Congress: You guys really believe in what you do. I didn't
think so before. I thought maybe there were some people who were a
little cynical, but I believe now you really believe in what you're
doing. I believe you really do want to grow this government. I believe
you want to raise taxes. I believe you want to take the
responsibilities off of all the people all the time and take it into a
maternalistic, socialist government. I now believe that. You've
convinced me. And you've been constant and you've been repetitive and
you have been consistent and persistent in driving this growth of
government across this floor of Congress.
One day, the American people will rebel to this if they can get over
their apathy. I'm for the Musgrave amendment.
Announcement by the Acting Chairman
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Members are reminded to direct their remarks to
the Chair.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, now we have been accused of supporting a
socialistic government because we want to put more cops on the street
and because we want the FBI to have more resources to go after
terrorists who are trying to destroy democracy. For that we are a
socialist government, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Chairman, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman
from Ohio (Mr. Ryan).
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. I think it is funny that we got the socialism
talking points back out, Mr. Chairman. Dusted them from 1992 and 1993,
and now they are back out. But this is exactly right, Mr. Israel. This
is about putting agents, cops on the street. This is about national
security. This is about protecting our country.
Now, I think it is important that we get a little bit into the
details on a couple of these programs that the gentlelady's amendment
is going to cut and that the previous two amendments were going to cut,
too, because I think it is easy for us to say you are going to cut cops
and cut the FBI. It doesn't sound like a whole lot.
But as the gentleman from New York stated earlier, there has been a
decrease in FBI criminal agents by 29 percent from 6,200 to 4,400
agents. So what the committee did, in all its wisdom in a bipartisan
way, said we need to hire more people. For what exact programs? Well,
why don't we take a look here.
National security field investigations is one of the programs that
would be cut under this amendment. Now, many of our friends on the
other side of the aisle say, what, is the world going to end if we cut
this by 0.5 percent? Is the
[[Page H8657]]
world going to end if we cut this by 1 percent? Is the world going to
end if we cut this by 3 percent? Let's look at exactly what you're
cutting. Just in this one little program, national security field
investigations, the committee wants to hire 245 positions, 150 agents,
95 support personnel to increase the level of field resources dedicated
to national security investigations. This amendment will cut agents
from being on the street protecting the United States of America.
Let's look at another one, surveillance. This committee wants to hire
another 50 people, 50 positions under the surveillance program to
provide additional resources for the FBI to conduct surveillance in
support of priority national security investigations. Do you think this
isn't going to affect anything? There are going to be less agents
investigating. There are going to be less agents listening to the
terrorists who already may be in this country. This amendment will
ensure that these agents don't get in the field, they don't get hired,
and that they don't listen to what the terrorists are saying and
hopefully protecting the United States of America from the next
terrorist plot.
This is a dangerous amendment that puts this country's security in
jeopardy.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, before I reserve the balance of my time, I
just remind the gentleman who accused us of being socialists that I
think just about every Republican, including very conservative members
of the Appropriations Committee, supported this bill. I don't believe
they would appreciate being called socialists because they believe in
cops on the street and more resources for the FBI. They are not
socialists; neither are we. We are commonsense, mainstream Members of
Congress who want to protect America's neighborhoods.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman
from Tennessee (Mrs. Blackburn).
Mrs. BLACKBURN. Mr. Chairman, I rise to support the Musgrave
amendment. I think it is the wise move to make. It shows good
stewardship to come in and look at this budget and say, where do we
slow the growth and how do we slow the growth?
As we all know and as we have learned from so many of our States that
have balanced budget amendments that have to curtail the growth of the
budget, across-the-board reductions work. They work. And the reason
they work is because you get to go in and manage. The Departments get
to manage where they want to make those reductions. We all know you can
make those half percent reductions. Mr. Chairman, they have been proven
to work.
The thing that is so very interesting to me is, even if this were to
pass, making a half percent reduction and saving the taxpayers $268
million, which is what Mrs. Musgrave is seeking to do, you would still
have an increase. You would still have an increase in Science,
Commerce, Justice spending. That would be there.
But what we are seeking to do is rein in what the Federal Government
spends. We can sit here and argue about the particulars of budgeting.
We can talk about how baseline budgeting always sets us up for saying
whatever is put on the table is a cut, and we can talk about how zero-
based budgeting might be a better approach to how the Federal
Government goes about setting its annual budget.
But one thing we know is this, that the liberal elites always want to
come in and spend more. They never get enough of the taxpayers' dollar.
We are seeing that this is proving to be the ``hold onto your wallet''
Congress. As I said last week when our friends across the aisle were
calling us the ``fringe,'' FRINGE does mean ``fiscal responsibility
includes no government excess.''
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, while they talk about cutting the increase,
criminals keep increasing. There has been a 3.6 percent increase in
violent crimes. We believe at least we should keep pace with those
criminals so we can put them behind bars and bring them to justice.
I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr.
Ryan).
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, we had an opportunity within the
first 100 hours to cut $14 billion from going to the oil companies. We
supported it. Our friends on the other side of the aisle rejected that
approach; they would rather take it out of security. So I think it is
important we go back.
My friend from Tennessee said where do we slow the growth. Well, we
tried to slow it from going to the oil companies and we tried to slow
it from going to corporations who harbor themselves in these far-off
distant lands to avoid paying taxes. Our friends choose to take it out
of security.
Let's look at a couple more of these programs because sometimes the
details hurt. Crimes Against Children, which is a program we have, the
committee wanted to have an increase of 14 positions to provide a
coordinated investigative, operational and intelligence effort to
combat crimes against children and to address child abduction,
predators who sexually assault children, and child prostitution. There
will not be 14 positions to protect our children if this amendment
passes.
How about this one, weapons of mass destruction directorate. Sounds
like a pretty good idea post-9/11, and in a bipartisan way it passed
out of committee. Here is what it will do. The committee wants to hire
146 positions, 29 agents, 69 support personnel, to develop the
essential baseline capabilities to build a dedicated weapons of mass
destruction program designed to prevent, prepare for, and respond to
the threat of weapons of mass destruction. If this amendment passes, we
are going to have less agents trying to find folks who are in our
country trying to unleash weapons of mass destruction.
How about the Data Intercept and Access program; 41 positions, 6
agents, 35 support to provide the technical expertise, training and
necessary equipment to execute lawfully authorized electronic
surveillance of data network communications facilities trying to
protect us. This bill has some essential components to it.
This committee went to great lengths to make sure that they would
make the proper investments. This is very well thought out. I think we
would be hard-pressed to find any American who would read this and say
no, you know what, we should not hire that many agents. We should give
that money to the oil companies. I don't think there are many Americans
who would say that.
One more before I yield back. Render Safe Mission, the RSM program;
nine positions, three agents, six support personnel to address the
White House directive, the White House directive, giving the FBI the
mission to respond to devices involving weapons of mass destruction
within the United States and its territories. Within the United States.
This is not about Iraq. This is not about Afghanistan. This is about
funding nine positions in this one specific field, people who are
experts to keep this country safe.
I think the more we get into these programs, the more ridiculous some
of these amendments seem. The American people would not support a 0.5
percent decrease in these programs, not a 1 percent decrease in these
programs, not a 3 percent decrease in these programs. These are
essential.
When you look at the money, Mr. Chairman, that has been wasted in
Iraq on unbid, no-bid contracts, no oversight provided at all, when you
look at the $14 billion we tried to get off the oil companies, that
makes sense. Get that money. Don't get it on the backs of FBI agents
who are going to be operating surveillance operations here in the
United States.
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
Georgia (Mr. Westmoreland).
Mr. WESTMORELAND. Mr. Chairman, I want to thank the gentlelady for
yielding. I rise in support of her amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I want to tell a story for you and other people that
might be listening about a gentleman who was a wide receiver for the
Atlanta Falcons. His name was Alex Hawkins. One night he didn't come
home. He had a history of maybe carousing around and staying out a
little bit too late. He didn't come home one night, so he snuck in the
door early the next morning, and his wife said, ``Hawk, where have you
been?''
He said, ``Well, I got in kind of late last night and didn't want to
wake you
[[Page H8658]]
up, and I fell asleep outside in the hammock on the porch.''
She said, ``Alex, that hammock has been gone for a year.''
He looked kind of puzzled and he said, ``Well, Honey, that's my story
and I'm sticking to it.''
That is what the other side is doing. They have a story, and they are
sticking to it.
I want to give you, Mr. Chairman, a math problem. Other people who
want to work this math problem can, too, but I want to give you a math
problem. If you take $53.6 billion and you multiply it times 0.025
percent, Mr. Chairman, will you get more than $53.6 billion? I think
you will. I think it will be an increase over that number. So what this
amendment does, it gives an increase over last year's spending.
Now, did the FBI come in and say, We don't need any more money? I
doubt it. So really and truly, if you want to take the kind of logic
that the majority is taking because they can't do math very well, then
the FBI could have come in and said, You know what? We want $10 billion
more. Well, I can't give you that. So in reality, they are cutting the
FBI from the request that they made even though they are getting more
money.
{time} 1500
Now, this is fuzzy math, I know, and, Mr. Chairman, for any young
people that might be listening to this, I hope you don't get confused.
I know all these speeches are somewhat, Mr. Chairman, like an algebra
problem, but we are asking, this is an increase? It is an increase over
last year for these FBI agents and these police officers. It is not a
cut. I don't know how else to explain it.
And, you know, I'm sure that Alex Hawkins knew that his wife knew
that he was lying, but that was his story, and he's sticking to it. The
same thing goes to the majority party.
The sad part about this, Mr. Chairman, is when we're all going to
realize the truth, and many of us realize it's the truth now, it is
when the taxpayers of this country and those family budgets are getting
judged.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, may I inquire as to the time?
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from New York has 6\1/2\ minutes
remaining. The gentlewoman from Colorado has 4 minutes remaining.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from
Ohio.
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, I would like to continue the math
analogy and the math equation here.
What do you get if you have a weapons of mass destruction directorate
program that has 146 positions, and you cut that budget by .5 percent
or 3 percent? Well, we won't get into the details, but you get less
than 146 positions. That is a cut.
What do you get if you cut the Render Safe Mission program that wants
to hire nine people, and you cut that by 1 percent? You're going to get
less than the nine people.
Stop cutting national security.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from
California.
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I just want to say I enjoyed the Hawkins
story, but I think if we were going to apply that analogy here, it
would be this.
A police officer goes to you in your district office and says,
Congressman, there was money in the budget for my bulletproof vest.
Announcement by the Acting Chairman
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman will suspend.
Members are advised to address their remarks to the Chair.
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I think the better analogy would be, the
police officer goes to my friend and says, Congressman, there was money
in the budget for my bulletproof vest. What happened to it? I don't
have my vest.
And the gentleman said, well, we didn't cut the money for your vest;
you're wearing it. But the officer says, I've got no vest on. And the
Congressman says, that's my story, and I'm sticking to it.
It may be a good story, but it doesn't protect him from bullets.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of our time.
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Florida.
Mr. MARIO DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Mr. Chairman, I'm a little confused
by this debate. I'm not the most sophisticated person in the world, but
if you have an increase, and then you decide to reduce the size of that
increase, it's still an increase.
You know, when you cut down to the chase, look, I think this is the
question. Yes ask the American people, is the Federal Government so
efficient, so perfect that it cannot absorb a slight reduction in the
size of the increase, because it's so efficient that every single penny
is used perfectly, and, therefore, a reduction in the size of an
increase, oh, is devastating because we have such a perfect Federal
Government that we can't even reduce the size of the increase?
Now, again, I'm not real sophisticated, but back home, if you get an
increase, or you say I want a 10 percent increase, and if you have a
real job, a normal job like most Americans, and they go to their bosses
and say, hey, I would like a 5 percent increase in my pay, and the boss
says, I can't give you a 5 percent, I'm going to give you a 4\1/2\
percent, is that a cut in salary, or is that an increase in salary, but
half a percent less than what you asked for?
And again, if we thought that the Federal Government was so good, so
efficient and so perfect that it can't absorb that, then don't support
this amendment. But if you think that the Federal Government may be
just a little bit imperfect, they might waste just a tiny bit of money,
but maybe there's just a little bit of money that we could use
elsewhere, then I would suggest, I'm not going to get into the rhetoric
on the math, but again, if you think that the Federal Government could
maybe absorb a little bit less of an increase, then this is a very
modest decrease of the size of the increase.
I thank the chairman.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Wisconsin is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, the last comments I think demonstrate that
this debate is in danger of descending into something that resembles a
high school debate, and we appear to be edging toward having a
dictionary debate, arguing about whether something is a ``cut'' or an
``increase''.
With all due respect, in an adult world, that's not the issue. In an
adult world, the question is what is the size of the problem you're
trying to attack, and is our response to it sufficient?
And with all due respect to those on the other side of the aisle who
are objecting to this bipartisan product, with all due respect, we
think we have a serious problem that requires a serious response.
In the area of law enforcement, we have seen our support for law
enforcement grants drop by $1.6 billion since fiscal 2001. That is
almost a 36 percent drop. That isn't a dictionary problem. That's a
problem on the street for every community in America.
We also see at the same time we have a rise in the crime rate, which
requires a response, regardless of our dictionary definition, and we
also have an explosion of meth use. Have you ever seen how screwed up a
kid can be after meth has gotten done with him? It's a god-awful sight,
and I've seen plenty of it.
So what we're trying to do is to have an adequate response, and the
reason that we are having a significant increase in law enforcement
funding this year is because we're trying to dig out from that hole
that we've been put in since 2001 by these systematic reductions in law
enforcement assistance, at the same time that the crime rate is rising.
And then the second thing we are trying to do is to recognize that
we're going to have a lot more people in this society in the next 10
years. We're going to have a lot more low-paid workers all around the
world from China to you name it competing with American workers for
jobs, and we've got two ways to combat that. One is education, and the
other is technology. And the only way we're going to stay on the
cutting edge of technology is if we make much larger investments in the
National Science Foundation.
Politicians in both parties fall over themselves talking about what
they're going to do for the National Institutes of Health, but I don't
hear many discussions about what we're going to do
[[Page H8659]]
to provide support for the even more basic science research that is
then used by everyone else in this society to determine what kind of a
future we have.
Without that investment in science, our economy lags. If our economy
lags, our jobs lag. If our jobs lag, our wages lag, and that means that
we wind up with a huge family income deficit. We wind up with a huge
education opportunity deficit. We wind up with a huge scientific
knowledge deficit, and that cripples our country's future.
And that's why we're not going to engage in this silly little debate
about whether something is an ``increase'' or a ``cut''. The question
is, does it have a good impact or a bad impact on America? And this
amendment is being sponsored by people who know the cost of everything
and the value of nothing. That's the difference between us.
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. Mr. Chairman, I ponder much of what the gentleman has
just said. I certainly know about the scourge of methamphetamine in my
district. As I said before, I have a son-in-law that I love dearly
that's a policeman, so, Mr. Chairman, I hope the other side is not
implying that we do not have concerns about these issues, because we
do.
Another thing that I know, having talked to many police officers, one
thing that they would really like to see is families raising their
children, moms and dads caring for their children, nurturing them and
teaching them and trying to steer them away from the very destructive
path of getting on things like methamphetamine and just seeing their
lives spiral downward.
So you know what I'm standing up for today, Mr. Chairman? I'm
standing up for the American taxpayer. And, you know, maybe we do need
a dictionary, and maybe we do need a thesaurus, and maybe we need to
talk about semantics, but I want to say that we are looking at a
situation here where the appetite is insatiable for increased spending.
It's insatiable.
There is a day of reckoning. You know those charts that my dear
friends, the Blue Dogs, put outside their office now. It's not $8.8
trillion. It's $8.9 trillion and growing. There is a day of reckoning.
Those taxpayers that have to work until April 30 to get to tax freedom
day, I mean, they're thinking about this spending in this Nation.
No matter how worthy the cause, we need spending restraint. We need
to get on a path of fiscal discipline, and the American people
understand that. No matter how worthy the cause for the spending is,
there is a limited amount of dollars that the taxpayers can afford to
pay.
So I'm hoping that we will move in the right direction, and I hope
that we can have support for this modest 50 cents on $100 amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, how much time do I have left?
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman has 5\1/2\ minutes.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, the gentlewoman has exhausted her time?
The Acting CHAIRMAN. She has. Her time has expired.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, I will just make a brief point and then
yield to the gentleman from Ohio.
With the deepest respect to the gentlewoman, no one is implying that
there is not concern by every Member of this body for those who have
drug problems, for those whose lives are being ruined by meth. But you
can't just wish these problems away. Somebody's got to take
responsibility for working to end those problems.
Just like you can't wish them away, you can't expect that they are
going to be dealt with by cutting investments in antidrug programs or
even cutting the rate of increase, if you want to use the other side's
terms.
We've put $40 million in this bill for mobile enforcement teams for
antidrug programs; not mobile enforcement teams in Iraq, mobile
enforcement teams right here at home to help the gentlewoman's
constituents with those problems, to provide for a better future. We're
investing in that future. We can't just wish these problems away.
You've got to respond to them, and that's what we are trying to do.
Now, if the other side made the argument that we could cut giveaways
to big oil companies and cut offshore tax corporate giveaways and cut
all this corporate welfare and then cut these important criminal
justice programs, then their arguments would have more credibility.
Their arguments lack credibility because they're saying we can afford
all these corporate giveaways, but we can't afford enforcement teams on
drug abuse, we can't afford more cops on the street while crime is
increasing, we can't afford counterterrorism initiatives and extra
agents at the FBI while al Qaeda is planning against us.
This is just a difference in priorities, Mr. Chairman. We are strong
on crime. We also understand that if you're going to be strong on
crime, you can't just say it, you've got to do it, and frankly, it
takes investments to do it.
That's what this bill does, and that's why every Republican on the
committee supported this bill when it was in the committee, and that's
why this amendment will be defeated by Republicans and Democrats alike.
Mr. Chairman, I yield the balance of my time to the gentleman from
Ohio (Mr. Ryan).
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman, and I just
want to go through a little bit of the details here and some of the
logic and some of the facts.
There's been an increase in crime. There's been an increase in
methamphetamine use. So the committee said, as Mr. Obey stated, in
reaction to that, we're trying to, we'll do the southwest border and
methamphetamine enforcement program, hire eight positions, four full-
time equivalents, in order to attack a poly-drug-trafficking
organization located along the southwest border by increasing DEA's
intelligence gathering, detection monitoring and surveillance
capabilities. Most of the methamphetamines coming into our country are
made in California or in Mexico, out West, very close to the
gentlewoman's district.
What this program does is it hires people to try to address this
problem, and basically there's been a DEA hiring freeze.
{time} 1515
We want to increase this. We want to spend money, invest in this
program, one, because we will allow the DEA to hire more agents to
address this issue that is growing, so you need to grow the agents that
are going to address the issue.
But, two, this is going to save us money in the long run. When Mr.
Obey says the price of everything and the value of nothing, that's what
we're talking about. Why wouldn't we want to make this small investment
to try to prevent the long-term consequences of these young people with
drug treatment, in prison, with insurance claims, this has a long-term
ripple effect that will cost us 10 times the amount of money.
Finally, the gentlelady said, I hope you don't mean to say that we
don't want to address this issue, or this issue isn't important to us.
I think it's important to note that the President's budget, when he
submitted it to the Congress of the United States, terminated this
program. He cut it completely. He zeroed it out.
I hope our friends on Capitol Hill will take a walk down Pennsylvania
Avenue and let the President understand the kind of importance that
this program has and ultimately the amount of money that will save us.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentlewoman from Colorado (Mrs. Musgrave).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chairman announced that the
noes appeared to have it.
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from Colorado
will be postponed.
Amendment No. 37 Offered by Mr. Campbell of California
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment No. 37 offered by Mr. Campbell of California:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
TITLE VII--ADDITIONAL GENERAL PROVISIONS
Sec. 701. Each amount appropriated or otherwise made
available by this Act that is not
[[Page H8660]]
required to be appropriated or otherwise made available by a
provision of law is hereby reduced by 0.05 percent.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of today, the
gentleman from California (Mr. Campbell) and a Member opposed each will
control 15 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. Mr. Chairman, in listening to all this
discussion, I have to think that the taxpayers of America have to
wonder what's going on here, that in this bill there has been a
proposal to say, well, we'll let these government agencies spend 100
cents on the dollar, 100 percent of everything they had last year. Oh,
it's terrible, we can't do that.
Then there was one at 102 percent of what they had last year. No, we
can't do that. Then there is one at 102.5 percent of what they had last
year. No, it's terrible. They can't do that.
So here's one more try. What this does is reduce the increase in
spending by .05 percent. That is 5/100 of a percent. That leaves them
with a whole lot of money and a lot more of an increase, almost the
same increase they had last year.
Now, I am sure, Mr. Chairman, that the people of America can't
understand why people on other side of the aisle, the majority
Democrats, would have a problem with this. I can't understand it
either.
I think perhaps they don't understand what this is. Now, this
amendment would save the taxpayers $27 million. Now, that's real money,
$27 million, by which the deficit will not increase. We have a deficit,
and we are robbing the Social Security surplus. It's $27 million we
would save the taxpayer.
I have five explanations, five examples I would like to give here to
perhaps help my friends on the other side of the aisle understand just
what this proposal is to see if there is anything, anything at all that
they believe is possible to reduce spending. Is there any waste in
government?
Is there anything government can do for only 103 percent of what they
had last year? First of all, this does take the spending increase from
3.5 percent to basically 3.45 percent, basically the change in the
interest. That's number one.
Number two, it still increases spending in these Departments by
$1.574 billion over last year, $1.574 billion more.
Let me give a third example. This is a $100 bill. This represents how
much the government is spending on these programs now. Here's three
more dollars and five cents. This bill represents this bill as it's
currently written, the $100 they had last year, three more and five
more cents. Here, Mr. Chairman, is how much the government would have
to get if this amendment were to pass, $100, $3, but not the 5 cents; 5
cents on $103. Somehow this is going to greatly damage programs and
what we are doing.
Let me give a fourth example. The gentleman from Ohio mentioned in
the last debate a particular function that he said would have 245
agents under their bill as proposed. If this amendment were to pass,
how many agents would there be? Well, there would still be 245 agents,
but you would have to tell one of those agents that they would only
work a 7-hour day instead of an 8-hour day. That is the significance of
this bill.
Now my final example, if we look at the entirety of this blue donkey
as a complete government program as proposed by my friends on the other
side of the aisle, we have seen a proposal already to have 99 percent.
Now, when you look at them, you may say, well, gosh, they look almost
the same. That's because they are almost the same. I don't know if you
or others can see the change we made, but what we did was we tried to
reduce about 1 percent of the total donkey surface area up in the air,
but, no, that's been rejected.
So we said let's make it 99.5 percent of what you want to spend,
still an increase over the last year, but of what you want to spend a
little more here. There is still not much difference, I think, to most
people, but, no, can't do that.
So on the last bill I proposed a quarter of a percent cut. Quarter
percent. Could you get by on quarter of a percent less of an increase
than what's been proposed? That was ``no'' also.
Now we are trying again, 5/100 of 1 percent. Let me try to do that
graphically here. I do have a blue marking pen, 99.95 percent of the
increase that you want, you can hardly tell the difference. But if we
do this on every bill, every bit of spending over the government, we
will eventually start to save money.
This is the way it works. The average American taxpayer understands
that, that if I put away $10 a week, $10 a month, eventually I will
have quite a bit of money. But I have to have the discipline to do it.
That's what we are trying to say here.
We have a deficit. We are robbing the Social Security surplus. One
thing that is not in dispute is that we are heading for a fiscal train
wreck. Within 30 years, Social Security and Medicare and Medicaid alone
will eat up 100 percent of the taxes currently received. What are we
going to do? Are we going to double or triple taxes, or are we going to
reform those systems, reform government and start now?
Yes, it's 30 years from now, but if we don't start on it now, the
problem will be closer and bigger and closer and bigger. We see that if
the other side is not willing to do this, what will they do, other than
increase taxes?
Now, we see tax increases going on now. We have seen a budget that
includes either the largest or the second largest tax increase in
American history, and right now we are seeing tax increases proposed by
the Democrat majority on minority groups, on smokers, they are a small
minority group. Then just this evening we will probably have one on
foreign companies who are setting up businesses and creating jobs in
America.
Now the other side I know says, oh, no, that's not a tax increase. I
would like to read you a letter here. This is a letter from Bart
Gordon, who is a Congressman from the Sixth District of Tennessee, a
Democrat, to the chairman of Ways and Means, and he says: ``Concerns
have been raised by Bridgestone America, a company with facilities in
my district, about the impact the proposed Farm Bill offset would have
on them. Bridgestone is concerned that the 30 percent withholding tax
imposed by the proposal would have a broad and negative impact on its
legitimate international business operations.
``I understand the importance of ensuring that multi-national
companies are not able to abuse tax loopholes to avoid paying taxes,
but we must also be careful not to punish legitimate business practices
and discourage foreign companies from insourcing operations in the
United States. Concerns have also been raised about the effect this
withholding tax will have on our international treaties.''
That, Mr. Chairman, is a Democrat, not a Republican, talking about
this tax, this withholding tax. It's a potential impact on jobs in
America and the potential impact on trade agreements we have with other
countries that will affect the ability of American companies to do
business overseas.
Now, it's quite a contrast, because that's what they are proposing.
The majority keeps proposing tax increase after tax increase after tax
increase, and they will start on minority groups, and they will move to
everyone, because they can't get it done without everyone. All we're
asking here, all we're asking here is 5/100 of a percent, one nickel on
$100, a slightly less increase so we can begin the process of spending
less, not taxing more.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, I claim time in opposition.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from New York is recognized for 15
minutes.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the
gentlewoman from North Carolina (Ms. Foxx).
Ms. FOXX. I thank my colleague from California.
Mr. Chairman, I have been sitting here listening for a while to the
debate on this bill, and I have been struck by several issues that have
come up that I think need to be mentioned. Some have been mentioned
before, but some new ones.
I am often asked by school groups what's the difference between
Democrats and Republicans? I say to them
[[Page H8661]]
the very quick definition is Democrats think they know how to spend
your money better than you know how to spend your money. Republicans
think that the less government we have, the better off we are; and the
more money you are allowed to keep, the better off this country will
be. I think that this debate certainly exemplifies that.
I agree with some of my colleagues who said before, the appetite of
the Democrats is absolutely insatiable for increased spending. They
never met a program they didn't love to spend money for. They would
take every dime. They will take every dime, every penny from the
American people that they can possibly take and spend it on programs
they think are important.
They talk about investing government money. The government never
invested any money. It spends money. The private sector invests money
and gets results.
I would challenge my colleagues on the other side of the aisle. Show
me the results of these spendings that you do, and then maybe you can
argue a little bit about an investment.
The other thing that I am struck by is how much last year in this
same debate that the Democrats said the free-spending President Bush,
busting the budget, doing all this spending; and now they are coming
here and defend programs that the President zeroed out because they
were ineffective, and they want to put the money back in.
{time} 1530
That is the height of hypocrisy. There is a limited amount of money
that Americans have, but the Democrats don't know that. They want to
take it all. And it is true that the budget they passed earlier this
year contains the largest or second largest tax increase in America,
and that to pay for their programs they are going to have to have more
tax increase.
This amendment would save a small amount of money, $27 million, but
it is a step in the right direction. We have got to start reining in
spending, and those of us who have come here in the last few years
understand that, those Republicans do, and we want to see the Federal
Government more responsive to the American taxpayer, less profligate,
and more interested in saving our freedom, not in taking it away by
taking away our money and reducing our choices.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, it warms my heart to know that the
gentlewoman in her district visits schools and talks to local
schoolchildren, and emphasizes those values of civility and tolerance
and mutual understanding in our classrooms, and doesn't try to separate
people by Democrats and Republicans.
I hope that the next time the gentlewoman goes into those schools and
talks to those schoolchildren, and they ask her, Mr. Chairman, ``What
are you doing to keep us safe from al Qaeda and the terrorists who are
planning against us,'' that she will say to them, ``My proudest moment,
young children, is that I cut the FBI budget by 0.05 percent, while
approving tax cuts of $14 billion to the biggest oil companies on
Earth.''
I think those children would rather be investing in the FBI to keep
them safe than be giving away those billions and billions of dollars in
tax cuts to the biggest oil companies in the America.
I reserve the balance of my time
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. May I inquire, Mr. Chairman, as to how
much time is remaining on both sides?
The Acting CHAIRMAN (Mr. McGovern). The gentleman from California has
2\1/2\ minutes remaining, and the gentleman from New York has 13
minutes remaining.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. CAMPBELL. I yield the balance of my time to the gentleman from
Texas (Mr. Hensarling).
Mr. HENSARLING. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, this has obviously been a spirited debate by men and
women on both sides of the aisle who I respect. But I do think if the
American people are watching this debate, and I hope they are, we need
to dispose of one issue very clearly, and that is there is indeed a
dictionary over on that part of the floor, and every amendment that was
brought here today is either going to increase spending in this account
or level funding. But according to the logic of our friends on the
other side of the aisle, if you fund something at a lesser quantity
than somebody else wants it, then you have a Draconian cut. Well, if
they are increasing this bill 3.1 percent, that is a cut below 3.5
percent. It is a cut below 4 percent.
If all these programs are so good, why did you cut them? Why didn't
you increase it 6 percent? Why didn't you increase it 8 percent? So
let's dispose of that argument right now.
Again, the only budget that is being cut here, Mr. Chairman, is the
family budget. And the family budget is being cut as part of this
single largest tax increase in American history contained in the
Democrat's budget resolution, which I know they tried to run away from.
Now, they said earlier that: We know the cost of everything and the
value of nothing. Maybe they need to know the value of hard-earned
paychecks in American families.
So they need to think about the Zapata family in Kaufman, Texas,
because when they put their tax increase on them, let me tell you what
the Zapatas have to say. ``If taxes on my family are increased that
much, this could seriously affect my life. My mortgage is adjustable
and will most likely go up. If the taxes go up, it would be
devastating, and I could face foreclosure.''
They don't know the value of the paycheck to the Brooker family in
Wills Point. ``No increase in taxes. My family is one breath away from
losing our home as it is.''
Those are the budgets that are being cut today, Mr. Chairman, not
only by the single largest tax increase in American history, but they
are about to bring a tax increase to try to fund their farm bill by
taxing jobs. They are saying somehow foreign companies are evil when
they come to America and they invest and create jobs, in my district
among other districts.
So there is a real choice here: Increase the family budget, or
increase the Federal budget. We come down on the side of the family
budget.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, I yield as much time as he may consume to
the gentleman from California (Mr. Schiff).
Mr. SCHIFF. I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I thank my
colleague from Texas for reading a letter from constituents out in the
State of Texas. But I wonder how that family in Texas would feel if
that family were asked: Do you think that we should continue to allow
oil companies to earn the greatest profits in the history of any
industry, in the history of the world? Or, do you think we ought to
take some of those oil revenues and devote them to putting more cops on
the street? I think that family would say, ``You know, I would be
willing to pay a little less at the pump or have the oil company earn a
little less at the pump if it meant pumping a little more of that money
into the FBI to keep me safe, or if it meant another bulletproof vest
for a police officer.'' I think that family would say the record
profits of that industry, that we had a chance to actually take some of
those resources and plow it into this country, invest in this country,
I think that family in Texas would say, ``That means more to me than
making sure that these companies enjoy corporate welfare and astounding
profits.''
Now, my friend says this is only a $31 million cut. How much
difference could that really make? But my friend isn't willing to say
where he would cut the money. He wants to spread it around. But he used
the example of the FBI. Let's say we devoted this entire cut to the
FBI, and it simply means that you would have one FBI agent working a
few less hours. Instead of working maybe an 8-hour day, 5 8-hour days,
they would work 4 8-hour days and a 7-hour day. Well, I don't know how
much they are paying FBI agents in my friend's part of the State; I am
from a different part of California. I don't think they pay them all
that much. I think if you cut $31 million out of the FBI, you are
cutting a lot of positions out of the FBI.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. Mr. Chairman, will my colleague yield?
Mr. SCHIFF. My colleagues have already had 15 minutes.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. Just to answer your question.
[[Page H8662]]
Mr. SCHIFF. I am not yielding my time. My colleague had 15 minutes to
try to make his point.
So I don't think cutting $31 million out of the FBI makes sense. And
this gets back to the question that our Chairman posed: What is the
need? And are we devoting the resources that meet that need?
The need that I am hearing, the need that our Homeland Security
Committee is hearing, the need that the 9/11 Commission recognized is
the need to make greater investments in the safety of our country. That
is the need that we are recognizing in this bill.
Do we need those extra FBI agents? Yes, I think we do. Do we need
those extra cops on the beat? Yes, I think they do. I wish my friends
in the opposition who fight so hard for our friends in the gun industry
would fight half as hard for our cops to have the best that they need
here in this debate on the House floor today.
I think we need to make these investments in our future. I think we
need to make these investments in our American family. And, I think
that my colleagues in the minority here, not in the minority party,
because, again, this bill enjoys the support of the bipartisan
majority. But the minority viewpoint that is expressed here today, I
think they need to ask: What would these families choose, if we give
them the real choice, not between whether they invest in the FBI or
they don't invest in the FBI, but whether they invest in the FBI by
ending corporate welfare for oil companies? I think the answer would be
yes. I think the answer would be absolutely. And I think the answer
would be, we want to invest in the country, make it stronger, make it
safer, give our children a chance to grow up in safer neighborhoods.
That is the answer I think that letter writer and others around the
country would give and have given, and that is why I urge this
amendment to be defeated.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from New Jersey is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. I yield to the gentleman from California.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. I thank the gentleman from New Jersey.
I just wanted to clarify that my colleagues' arguments from
California were very fine arguments, except they don't apply to this
amendment. This amendment does make a 0.0005 or 5 basis points, one-
five-hundredths of a percent reduction in the growth of each program
equally across the board. So it is 5 cents on $100 of everything.
I appreciate the argument. It is clear that our friends on the other
side of the aisle believe that government cannot survive on this, but
they believe that all kinds of people, companies, entities can survive
on a whole lot less than that with the taxes they want to increase. It
is a very clear distinction, Mr. Chairman, between 5 cents on $100
across the board on every program, which I think would be fine, versus
all of the various tax proposals, increase proposals, that you have
both on various minorities, like smokers and foreign companies, and in
your budget on basically every taxpayer in America.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from
California (Mr. Schiff).
Mr. SCHIFF. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Again, I would just point out that my friend hasn't shown any
willingness to trim the profits of his friends in the oil industry by
0.00000005, which would amount to probably about the same $31 million
we are talking about here. He is only willing to take that $30 million
out of our law enforcement efforts across the board, but not out of oil
industry profits. And that is the difference in philosophy, I think,
between my colleague and myself.
MR. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, during this debate we have seen all sorts
of charts and heard about all sorts of numbers and saw a display of
dollars. Here are the statistics that count, Mr. Chairman:
The past 2 years, violent crimes in America are up 3.6 percent.
Federal law enforcement grants have declined 46 percent. So, under
their leadership, Mr. Chairman, Federal support for local law
enforcement has already been cut 46 percent; now we are saying we
should cut it another five-hundredths of a percent.
FBI counterterrorism casework is up 100 percent. Meanwhile, FBI
investigative resources are down 29 percent.
So what we have here, Mr. Chairman, is more criminals on the streets,
and an attempt to reduce investments in cops on the streets. What we
have here, Mr. Chairman, is a bigger caseload of potential terrorists,
and the FBI being told, ``Shave your budgets.'' That is how far some
ideologues will go, Mr. Chairman.
I can't imagine any American watching these proceedings, and then
hearing the news, learning about the National Intelligence Estimate,
which says that al Qaeda is proliferating and regenerating, and saying,
``Now is the time to cut the FBI budget,'' or, ``Now is the time even
to reduce increased investments in the FBI.''
Al Qaeda is not cutting the rate of their increase, Mr. Chairman.
Terrorists are not cutting the rate of their increases, Mr. Chairman.
This is not the time to begin cutting these budgets.
The other side is talking about specific reductions in the number of
FBI agents on counterterrorism cases. They are talking about a specific
reduction in the number of deployments of cops on the street; crime
going up, Federal law enforcement grants going down. There is a
correlation between the two. And now we add insult to injury by saying,
let's cut it another 0.05 percent, or one-five-hundredths of a percent.
I want to close, Mr. Chairman, by reminding the Chairman and the
American people through the Chairman that this debate really isn't
about one-five-hundredths of a percent; it is about what priorities
make sense to the American people: $14 billion tax cuts to the biggest
oil companies on Earth, or 2,800 cops on the street; $90 billion in tax
shelters for offshore companies that register their headquarters in
Bermuda to avoid paying their fair share of taxes here, or more cops on
the street?
{time} 1545
The gentleman talked about a family in his district. I don't know of
any family in my district that gets to sit at their table, their
kitchen table with their accountant and be given the advice that they
should register themselves at a P.O. box in Bermuda to avoid paying
their fair share of taxes in the United States. You know what they want
for their tax dollars? Cops on the street, FBI agents protecting them.
That's what they want. They don't have the right to just go off to
Bermuda, register themselves at a P.O. box and not pay taxes.
We understand that every tax dollar has to be jealously safeguarded,
and that's what we do in this bill. The difference between us is not
one-five-hundredth of a percent. The difference between us is $90
billion. They would rather spend that $90 billion on those offshore
companies with P.O. boxes in Bermuda. We would rather spend a fraction
of that making sure that there are cops on the street, that kids are
protected from meth, that women don't have to deal with domestic
violence, that they can be prosecuted, that the FBI has counter-
terrorist agents, that they have investigative resources. Because as I
said before, all the statistics bear it out, crime is increasing.
Terrorists are proliferating. They are not cutting their budgets. They
are not cutting their numbers. They are not even cutting their rate of
increase. And we should not turn our backs and allow them this
advantage, their advantage in the name of a one-five-hundredth of a
percent cut in this budget.
This isn't substance. This is politics. And if it weren't so serious,
it would be silly.
We want cops on the street and counter-terrorist agents with the FBI.
That's what the American people want. That's why every Republican on
the Appropriations Committee supported this bill. And that is why, at
the end of this debate, we go back to where we were at the beginning of
this debate.
This is a small group of Members, a fringe group of Members who say 3
percent's not enough, 2 percent's not enough, 1 percent's not enough.
We're going to go to one-five-hundredth of a percent to make our case.
Every single one of those amendments has been defeated on every
single one of these bills because Republicans and Democrats in the
mainstream know better. We understand the priorities of the American
people. And
[[Page H8663]]
that is why this amendment will face the same fate as all the other
amendments before them. It will be defeated.
And Mr. Chairman, let me make one other point. With all due respect
to my friends, they have spent more taxpayer dollars prolonging this
debate offering amendment after amendment after amendment, keeping this
House in session when every single one of these amendments was
defeated, than the one-five-hundredth of a percent cut that they're
offering today.
I would suggest to the other side that they could save taxpayers a
lot more money by doing these amendments once, getting them over with,
let them get defeated as they always have, and let this Congress go on
with the business of the American people and putting cops on the street
and investing resources in the FBI to keep them safe.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from California (Mr. Campbell).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chairman announced that the
noes appeared to have it.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from California
will be postponed.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Conaway
Mr. CONAWAY. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
Mr. MOLLOHAN. Mr. Chairman, I reserve a point of order on the
gentleman's amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. A point of order is reserved.
The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Conaway:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. __. It is the sense of the House of Representatives
that any reduction in the amount appropriated by this Act
achieved as a result of amendments adopted by the House
should be dedicated to deficit reduction.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of today, the
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Conaway) and a Member opposed each will
control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Texas.
Mr. CONAWAY. Mr. Chairman, in the immortal words of Doc Holiday in
Tombstone, ``Our hypocrisy knows no bounds.'' Both sides equally
applied.
The arguments earlier that half of a percent cut, 5 basis points of a
cut, as if that's some sort of a draconian decision to be made, the
truth of the matter is the committee, the subcommittee had a fixed
amount of money to work with, and they chose to make some trade-offs.
They chose to fund more here and less here, more here and less there.
But none of those decisions that they made were couched in the terms of
some sort of mean spiritedness.
And at the risk of prolonging the debate, which I think is an
important debate for us to have, I'm going to offer up an amendment
that I know has a point of order which stands against that.
Before I do that though, I'd like to quote something from Justice
George Sutherland. A lot of us heard earlier about the way tax planning
is done, used, misused, and it was used in the pejorative; that only
big oil companies or other companies could use the code that we
currently have in place, that you and I and our colleagues put in
place, to affect their tax affairs and that families don't get to do
that. Well, I would argue based on this quote: ``The legal right,'' and
that's a right, ``of a taxpayer to decrease the amount of what
otherwise would be his or her taxes, or altogether avoid them by means
which the law permits, cannot be doubted.'' Gregory v. Helvering,
Justice George Sutherland.
So as we listen to this debate about how much we ought to spend,
let's understand that we put in place this code, and if we don't like
the way that's done, then there are forums to debate that, and we ought
to have that debate. But let's not denigrate people who are using the
code we put in place to lower their tax liability and call that some
sort of a pejorative.
This is the classic argument that you cannot throw enough money at
any subject to fix it. And that's what we heard from the other side;
that the more money you throw at it, the more you're going to fix the
problem. And I don't necessarily agree with that.
My colleagues on the other side used the word ``take'' in reference
to revenues from oil companies, and that's exactly what they would
intend to do. They would take those revenues and spend them the way
they would like to. Legitimate way of doing government.
I'll also argue that in the next 2 weeks we may have some sort of a
conversation about an energy bill, and during that time frame we will
argue vociferously that there's enough in reinvestment in domestic
sources of energy, and those revenues taken from these mean, ugly oil
companies would otherwise go back into that reinvestment into energy.
So, as I mentioned, our hypocrisy knows no bounds.
My amendment is simple. All of this great work that's been done, and
bad work according to our colleagues on the other side, or wasteful
work according to our colleagues on the other side, to try to reduce
spending in the bill is for naught.
In addition to the ringing defeats that my colleagues endure, were
they to be successful, the rules of this House do not allow those cuts
to actually be implemented. If my colleague had actually won the
argument that we could trim 5 cents out of $100 out of this budget,
whichever budget, that money would still get spent. The money that
stays within the 302(b) allocation, which is code for inside the
beltway stuff, but then would simply not get spent. And so we've spent
hours and hours and hours down here debating, trying to reduce the
spending in a particular bill.
The harsh reality is that were we to win some of those amendments, it
would simply be a piratic victory, because that money would still get
spent.
My amendment, sense of Congress, would say were we to win one of
those arguments, that money, the reduction in spending would actually
go against the deficit, or, heaven forbid, that we would ever be in a
surplus circumstance, that money would increase the surplus.
So this is something I'm trying to point out on each one of our
bills, that we've got a goofy set of rules that only you and I
understand, only you and I appreciate, and maybe only appropriators
embrace, that does not allow all of this hard debate and work to really
mean anything at the end of the day.
And so while I challenge my colleague's characterization of our use
of this debate time as wasteful in some way, I think it's important for
the American people to understand as they go about managing their
affairs that we couch the terms of managing our affairs, their affairs
through us, in those kinds of terms.
So, Mr. Chairman, I understand that a point of order lies against
this, and I will not prolong the debate much further. I ask unanimous
consent to withdraw my amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Without objection, the amendment is withdrawn.
There was no objection.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Garrett of New Jersey
Mr. GARRETT of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Garrett of New Jersey:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
TITLE VII--ADDITIONAL GENERAL PROVISIONS
Sec. 701. None of the funds made available in this Act may
be used to send or otherwise pay for the attendance of more
than 50 employees from a Federal department or agency at any
single conference occurring outside the United States.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of today, the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Garrett) and a Member opposed each will
control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New Jersey.
Mr. GARRETT of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I yield a moment to the
gentleman from West Virginia (Mr. Mollohan).
[[Page H8664]]
Mr. MOLLOHAN. Mr. Chairman, we have reviewed the amendment, think
it's a good amendment, and we are willing to accept it.
Mr. GARRETT of New Jersey. Reclaiming my time, I appreciate the
chairman's acceptance of the amendment. I will just spend 30 seconds
just for the edification of the membership of the conference as well
what the amendment does.
This amendment harkens back to the days when, not too long ago
actually, the various Federal Government agencies, when taking part in
international conferences overseas, would send upwards of 70, 80, 90,
100, over 100 members of their Departments or agencies to these various
conferences, spending, obviously, an excessive amount of taxpayers'
dollars. And as we've heard from both sides of the aisle in an
appropriate manner, we are here to set priorities. And I agree with the
effort on both sides of the aisle, and that's exactly what this
amendment does. It says let's pick a reasonable number, in this case
it's 50, a limitation as to the number of members of any agency to go
on these international conferences.
This amendment has been accepted in the past, and once again I
appreciate the chairman accepting this amendment. I'm not sure whether
the ranking member is also in agreement with it as well.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Garrett).
The amendment was agreed to.
Announcement by the Acting Chairman
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, proceedings
will now resume on those amendments on which further proceedings were
postponed, in the following order:
Amendment No. 1 by Mr. Stearns of Florida.
An amendment by Mr. Flake of Arizona on the Lobster Institute.
An amendment by Mr. Flake of Arizona on the East Coast Shellfish
Research Institute.
Amendment No. 25 by Mr. Pence of Indiana.
Amendment No. 41 by Mr. Upton of Michigan.
An amendment by Mr. Jordan of Ohio.
An amendment by Mr. Price of Georgia.
An amendment by Mrs. Musgrave of Colorado.
Amendment No. 37 by Mr. Campbell of California.
The Chair will reduce to 2 minutes the time for any electronic vote
after the first vote in this series.
Amendment No. 1 Offered by Mr. Stearns
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Florida
(Mr. Stearns) on which further proceedings were postponed and on which
the noes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The Acting CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 202,
noes 212, not voting 23, as follows:
[Roll No. 734]
AYES--202
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Altmire
Bachmann
Bachus
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Barrow
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Biggert
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Bonner
Bono
Boozman
Boren
Boustany
Broun (GA)
Brown (SC)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Carney
Castle
Chabot
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Cramer
Crenshaw
Culberson
Davis (KY)
Davis, Lincoln
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
Dent
Donnelly
Doolittle
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Ehlers
Ellsworth
Emerson
English (PA)
Everett
Fallin
Feeney
Ferguson
Flake
Forbes
Fortenberry
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gerlach
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Gordon
Granger
Graves
Hall (TX)
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Hill
Hobson
Hoekstra
Hulshof
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Jindal
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Kagen
Kanjorski
Keller
King (NY)
Kingston
Kirk
Kline (MN)
Knollenberg
Kuhl (NY)
Lamborn
Latham
LaTourette
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
LoBiondo
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Manzullo
Marchant
Marshall
Matheson
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McHugh
McIntyre
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
Melancon
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Moran (KS)
Murphy, Tim
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Pence
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Porter
Price (GA)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Radanovich
Ramstad
Regula
Rehberg
Renzi
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Roskam
Ross
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Saxton
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shimkus
Shuler
Shuster
Simpson
Smith (NE)
Smith (TX)
Souder
Space
Stearns
Sullivan
Tancredo
Tanner
Taylor
Terry
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Turner
Upton
Walberg
Walden (OR)
Walsh (NY)
Wamp
Weldon (FL)
Weller
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Young (FL)
NOES--212
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Allen
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Baird
Baldwin
Bean
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Bordallo
Boswell
Boucher
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Brown, Corrine
Butterfield
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carson
Chandler
Christensen
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Costello
Courtney
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle
Edwards
Ellison
Emanuel
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Faleomavaega
Farr
Fattah
Filner
Frank (MA)
Giffords
Gonzalez
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Hall (NY)
Hare
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hodes
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kaptur
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
Klein (FL)
Kucinich
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lee
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lynch
Mahoney (FL)
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McGovern
McNerney
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Miller (NC)
Miller, George
Mitchell
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murtha
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Norton
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Pearce
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Pomeroy
Price (NC)
Rahall
Rangel
Reichert
Reyes
Rodriguez
Ros-Lehtinen
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (NJ)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Stark
Stupak
Sutton
Tauscher
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Towns
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walz (MN)
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Welch (VT)
Wexler
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (OH)
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
NOT VOTING--23
Brady (TX)
Burgess
Carter
Castor
Clarke
Cubin
Davis, David
Davis, Jo Ann
Fortuno
Fossella
Gutierrez
Hunter
Johnson (GA)
Jordan
King (IA)
LaHood
Michaud
Musgrave
Paul
Shays
Spratt
Tierney
Young (AK)
Announcement by the Acting Chairman
The Acting CHAIRMAN (during the vote). There is 1 minute remaining in
this vote.
{time} 1623
Messrs. INSLEE, HOLDEN, BAIRD, DINGELL and MITCHELL changed their
vote from ``aye'' to ``no.''
Mr. BILBRAY and Mr. KAGEN changed their vote from ``no'' to ``aye.''
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Flake
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Arizona
(Mr. Flake) on the Lobster Institute on
[[Page H8665]]
which further proceedings were postponed and on which the noes
prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The Acting CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 87,
noes 328, not voting 22, as follows:
[Roll No. 735]
AYES--87
Akin
Bachmann
Barrett (SC)
Barrow
Barton (TX)
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Broun (GA)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Chabot
Coble
Conaway
Cooper
Deal (GA)
Dreier
Duncan
Everett
Feeney
Flake
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Garrett (NJ)
Gingrey
Goodlatte
Graves
Hall (TX)
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Hill
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Jindal
Johnson (IL)
Keller
Kingston
Kline (MN)
Lamborn
Linder
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Marchant
Marshall
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McHenry
Miller (FL)
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Pearce
Pence
Petri
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Porter
Price (GA)
Ramstad
Rohrabacher
Roskam
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shimkus
Smith (NE)
Stearns
Tancredo
Terry
Thornberry
Weldon (FL)
Westmoreland
Wilson (SC)
NOES--328
Ackerman
Aderholt
Alexander
Allen
Altmire
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Bachus
Baker
Baldwin
Bartlett (MD)
Bean
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Biggert
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Bonner
Bono
Boozman
Bordallo
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boustany
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Brown (SC)
Brown, Corrine
Butterfield
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carney
Carson
Castle
Chandler
Christensen
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Cole (OK)
Conyers
Costa
Costello
Courtney
Cramer
Crenshaw
Crowley
Cuellar
Culberson
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis (KY)
Davis, Lincoln
Davis, Tom
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dent
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Donnelly
Doolittle
Doyle
Drake
Edwards
Ehlers
Ellison
Ellsworth
Emanuel
Emerson
Engel
English (PA)
Eshoo
Etheridge
Faleomavaega
Fallin
Farr
Fattah
Ferguson
Filner
Forbes
Fortenberry
Frank (MA)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Gerlach
Giffords
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gillmor
Gohmert
Gonzalez
Goode
Gordon
Granger
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hare
Harman
Hastert
Hastings (FL)
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hobson
Hodes
Hoekstra
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Hulshof
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson, E. B.
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
King (NY)
Kirk
Klein (FL)
Knollenberg
Kucinich
Kuhl (NY)
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latham
LaTourette
Lee
Levin
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (GA)
Lewis (KY)
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lucas
Lynch
Mahoney (FL)
Maloney (NY)
Manzullo
Markey
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McCotter
McCrery
McDermott
McGovern
McHugh
McIntyre
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
McNerney
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Mica
Miller (MI)
Miller (NC)
Miller, Gary
Miller, George
Mitchell
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (KS)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murphy, Tim
Murtha
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Norton
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Pickering
Pomeroy
Price (NC)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Radanovich
Rahall
Rangel
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reyes
Reynolds
Rodriguez
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Ros-Lehtinen
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Saxton
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shays
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Shuler
Shuster
Simpson
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Souder
Space
Spratt
Stark
Stupak
Sullivan
Sutton
Tanner
Tauscher
Taylor
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Tierney
Towns
Turner
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Upton
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walberg
Walden (OR)
Walsh (NY)
Walz (MN)
Wamp
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Welch (VT)
Weller
Wexler
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (OH)
Wolf
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
Young (FL)
NOT VOTING--22
Abercrombie
Baird
Brady (TX)
Burgess
Carter
Castor
Clarke
Cubin
Davis, David
Davis, Jo Ann
Fortuno
Fossella
Hunter
Johnson (GA)
Jordan
Kennedy
King (IA)
LaHood
Michaud
Musgrave
Paul
Young (AK)
Announcement by the Acting Chairman
The Acting CHAIRMAN (during the vote). There is less than 1 minute
remaining in this vote.
{time} 1628
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Flake
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Arizona
(Mr. Flake) on the East Coast Shellfish Research Institute on which
further proceedings were postponed and on which the noes prevailed by
voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The Acting CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 77,
noes 337, not voting 23, as follows:
[Roll No. 736]
AYES--77
Akin
Bachmann
Barrett (SC)
Barrow
Barton (TX)
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Broun (GA)
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Chabot
Coble
Conaway
Cooper
Deal (GA)
Dreier
Duncan
Ehlers
Feeney
Flake
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Gingrey
Graves
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Hill
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Jindal
Johnson (IL)
Keller
Kline (MN)
Lamborn
Linder
Mack
Marshall
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McHenry
Mica
Miller (FL)
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Pearce
Pence
Petri
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Porter
Price (GA)
Ramstad
Rohrabacher
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shimkus
Shuster
Stearns
Sullivan
Tancredo
Terry
Thornberry
Weller
Westmoreland
Wilson (SC)
NOES--337
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Aderholt
Alexander
Allen
Altmire
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Bachus
Baker
Baldwin
Bartlett (MD)
Bean
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Biggert
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Blunt
Boehner
Bonner
Bono
Boozman
Bordallo
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boustany
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Brown (SC)
Brown, Corrine
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Butterfield
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carney
Carson
Castle
Chandler
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Cole (OK)
Conyers
Costa
Costello
Courtney
Cramer
Crenshaw
Crowley
Cuellar
Culberson
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis (KY)
Davis, Lincoln
Davis, Tom
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dent
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Donnelly
Doolittle
Doyle
Drake
Edwards
Ellison
Ellsworth
Emanuel
Emerson
Engel
English (PA)
Eshoo
Etheridge
Everett
Faleomavaega
Fallin
Farr
Fattah
Ferguson
Filner
Forbes
Fortenberry
Frank (MA)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Gerlach
Giffords
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gillmor
Gohmert
Gonzalez
Goode
Goodlatte
Gordon
Granger
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hall (TX)
Hare
Harman
Hastert
Hastings (FL)
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hobson
Hodes
Hoekstra
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
[[Page H8666]]
Hoyer
Hulshof
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson, E. B.
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
King (NY)
Kingston
Kirk
Klein (FL)
Knollenberg
Kucinich
Kuhl (NY)
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latham
LaTourette
Lee
Levin
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (GA)
Lewis (KY)
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Lynch
Mahoney (FL)
Maloney (NY)
Manzullo
Marchant
Markey
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McCotter
McCrery
McDermott
McGovern
McHugh
McIntyre
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
McNerney
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Miller (MI)
Miller (NC)
Miller, Gary
Miller, George
Mitchell
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (KS)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murphy, Tim
Murtha
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Norton
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Pickering
Pomeroy
Price (NC)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Radanovich
Rahall
Rangel
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reyes
Reynolds
Rodriguez
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Saxton
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shays
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Shuler
Simpson
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Souder
Space
Spratt
Stark
Stupak
Sutton
Tanner
Tauscher
Taylor
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Tierney
Towns
Turner
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Upton
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walberg
Walden (OR)
Walsh (NY)
Walz (MN)
Wamp
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Welch (VT)
Weldon (FL)
Wexler
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (OH)
Wolf
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
Young (FL)
NOT VOTING--23
Baird
Brady (TX)
Burgess
Cantor
Carter
Castor
Christensen
Clarke
Cubin
Davis, David
Davis, Jo Ann
Fortuno
Fossella
Garrett (NJ)
Hunter
Johnson (GA)
Jordan
King (IA)
LaHood
Michaud
Musgrave
Paul
Young (AK)
Announcement by the Chairman
The CHAIRMAN (during the vote). Members are advised 1 minute remains
in this vote.
{time} 1632
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Amendment No. 25 Offered by Mr. Pence
The CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a recorded
vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Pence)
on which further proceedings were postponed and on which the noes
prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The CHAIRMAN. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 215,
noes 205, not voting 17, as follows:
[Roll No. 737]
AYES--215
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Altmire
Bachmann
Bachus
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Berry
Biggert
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Bonner
Bono
Boozman
Bordallo
Boren
Boucher
Boustany
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Broun (GA)
Brown (SC)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Carnahan
Carney
Chabot
Clay
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Costello
Cramer
Crenshaw
Cuellar
Culberson
Davis (KY)
Davis, Lincoln
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
Dent
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Donnelly
Doolittle
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Ehlers
Ellsworth
Emerson
English (PA)
Everett
Fallin
Feeney
Flake
Forbes
Fortenberry
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gerlach
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Gordon
Granger
Graves
Hall (TX)
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Hill
Hobson
Hoekstra
Hulshof
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Jindal
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Keller
Kind
King (NY)
Kingston
Kline (MN)
Knollenberg
Kuhl (NY)
Lamborn
Latham
LaTourette
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lipinski
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Mahoney (FL)
Manzullo
Marchant
Marshall
Matheson
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McHugh
McIntyre
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
Melancon
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Moran (KS)
Murphy, Tim
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Oberstar
Paul
Pearce
Pence
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Porter
Price (GA)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Radanovich
Ramstad
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Ross
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Schmidt
Scott (VA)
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shimkus
Shuler
Shuster
Simpson
Skelton
Smith (NE)
Smith (TX)
Souder
Stearns
Stupak
Sullivan
Tancredo
Tanner
Taylor
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Turner
Upton
Walberg
Walden (OR)
Walsh (NY)
Wamp
Weldon (FL)
Weller
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (OH)
Wilson (SC)
Young (FL)
NOES--205
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Allen
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Baird
Baldwin
Barrow
Bean
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Boswell
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Brown, Corrine
Butterfield
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carson
Castle
Chandler
Christensen
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Courtney
Crowley
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle
Edwards
Ellison
Emanuel
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Faleomavaega
Farr
Fattah
Ferguson
Filner
Frank (MA)
Frelinghuysen
Giffords
Gillibrand
Gonzalez
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hare
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hodes
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kirk
Klein (FL)
Kucinich
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lee
Levin
Lewis (GA)
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lynch
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McGovern
McNerney
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Miller (NC)
Miller, George
Mitchell
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murtha
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Norton
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Perlmutter
Pomeroy
Price (NC)
Rahall
Rangel
Reyes
Rodriguez
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Saxton
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shays
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Sires
Slaughter
Smith (NJ)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Space
Spratt
Stark
Sutton
Tauscher
Terry
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Towns
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walz (MN)
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Welch (VT)
Wexler
Wolf
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
NOT VOTING--17
Brady (TX)
Burgess
Carter
Castor
Clarke
Cubin
Davis, David
Davis, Jo Ann
Fortuno
Hunter
Johnson (GA)
Jordan
King (IA)
LaHood
Michaud
Musgrave
Young (AK)
Announcement by the Chairman
The CHAIRMAN (during the vote). Members are advised 45 seconds remain
in this vote.
{time} 1638
Mr. ENGLISH of Pennsylvania and Mr. LEWIS of California changed their
vote from ``no'' to ``aye.''
So the amendment was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Amendment No. 41 Offered by Mr. Upton
The CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a recorded
vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Michigan (Mr.
Upton) on which further proceedings were postponed and on which the
ayes prevailed by voice vote.
[[Page H8667]]
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The CHAIRMAN. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 404,
noes 16, not voting 17, as follows:
[Roll No. 738]
AYES--404
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Allen
Altmire
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Bachmann
Bachus
Baird
Baker
Baldwin
Barrett (SC)
Barrow
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bean
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Biggert
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Bishop (UT)
Blumenauer
Blunt
Boehner
Bonner
Bono
Boozman
Bordallo
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boustany
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Broun (GA)
Brown (SC)
Brown, Corrine
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Burton (IN)
Butterfield
Buyer
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cantor
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carney
Carson
Castle
Chabot
Chandler
Christensen
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Coble
Cohen
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Costello
Courtney
Cramer
Crenshaw
Crowley
Cuellar
Culberson
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis (KY)
Davis, Lincoln
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dent
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Donnelly
Doolittle
Doyle
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Edwards
Ehlers
Ellison
Ellsworth
Emanuel
Emerson
Engel
English (PA)
Eshoo
Etheridge
Everett
Faleomavaega
Fallin
Farr
Fattah
Feeney
Ferguson
Filner
Flake
Forbes
Fortenberry
Fossella
Foxx
Frank (MA)
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gerlach
Giffords
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Gonzalez
Goode
Goodlatte
Gordon
Granger
Graves
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hall (TX)
Hare
Harman
Hastert
Hastings (FL)
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hill
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hobson
Hodes
Hoekstra
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Hulshof
Inglis (SC)
Israel
Issa
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Jindal
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Keller
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
King (NY)
Kingston
Kirk
Klein (FL)
Kline (MN)
Knollenberg
Kucinich
Kuhl (NY)
Lamborn
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latham
LaTourette
Lee
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lewis (KY)
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Lynch
Mack
Mahoney (FL)
Maloney (NY)
Manzullo
Marchant
Markey
Marshall
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (CA)
McCarthy (NY)
McCaul (TX)
McCollum (MN)
McCotter
McDermott
McGovern
McHenry
McHugh
McIntyre
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
McNerney
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller (NC)
Miller, Gary
Miller, George
Mitchell
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (KS)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murphy, Tim
Murtha
Myrick
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Neugebauer
Norton
Nunes
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Pearce
Pence
Perlmutter
Petri
Pickering
Platts
Poe
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (GA)
Price (NC)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Radanovich
Rahall
Ramstad
Rangel
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reyes
Reynolds
Rodriguez
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Royce
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Ryan (WI)
Salazar
Sali
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Saxton
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schmidt
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Sensenbrenner
Serrano
Sessions
Sestak
Shadegg
Shays
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Shimkus
Shuler
Shuster
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Souder
Space
Spratt
Stark
Stearns
Stupak
Sullivan
Sutton
Tanner
Tauscher
Taylor
Terry
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Tierney
Towns
Turner
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Upton
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walberg
Walden (OR)
Walz (MN)
Wamp
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Welch (VT)
Weldon (FL)
Weller
Westmoreland
Wexler
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (OH)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
NOES--16
Blackburn
Cannon
Inslee
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Lewis (CA)
Linder
McCrery
Paul
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Pitts
Simpson
Tancredo
Walsh (NY)
Young (FL)
NOT VOTING--17
Brady (TX)
Burgess
Carter
Castor
Clarke
Cubin
Davis, David
Davis, Jo Ann
Fortuno
Hunter
Johnson (GA)
Jordan
King (IA)
LaHood
Michaud
Musgrave
Young (AK)
Announcement by the Chairman
The CHAIRMAN (during the vote). Members are advised 30 seconds remain
in this vote.
{time} 1642
Mr. ABERCROMBIE and Mr. WELCH changed their vote from ``no'' to
``aye.''
So the amendment was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Jordan of Ohio
The CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a recorded
vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Jordan)
on which further proceedings were postponed and on which the noes
prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The CHAIRMAN. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 138,
noes 282, not voting 17, as follows:
[Roll No. 739]
AYES--138
Akin
Alexander
Bachmann
Bachus
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Biggert
Bilbray
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Bonner
Bono
Boozman
Broun (GA)
Brown (SC)
Buchanan
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cantor
Chabot
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Crenshaw
Culberson
Davis (KY)
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Everett
Fallin
Feeney
Flake
Forbes
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Granger
Graves
Hall (TX)
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Hoekstra
Hulshof
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Jindal
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Keller
Kingston
Kline (MN)
Lamborn
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Mahoney (FL)
Manzullo
Marchant
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Moran (KS)
Musgrave
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Paul
Pearce
Pence
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Poe
Price (GA)
Putnam
Radanovich
Reynolds
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shimkus
Shuster
Smith (NE)
Smith (TX)
Stearns
Sullivan
Tancredo
Taylor
Terry
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Turner
Walberg
Wamp
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (SC)
NOES--282
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Aderholt
Allen
Altmire
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Baird
Baldwin
Barrow
Bean
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Bordallo
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boustany
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Brown, Corrine
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Butterfield
Calvert
Cannon
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carney
Carson
Castle
Chandler
Christensen
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Costello
Courtney
Cramer
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis, Lincoln
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dent
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Donnelly
Doolittle
Doyle
Edwards
Ehlers
Ellison
Ellsworth
Emanuel
Emerson
Engel
English (PA)
Eshoo
Etheridge
Faleomavaega
Farr
Fattah
Ferguson
Filner
Fortenberry
Frank (MA)
[[Page H8668]]
Frelinghuysen
Gerlach
Giffords
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gillmor
Gonzalez
Gordon
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hare
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hill
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hobson
Hodes
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
King (NY)
Kirk
Klein (FL)
Knollenberg
Kucinich
Kuhl (NY)
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latham
LaTourette
Lee
Levin
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lynch
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Marshall
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McGovern
McHugh
McIntyre
McNerney
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Miller (NC)
Miller, George
Mitchell
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murphy, Tim
Murtha
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Norton
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Platts
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (NC)
Pryce (OH)
Rahall
Ramstad
Rangel
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reyes
Rodriguez
Rogers (AL)
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Saxton
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shays
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Shuler
Simpson
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (NJ)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Souder
Space
Spratt
Stark
Stupak
Sutton
Tanner
Tauscher
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Towns
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Upton
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walden (OR)
Walsh (NY)
Walz (MN)
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Welch (VT)
Weldon (FL)
Weller
Wexler
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (OH)
Wolf
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
Young (FL)
NOT VOTING--17
Brady (TX)
Burgess
Carter
Castor
Clarke
Cubin
Davis, David
Davis, Jo Ann
Fortuno
Herger
Hunter
Johnson (GA)
Jordan
King (IA)
LaHood
Michaud
Young (AK)
Announcement by the Chairman
The CHAIRMAN (during the vote). Members are advised 1 minute remains
in this vote.
{time} 1645
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Price of Georgia
The CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a recorded
vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Price)
on which further proceedings were postponed and on which the noes
prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The CHAIRMAN. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 159,
noes 261, not voting 17, as follows:
[Roll No. 740]
AYES--159
Akin
Alexander
Altmire
Bachmann
Bachus
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bean
Biggert
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Bonner
Bono
Boozman
Boren
Broun (GA)
Brown (SC)
Buchanan
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Castle
Chabot
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Crenshaw
Culberson
Davis (KY)
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Donnelly
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
English (PA)
Everett
Fallin
Feeney
Flake
Forbes
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Giffords
Gillibrand
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Granger
Graves
Hall (TX)
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Hoekstra
Hulshof
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Jindal
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Keller
Kingston
Kline (MN)
Lamborn
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Mahoney (FL)
Manzullo
Marchant
Matheson
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Mitchell
Moran (KS)
Musgrave
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Paul
Pearce
Pence
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Poe
Price (GA)
Putnam
Radanovich
Ramstad
Rehberg
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shays
Shimkus
Shuler
Shuster
Smith (NE)
Smith (TX)
Souder
Stearns
Sullivan
Tancredo
Taylor
Terry
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Turner
Upton
Walberg
Wamp
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (SC)
NOES--261
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Aderholt
Allen
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Baird
Baldwin
Barrow
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Bordallo
Boswell
Boucher
Boustany
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Brown, Corrine
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Butterfield
Calvert
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carney
Carson
Chandler
Christensen
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Costello
Courtney
Cramer
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis, Lincoln
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dent
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Doolittle
Doyle
Edwards
Ehlers
Ellison
Ellsworth
Emanuel
Emerson
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Faleomavaega
Farr
Fattah
Ferguson
Filner
Fortenberry
Frank (MA)
Frelinghuysen
Gerlach
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gonzalez
Gordon
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hare
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hill
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hodes
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
King (NY)
Kirk
Klein (FL)
Knollenberg
Kucinich
Kuhl (NY)
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latham
LaTourette
Lee
Levin
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lynch
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Marshall
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McGovern
McHugh
McIntyre
McNerney
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Miller (NC)
Miller, George
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murphy, Tim
Murtha
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Norton
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Platts
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (NC)
Pryce (OH)
Rahall
Rangel
Regula
Reichert
Renzi
Reyes
Rodriguez
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Saxton
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Simpson
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (NJ)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Space
Spratt
Stark
Stupak
Sutton
Tanner
Tauscher
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Towns
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walden (OR)
Walsh (NY)
Walz (MN)
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Welch (VT)
Weldon (FL)
Weller
Wexler
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (OH)
Wolf
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
Young (FL)
NOT VOTING--17
Brady (TX)
Burgess
Carter
Castor
Clarke
Cubin
Davis, David
Davis, Jo Ann
Fortuno
Hobson
Hunter
Johnson (GA)
Jordan
King (IA)
LaHood
Michaud
Young (AK)
Announcement by the Chairman
The CHAIRMAN (during the vote). Members are advised 1 minute remains
on the vote.
{time} 1649
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Amendment Offered by Mrs. Musgrave
The CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a recorded
vote on the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from Colorado (Mrs.
Musgrave) on which further proceedings were postponed and on which the
noes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
[[Page H8669]]
Recorded Vote
The CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The CHAIRMAN. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 186,
noes 235, not voting 16, as follows:
[Roll No. 741]
AYES--186
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Altmire
Bachmann
Bachus
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Barrow
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bean
Biggert
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Bonner
Bono
Boozman
Boren
Broun (GA)
Brown (SC)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Carney
Castle
Chabot
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Cooper
Crenshaw
Cuellar
Culberson
Davis (KY)
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Donnelly
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Ellsworth
Emerson
English (PA)
Everett
Fallin
Feeney
Flake
Forbes
Fortenberry
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Giffords
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Granger
Graves
Hall (TX)
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Hill
Hobson
Hoekstra
Hulshof
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Jindal
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Keller
Kingston
Kirk
Kline (MN)
Lamborn
Levin
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Mahoney (FL)
Manzullo
Marchant
Marshall
Matheson
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
Melancon
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Mitchell
Moran (KS)
Musgrave
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Paul
Pearce
Pence
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Price (GA)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Radanovich
Ramstad
Regula
Rehberg
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shays
Shimkus
Shuler
Shuster
Simpson
Smith (NE)
Smith (TX)
Souder
Stearns
Sullivan
Tancredo
Tanner
Taylor
Terry
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Turner
Upton
Walberg
Wamp
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Young (FL)
NOES--235
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Allen
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Baird
Baldwin
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Bordallo
Boswell
Boucher
Boustany
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Brown, Corrine
Butterfield
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carson
Chandler
Christensen
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Conyers
Costa
Costello
Courtney
Cramer
Crowley
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis, Lincoln
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dent
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Doolittle
Doyle
Edwards
Ehlers
Ellison
Emanuel
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Faleomavaega
Farr
Fattah
Ferguson
Filner
Frank (MA)
Frelinghuysen
Gerlach
Gonzalez
Gordon
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hare
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hodes
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
King (NY)
Klein (FL)
Knollenberg
Kucinich
Kuhl (NY)
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latham
LaTourette
Lee
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lynch
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McGovern
McHugh
McIntyre
McNerney
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Miller (NC)
Miller, George
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murphy, Tim
Murtha
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Norton
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (NC)
Rahall
Rangel
Reichert
Renzi
Reyes
Rodriguez
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Saxton
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (NJ)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Space
Spratt
Stark
Stupak
Sutton
Tauscher
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Towns
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walden (OR)
Walsh (NY)
Walz (MN)
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Welch (VT)
Weldon (FL)
Weller
Wexler
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (OH)
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
NOT VOTING--16
Brady (TX)
Burgess
Carter
Castor
Clarke
Cubin
Davis, David
Davis, Jo Ann
Fortuno
Hunter
Johnson (GA)
Jordan
King (IA)
LaHood
Michaud
Young (AK)
Announcement by the Chairman
The CHAIRMAN (during the vote). Members are advised 1 minute remains
in the vote.
{time} 1652
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Amendment No. 37 Offered by Mr. Campbell of California
The CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a recorded
vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from California (Mr.
Campbell) on which further proceedings were postponed and on which the
noes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The CHAIRMAN. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 192,
noes 228, not voting 17, as follows:
[Roll No. 742]
AYES--192
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Altmire
Bachmann
Bachus
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Barrow
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bean
Biggert
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Bonner
Bono
Boozman
Boren
Broun (GA)
Brown (SC)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Carney
Castle
Chabot
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Cooper
Crenshaw
Cuellar
Culberson
Davis (KY)
Davis, Lincoln
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
Dent
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Donnelly
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Ellsworth
Emerson
English (PA)
Everett
Fallin
Feeney
Flake
Forbes
Fortenberry
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gerlach
Giffords
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Granger
Graves
Hall (TX)
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Hill
Hoekstra
Hulshof
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Jindal
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Keller
Kingston
Kirk
Kline (MN)
Lamborn
Latham
LaTourette
Lewis (KY)
Linder
LoBiondo
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Mahoney (FL)
Manzullo
Marchant
Marshall
Matheson
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Mitchell
Moran (KS)
Musgrave
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Paul
Pearce
Pence
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Porter
Price (GA)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Radanovich
Ramstad
Rehberg
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Saxton
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shays
Shimkus
Shuler
Shuster
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Souder
Stearns
Sullivan
Tancredo
Tanner
Taylor
Terry
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Turner
Upton
Walberg
Walden (OR)
Wamp
Weller
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Young (FL)
NOES--228
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Allen
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Baird
Baldwin
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Bordallo
Boswell
Boucher
Boustany
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Brown, Corrine
Butterfield
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carson
Chandler
Christensen
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Conyers
Costa
Costello
Courtney
Cramer
Crowley
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dicks
[[Page H8670]]
Dingell
Doggett
Doolittle
Doyle
Edwards
Ehlers
Ellison
Emanuel
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Faleomavaega
Farr
Fattah
Ferguson
Filner
Frank (MA)
Frelinghuysen
Gonzalez
Gordon
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hare
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hobson
Hodes
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
King (NY)
Klein (FL)
Knollenberg
Kucinich
Kuhl (NY)
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lee
Levin
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lynch
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McGovern
McHugh
McIntyre
McNerney
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Miller (NC)
Miller, George
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murphy, Tim
Murtha
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Norton
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Pomeroy
Price (NC)
Rahall
Rangel
Regula
Reichert
Renzi
Reyes
Rodriguez
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Simpson
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Space
Spratt
Stark
Stupak
Sutton
Tauscher
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Towns
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walsh (NY)
Walz (MN)
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Welch (VT)
Weldon (FL)
Wexler
Wilson (OH)
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
NOT VOTING--17
Brady (TX)
Burgess
Carter
Castor
Clarke
Cubin
Davis, David
Davis, Jo Ann
Fortuno
Hunter
Johnson (GA)
Jordan
King (IA)
LaHood
Michaud
Smith (TX)
Young (AK)
{time} 1656
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
personal explanation
Mr. DAVID DAVIS of Tennessee. Mr. Chairman, due to a meeting with the
President at the White House this afternoon, I was not present to cast
my votes on rollcall votes 734 through 742. Had I been present, I would
have voted yea on the Stearns amendment--rollcall 734, ``aye'' on the
Flake amendment--rollcall 735, ``aye'' on the Flake amendment--rollcall
736, ``aye'' on the Pence amendment--rollcall 737, ``aye'' on the Upton
amendment--rollcall 738, ``aye'' on the Jordan amendment--rollcall 739,
``aye'' on the Price of Georgia amendment--rollcall 740, ``aye'' on the
Musgrave amendment--rollcall 741, and ``aye'' on the Campbell
amendment--rollcall 742.
Personal Explanation
Mr. JORDAN of Ohio. I was at the White House this afternoon with
several of my colleagues to brief the President on our recent trip to
Iraq. As a result, I was absent from the House Floor during a series of
rollcall votes.
Had I been present, I would have voted ``aye'' on rollcalls 734, 735,
736, 737, 738, 739, 740, 741, and 742.
Mr. MOORE of Kansas. Mr. Chairman, with today's passage of the fiscal
year 2008 Commerce-Justice-Science appropriations bill I am pleased to
acknowledge the inclusion, in this important legislation, of funding to
begin the implementation of the National Windstorm Impact Reduction
Program.
In 2004, the National Windstorm Impact Reduction Act, legislation
championed by Rep. Randy Neugebauer and myself, became law. On its road
to passage, H.R. 2608 (P.L. 108-360) enjoyed widespread support in both
the House and the Senate. The enactment of this legislation established
the interagency National Windstorm Impact Reduction Program (NWIRP) to
improve windstorm impact assessment and streamline the implementation
of federal mitigation efforts to minimize loss of life and property due
to severe windstorms like hurricanes and tornados.
All states and regions of the United States are vulnerable to
windstorms, and we all share in the cost of repairing the several
billion dollars in economic damage caused each year by these storms.
Vulnerabilities also continue to grow as our communities grow, but
improved windstorm impact measures have the potential to substantially
reduce future losses. Sadly, up to this point few resources have been
committed to research and program coordination in this area, and no
funding has been appropriated to begin the implementation of the NWIRP.
While federal programs cannot eliminate the occurrence or dangers of
future windstorms, the programs authorized as part of the NWIRP, if
properly funded, will help policymakers, private industry, and
individual homeowners adopt strategies for reducing risks to human life
and economic loss. The NWIRP also provides an important new opportunity
to initiate badly needed research to understand how wind affects
structures, to enhance windstorm damage collection and analysis, and to
develop and encourage the implementation of mitigation techniques.
The language included in the House version of the fiscal year 2008
Commerce-Justice-Science appropriations bill will direct much needed
funding to the National Science Foundation, the National Oceanic and
Atmospheric Administration, and the National Institutes of Standards
and Technology that will allow each agency to begin the implementation
of each distinct component of the NWIRP for which it is responsible.
Again, I am very pleased with the inclusion of this funding in the
House version and strongly encourage its inclusion in any conference
agreement on this legislation.
Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of this vitally
important appropriations bill that addresses a wide range of our
nation's critical needs. H.R. 3093, the Commerce, Justice, Science, and
Related Agencies Appropriations Act of 2008 provides local communities
with the help they need to keep our streets safe; makes significant
increases into scientific research to keep our Nation's economic
preeminence in the world; and bans civil rights and privatization
abuses furthered by the Bush administration.
Last year, the FBI reported that violent crime had its biggest
increase in over a decade. Under Republican control from 2001 to 2006,
funding for state and local law enforcement grants was cut from $4.4
billion to $2.5 billion--a 43 percent decrease. This bill reverses
those trends, making major investments into restoring state and local
law enforcements grants. It appropriates $725 million for Community
Oriented Policing Services (the COPS program)--$693 million over the
President's request and $183 million above 2007--to support local law
enforcement agencies, including $100 million for the ``COPS on the
Beat'' hiring program, not funded since 2005. The Congressional
Research Service estimates that 2,800 new police officers can be put on
America's streets with these funds. The President's budget would have
cut these grants by 94 percent.
H.R. 3093 also funds the Office on Violence Against Women at $430
million, $60 million above the President's request and $48 million
above 2007, to reduce violence against women, and to strengthen
services to victims of domestic violence, dating violence, sexual
assault, and stalking. It provides $1.3 billion for the Office of
Justice Programs for grants to state and local organizations to fund
activities like crime prevention, the State Criminal Alien Assistance
Program, Drug Courts and Byrne Grants. It also appropriates $400
million for the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention
for state and local grants to address the problems surrounding juvenile
offenders, including $100 million for a competitive youth mentoring
grants program.
To keep our Nation's economic preeminence in the world we need to
stay on the cutting edge of science and technology. To that end, H.R.
3093 makes significant investments in scientific research at the
country's top agencies devoted to science. It provides $28 billion, $2
billion above 2007 and $1 billion above the President's request, for
science and science education as part of the Innovation Agenda to keep
America competitive in the global market. The bill also tackles the
enormous challenge of global climate change, with $1.86 billion for
research and development projects to study what is happening, what
could happen, and what we can do about it.
The bill also funds other essential federal programs including the
Legal Services Corporation, for civil legal assistance to people who
are unable to afford it, allowing an additional 31,000 low-income
client cases to be concluded. The program was funded at $400 million in
1995 and has been cut repeatedly since. A 2005 study found that for
every eligible person served, another was turned away due to lack of
resources. This bill provides $377 million for that program, $28
million above 2007 and $66 million above the President's request. H.R.
3093 also appropriates $333 million for the Equal Employment
Opportunity Commission, to reduce the backlog of pending cases--
projected to increase 70 percent from 2006 to 2008 under the
President's request--and requires that all complaint calls be handled
by EEOC employees, cancelling the outsourcing of this service.
Finally, the Commerce, Justice and Science Appropriations bill
prohibits administration policies that have infringed on our civil
rights and curbs privatization policies that have led to waste, fraud
and abuse. H.R. 3093 bars the FBI from authorizing National Security
Letters in contravention of the law, a practice that we
[[Page H8671]]
have examined in the Judiciary Committee. The Justice Department's
Inspector General has found multiple instances of FBI abuses and
misuses of its authority in issuing these letters. The bill also
prohibits the privatization of work performed by employees of the
Bureau of Prisons or of Federal Prison Industries, Inc. It also allows
federal employees the same appeals rights as contractors after
decisions are made on public-private competitions.
Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to support this bill because it gets us
back on the right track after six years of misguided cuts whose
disastrous effects are now becoming apparent with the FBI's latest
crime statistics. This legislation deals literally with life and death
issues that need to be given adequate resources. H.R. 3093 will put
more police on our streets, aid crime victims, help juvenile offenders
get their lives back on track, and provide critical legal services to
those who can't afford it. It also makes vitally important investments
in our Nation's economic future by encouraging scientific research.
Finally, it protects us from government and contractor abuses. The New
Direction Congress is once again working to align the priorities of the
Federal Government with the needs of the American people.
Mr. GENE GREEN of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I rise today in support of
H.R. 3074, the FY08 Commerce, Justice, Science, and Related Agencies
Appropriations bill.
I want to thank the Chairman Obey, Chairman Mollohan, Ranking Member
Frelinghuysen, and the Appropriations Committee for their hard work on
this piece of legislation.
This bill will keep our communities safe by providing increased
funding for the Community Oriented Policing Services Grants Program and
the Byrne Justice Assistance Grants Program.
Both of these programs assist our law enforcement agencies by
providing grants for the hiring of additional police officers.
The CJS Appropriations bill also provides assistance for the Office
on Violence Against Women.
The COPS program, Byrne Justice Assistance Program, and the Office on
Violence Against Women would not have been severely under funded in the
President's budget and I commend the committee for their work to fund
these vital programs.
This bill also contains vital funding for two projects in my
district: the Houston YMCA of Greater Houston's Apartment Outreach
Project and the Harris County Integrated In-Car Mobile Technology
Project.
The YMCA's Apartment Outreach Project will provide for staffing and
supply costs for this program which combats youth crime and gang
activity in Houston's apartment complexes.
The Harris County Integrated In-Car Mobile Technology Project will
provide county sheriff officers with mobile data computers to link with
license plate recognition technology.
Unfortunately, this bill does not provide funding for several
projects that I strongly support.
These projects would have provided funding for the Harris County, TX
to acquire a 10 acre tract of land for the Buffalo Bayou Partnership
plan to redevelop the bayou and funding for Houston Community College
to purchase equipment for training programs conducted by its Public
Safety Institute.
While it is impossible to fund all of the projects that we request, I
believe that these programs need federal funding.
Ms. MATSUI. Mr. Chairman, I rise today today to express my support
for the National Textile Center. Textiles are an important part of our
daily life and of our Nation's economy. It is imperative that we remain
internationally competitive in this industry. The National Textile
Center does exactly that--ensure that the fiber, textile, and apparel
industries in our country have the research and innovations needed to
continue to be viable and competitive.
The National Textile Center is a consortium of eight coordinated
locations across the country. They have come together in a nationwide
effort to promote research and education in developing new and
innovative fabrics and materials. These are important collaborative
centers that develop new fibers, fabrics, and manufacturing methods
with broad ranging applications.
I am proud that one of the partners of the National Textile Center is
the University of California Davis. Their participation in this
national research consortium benefits the education, workforce
development, and economy of the Sacramento region and our entire
country. A key project at U.C. Davis funded by the National Textile
Center is the development of new personal protection clothing to keep
our first responders and military safe. We cannot turn our backs on
these vital workers, whom we trust with the health and safety of our
Nation.
The National Textile Center funds important interdisciplinary
collaborations that translate to many other industries. Basic research
funded by this important consortium has applications that will
reverberate in many fields, such as biomedical applications,
electronics, and nanotechnology. I urge my colleagues on both sides of
the aisle to join me in supporting funding of the National Textile
Center. We need to oppose efforts to strike funds from this important
program that benefits constituents nationwide.
Mr. GINGREY. Mr. Chairman, as we begin debate on the FY2008 Commerce,
Justice, Science Appropriations bill, I want to highlight the National
Textile Center (NTC). The NTC is a 15-year-old grant program that
supports research at nine member universities, including Georgia Tech,
and is the main source of innovation for U.S. textile, fiber and
apparel industries. In Georgia, the textile, fiber and apparel industry
is the state's largest manufacturing employer with annual payroll of
$500 million. It is imperative that this industry continue to benefit
from the infusion of new ideas and talent that is the basis of the
programs of the National Textile Center. National Textile Center
projects in Georgia have lead to improving Georgia industry processes
including new approaches to carpet recycling and new environmentally
friendly approaches to dyes and bleaches that lower costs, increase
competitiveness, and improve the local plant environmental impact.
Outside of helping the textile industry respond to rapidly changing
market demands, the NTC has also inspired and trained highly skilled
talent for the U.S. textile industry and created educational
opportunities in science, engineering, and technology for U.S. citizens
and permanent residents from K-12 through the doctoral level.
Mr. Chairman, the National Textile Center has clearly been an
excellent steward of past funding provided by the Department of
Commerce. With this in mind, I ask Chairman Mollohan, Ranking Member
Frelinghuysen, and my colleagues in both bodies to preserve current
funding and remember the importance of this program during the
Conference process.
Mrs. BOYDA of Kansas. Mr. Chairman, when most of us think about law
enforcement, we imagine police patrolling the streets, or we think of
lawyers and judges in a courtroom. But there's another chapter to the
law enforcement story. Once a criminal has been caught, tried, and
convicted in federal court, the U.S. prison system is charged with
detaining him--sometimes for the rest of his life.
Just as Congress talks about supporting police and protecting judges,
we need to talk about supporting our prisons. In recent years we have
seen the Federal inmate population grow without a corresponding
increase in the number of corrections officers. This is a dangerous
situation that we cannot allow to continue.
Since 1980, the population of inmates in Federal prisons has
increased from 24,000 to almost 200,000--an 830 percent increase.
Unfortunately, funding hasn't increased nearly that fast, and too many
facilities are facing staffing shortages. Right now, Federal prisons
are overcrowded by about 37 percent.
Frankly, that isn't right. We can't claim to be tough on crime and
neglect our prisons. Congress has to provide enough funding to the
Bureau of Prisoners to ensure the safety of our guards and the quality
of our prisons.
As a member of the House Corrections Caucus, last month I authored a
letter to the House Appropriations Committee requesting increased
funding for the Bureau of Prisons. Together, we requested $427 million
over 2007 for the Bureau of Prison's ``salaries and expenses'' account
and $210 million for the ``buildings and facilities'' account.
Unfortunately, resources are stretched thin and that amount could not
be met.
In order to continue managing the increasing prison population and
providing a safe work environment for our correctional officers we need
to provide the BOP with the necessary funding. We must ensure that the
BOP receives the funds it needs to conduct maintenance on current
facilities and build the new facilities necessary to deal with
overcrowding.
Congress can never remove all of the risk from the job of guarding a
prison. Risk accompanies any law enforcement job. But we can provide
the resources to help our guards do their jobs as safely as possible
and demonstrate that we are tough on crime.
Mr. WELDON of Florida. Mr. Chairman, today I rise to explain the
purpose of two amendments I submitted to H.R. 3093, the Commerce,
Justice, Science Appropriations Bill of 2008. While I had planned to
offer these amendments, I was disappointed that just prior to offering
my amendments to the bill on the House floor, was informed that the
Chairman of the Appropriations Subcommittee on Commerce, Justice,
Science was going to object to my amendments and insist on a point of
order against them. After discussion with the Parliamentarian, who said
the point of order would be upheld on a technicality, I decided to not
offer my amendments. I am disappointed that the Democrat majority chose
to object to my amendments on a technicality, particularly when you
consider that technical objections were waived for a host of other
provisions in
[[Page H8672]]
this same bill. I believe if is important to explain here and get on
the record the substance of these amendments and why they are critical
to securing our homeland.
My first amendment (No. 14) would have tied funding for the Community
Oriented Policing Services (COPS) program to whether recipients are
complying with the federal prohibition on sanctuary policies. Sanctuary
cities have been prohibited under Federal law (8 U.S.C. 1373 and 1644)
for more than 10 years. Yet, there is no enforcement mechanism and no
penalty for those cities that choose to disobey the law.
My amendment would have prohibited COPS funding from going to State
or local governments that have sanctuary policies which prevent
cooperation between local or state police and federal immigration
authorities or prevent local or state police from enforcing immigration
laws.
Terrorists know all about sanctuary cities and the concealment that
such cities provide. The 9/11 terrorists are a case in point. Two of
the 19 hijackers on September 11, 2001, ran afoul of police months and
days before the attack.
Mohammed Atta was ticketed in Broward County Florida in the Spring of
2001 for driving without a license. Atta was in the U.S. on an expired
Visa and was in the U.S. illegally. If the local or state police had
looked into Atta's immigration status, the leader of the 9/11 attacks
would have been departed 5 months before the attacks took place.
In addition, of the 48 Al Qaeda operatives who operated in the U.S.
between 1993-2001, including the 9/11 hijackers, almost half were
illegal aliens. Sadly, jurisdictions with sanctuary policies would not
only prohibit their apprehension, it would also prohibit the police
from informing federal officials of their immigration status so that
they could commence deportation proceedings. Three of the Fort Dix
Six--the men who tried to pull off a terrorist incident at Ft. Dix,
NJ--were pulled over by local police for traffic violations. Three of
these individuals had run-ins with police 75 times, but no one ever
checked their immigration status. They were all in the U.S. illegally.
The jurisdiction in which they were charged supposedly had a sanctuary
policy ... which explains why they were never reported to federal
immigration officials.
We cannot fool ourselves into thinking that terrorists do not know
about these sanctuary jurisdictions... so harboring illegal aliens
creates an environment where terrorists can easily hide and not be
found out. I want to be clear that I do not believe that all illegal
immigrants are terrorists. Very, very' few illegal immigrants are
terrorists. But those few who are terrorists can kill thousands of
innocent Americans, as only 19 did on September 11, 2001.
Obviously, the COPS program adds to our arsenal in combating crime by
increasing the number of police in our communities. But funding
increased police presence while at the same time not reporting known
illegal immigrants to federal authorities, as is the policy of
jurisdictions with sanctuary laws, is contradictory and self-defeating.
If we simply allowed our law enforcement officers to follow Federal law
by requiring them to inform immigration officials of violations of
immigration laws, we would likely need fewer police officers to enforce
our laws.
Why would we need fewer officers? Because requiring local
jurisdictions to cooperate with the Federal agencies to quickly and
efficiently deport illegal immigrants, particularly those engaged in
criminal acts, would help reduce the size and capabilities of criminal
gangs. A large percentage of those who populate violent criminal gangs,
including MS-13, are illegal immigrants. Violent criminal gangs are
making these communities unsafe. FBI Director, Robert Mueller, has even
declared MS-13 as the top priority of the bureau's criminal-enterprise
branch.
Even more, the gangs that are populated by illegal immigrants have
increased the threat to our homeland. Honduran Security Minister, Oscar
Alvarez, even stated that Al Qaeda might be trying to recruit Central
American gang members to help terrorists infiltrate the US.
Additionally, Salvadoran President Tony Saca echoed this theme, saying
he could ``not rule out a link between terrorist and Central American
gang members.''
My second amendment (No. 15) would have tied funding for the State
Criminal Alien Assistance Program (SCAAP) to whether recipient
jurisdictions are complying with the federal prohibition on sanctuary
policies (8 U.S.C. Sec. Sec. 1373 and 1644). The amendment would have
given priority in SCAAP funding to those communities that are
cooperating with federal immigration officials in deporting illegal
immigrants, rather than State or local governments that have sanctuary
policies and simply release criminal aliens back onto U.S. streets.
My amendment says if you expect to get federal money for
incarcerating illegal immigrants you must also report them to federal
immigration authorities so that they can be deported, rather than being
released back on to U.S. streets. If a community cannot live by this
policy, it is only right that they not get a taxpayer subsidy.
What's amazing is how much money sanctuary cities are raking in from
the Federal Government. During fiscal 2005, the Justice Department
distributed $287.1 million in SCAAP payments to 752 state, county and
local jurisdictions. Seventy percent of SCAAP funds went to just 10
jurisdictions: the states of California, New York, Texas, Florida,
Arizona, Illinois and Massachusetts; New York City; and two California
counties, Los Angeles and Orange.
Many of the largest recipients of SCAAP funds are sanctuary cities
that refuse to cooperate with Federal authorities on immigration
enforcement. Some of the largest sanctuary cities and counties that
received SCAAP money in 2005 include New York City, Los Angeles, San
Francisco, San Diego, Houston, and Seattle.
It seems as if we did not learn anything from 9/11 about the need to
treat illegal immigration seriously and recognize that the failure to
enforce our immigration laws can endanger our national security?
Some of America's most important cities are sanctuary even though it
is prohibited under Federal law. And it is time that the Federal
Government stops turning a blind eye to sanctuary cities. If a
community chooses to be a sanctuary, they should no longer expect to
receive the largess of taxpayers from across this country.
Once again, I am disappointed that the Democrat majority would not
permit these amendments to be considered for all up or down vote.
However, I will continue to work to address this serious national
security concern.
Mr. HOLT. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of this appropriations
bill.
One of the most important roles of government is ensuring public
safety. Over the last several years, the Federal Government simply has
not been providing enough support to local and state law enforcement.
The Justice Department's Uniform Crime Report statistics have now shown
for 2 consecutive years measurable increases in violent crime
nationwide. The Bush administration clearly has its priorities skewed,
as the budget it proposed for the Community Oriented Policing Services
(C.O.P.S.) program for Fiscal Year 2008 was a mere $32 million, a
reduction of over half a billion dollars from last year's level.
This bill addresses that problem by increasing C.O.P.S. program
funding to $725 million, and designating $100 million of that amount to
be used to hire an additional 2800 police officers nationwide.
There is simply no question that our country's far more robust
commitment to putting cops in the streets in the 1990's help reduce
violent crime over the last decade. According to the General
Accountability Office ``C.O.P.S. funded increases in sworn officers per
capita were associated with the declines in rates of total index
crimes, violent crimes, and property crimes.'' The same GAO study
showed that between the years of 1998 and 2000, C.O.P.S. hiring grants
were responsible for reducing crime by about 200,000 to 225,000
incidents--one third of which were violent. Across the state of New
Jersey, approximately 4,790 officers were hired by local police
departments using C.O.P.S. funds. This meant an additional 628 police
officers and sheriff deputies walking the beat in the local communities
of my Congressional District. Further, 33 school resource officers were
hired to ensure that our children's schools are safe. The committee's
increase in funding for this program for Fiscal Year 2008 is a welcome
change from recent years, but I hope it will only be a down payment on
much larger increases to come. Ideally, we should return to the kind of
funding levels that gave us the kind of nationwide police presence we
enjoyed in the last decade.
I am pleased that the committee has provided a robust increase for
the Edward Byrne Memorial Justice Assistance Grants Program by more
than $80 million over the Fiscal Year 2007 level to $600 million. These
grants are vital to our local communities--they help local law
enforcement organizations get the support they need to combat violent
crime, particular gangs and drug-related criminal activity.
In the area of science funding, the bill provides for much needed
increases in the overall budget of the National Science Foundation, and
for science education funding. Recent history has shown that when the
federal government invests in science programs and education, our
Nation as a whole benefits.
When funding for the National Institutes of Health was doubled during
the previous decade, many students recognized the opportunity and acted
accordingly. Federal seed money fostered high-income, highly desirable
jobs and entrepreneurial companies that lead the 21st century economy.
Their innovations have made the U.S. the global leader in the life
sciences and biotechnology.
Earlier this year, I led more than 80 of my colleagues in an appeal
to this committee that it increase overall funding for the NSF as well
[[Page H8673]]
as education-specific funding. I'm pleased that the committee responded
by increasing NSF funding to $6.509 billion, $80 million over our
collective request, as well as adding $72 million specifically for
science education funding. I want to thank the chairman of the full
committee, Mr. Obey, and the subcommittee chairman, Mr. Mollohan, for
demonstrating a commitment to make meaningful investments in the NSF's
physical sciences and engineering programs.
Finally, the Commerce Department portion of this bill provides badly
needed additional funding to address perhaps the greatest threat to our
collective future--global climate change.
The committee has added $171 million over the President's request to
help fund a number of key climate change initiatives, including a
comprehensive study of the problem, as well as changes to National
Polar-Orbiting Operational Environmental Satellite System (NPOESS)
program to ensure that critical climate monitoring sensors are added
onto future NPOESS platforms. It is vital to both our economic and our
national security that we take whatever measures are necessary to gain
a comprehensive understanding of the mechanisms that drive global
warming so that we can implement the full range of measures necessary
to combat it.
Mr. Chairman, I commend the committee for bringing us a bill that
reflects the priorities of the American people, and I urge my
colleagues to vote for it.
Mr. SHULER. Mr. Chairman, I rise today in strong opposition to the
amendment put forward by the gentleman from Arizona.
We should not be reducing the funding for the National Textile
Center. Our national economic prosperity has grown from the formidable
work ethic of the American people and vigorous investment in all areas
of science and technology. We must not lose the scientific commitment
which has brought our Nation so far and can help us go so much further.
The National Textile Center conducts advanced research work with
life-saving applications. Some examples include the use of micro-
technologies to develop heart stents, and three-dimensional weaving
techniques to produce life-saving armor. Beneficiaries of the National
Textile Center's work include fire-fighters, police officers and
soldiers who require protective clothing that allows them to carry out
their dangerous jobs. I am proud to have several companies in my
district including 3Tex and FirstChoice Armor who are working closely
with the National Textile Center to produce the next generation of
life-saving textile products.
The research conducted by the National Textile Center is also
advancing our understanding of more efficient textile manufacturing.
New developments spearheaded by the National Textile Center help make
our industrial processes more effective and help ensure we remain
competitive in the international arena.
I urge my colleagues to vote against this amendment and maintain our
national commitment to investments in science and technology that
provide real benefits to American workers and real solutions for the
greater good.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will read.
The Clerk read as follows:
This Act may be cited as the ``Commerce, Justice, Science,
and Related Agencies Appropriations Act, 2008''.
Mr. MOLLOHAN. Mr. Chairman, I move that the Committee do now rise and
report the bill back to the House with sundry amendments, with the
recommendation that the amendments be agreed to and that the bill, as
amended, do pass.
The motion was agreed to.
Accordingly, the Committee rose; and the Speaker pro tempore (Mrs.
Tauscher) having assumed the chair, Mr. Snyder, Chairman of the
Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union, reported that
that Committee, having had under consideration the bill (H.R. 3093)
making appropriations for the Departments of Commerce and Justice, and
Science, and Related Agencies for the fiscal year ending September 30,
2008, and for other purposes, he reported the bill back to the House
with sundry amendments, with the recommendation that the amendments be
agreed to and that the bill, as amended, do pass.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under House Resolution 562, the previous
question is ordered.
Is a separate vote demanded on any amendment reported from the
Committee of the Whole?
Parliamentary Inquiry
Mr. MANZULLO. Madam Speaker, parliamentary inquiry.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman may state his parliamentary
inquiry.
Mr. MANZULLO. Is it appropriate at this time to ask for a re-vote on
each and every amendment just voted on?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair has just queried on that matter.
Mr. MANZULLO. Thank you.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. If not, the Chair will put them en gros.
The amendments were agreed to.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the engrossment and third
reading of the bill.
The bill was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time, and was
read the third time.
Motion to Recommit Offered by Mr. Lewis of California
Mr. LEWIS of California. Madam Speaker, I offer a motion to recommit.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is the gentleman opposed to the bill?
Mr. LEWIS of California. I am in its present form.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Clerk will report the motion to
recommit.
The Clerk read as follows:
Mr. LEWIS of California moves to recommit the bill, H.R.
3093, to the Committee on Appropriations with instructions to
report the same back to the House promptly with a deficit
neutral amendment to provide:
(1) additional funding for Department of Justice
immigration law enforcement capabilities (including
investigative, prosecutorial and incarceration programs); and
(2) funding for the State Criminal Alien Assistance Program
at the level authorized pursuant to section 1196 of Public
Law 109-162.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from California is recognized
for 5 minutes.
Mr. LEWIS of California. Madam Speaker, the motion I have at the desk
is a motion to recommit to recognize the fact that right now this
country faces a crisis on its borders.
Illegal immigration not only affects those of us who represent States
on the border, it is a pervasive problem across the country. The
Homeland Security Appropriations bill that passed the House earlier
this summer included significant increases for more Border Patrol
agents and other border protection efforts.
{time} 1700
The homeland security bill represents an important piece of our
immigration enforcement system, but it does not fund all of it. It is
this bill that funds prosecution and incarceration of the most violent
criminal aliens, such as drug dealers, human traffickers and gang
members. It is this bill that provides critical assistance to State and
local law enforcement agencies that are on the front lines of the
immigration problem.
As we increase our border enforcement efforts in the Department of
Homeland Security, we must make sure that the Department of Justice has
the funds it needs to fully prosecute and incarcerate all of the
criminal aliens arrested by the Border Patrol and Immigration and
Customs Enforcement. In addition, until the Federal Government is able
to secure its borders, we must provide our local governments with
sufficient resources to reimburse them while they protect our
communities.
Because my colleague from California, David Dreier, former chairman
of our Rules Committee, has been most involved in this issue and is on
the point of our attempting to find a solution in California, I yield
the balance of my time to Mr. Dreier to round out this discussion.
Mr. DREIER. Madam Speaker, I thank my friend for yielding.
Let me just say that in the 109th Congress, Mr. Lewis and I joined
together to offer an amendment to the Violence Against Women Act which
actually authorized a level of $950 million for the reimbursement to
the States for the incarceration of illegal immigrant felons. At that
time, Madam Speaker, 414 Members of this House voted in support of that
bill. Just yesterday, 338 Members voted in favor of the amendment that
we offered which had an increase to a level of $460 million total for
the issue of the State Criminal Alien Assistance Program. It is
literally a drop in the bucket. Even with this new level, State and
local governments will, Madam Speaker, only receive 10 cents on the
dollar that they expend for the incarceration of people who are in this
country illegally and commit crimes.
I believe that it is absolutely essential, if we're going to allow
State and local governments to work on the very, very important crime
problem that
[[Page H8674]]
they have, that we should step up to the plate and take on the
responsibility that only the Federal Government can address, and that
is the security of our Nation's borders.
Madam Speaker, any Member who votes against this motion to recommit
is, in fact, voting to not provide reimbursement to State and local
governments for this onerous responsibility which we have thrust upon
them by virtue of the fact that we are not securing our Nation's
borders.
Vote to support the motion to recommit that Mr. Lewis is offering
here so that we will have a chance to provide that very, very important
support for State and local governments and the security for the
constituents who we represent.
Mr. LEWIS of California. Madam Speaker, reclaiming my time, and I
won't use any more time, I appreciate very much Mr. Dreier's assistance
in this matter. I urge very strongly that all Members vote ``aye'' on
this motion to recommit.
Madam Speaker, I yield back my time.
Mr. MOLLOHAN. Madam Speaker, I rise in opposition to the motion.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from West Virginia is
recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. MOLLOHAN. Madam Speaker, I rise in opposition to the motion to
recommit. If I heard the gentleman from California correctly, I believe
he misspoke and said that he encouraged a vote against the motion to
recommit. Of course he's not against the motion to recommit, but if he
were, that would be the only place that I agree with him on this
amendment.
Obviously this is a killer amendment. This is the ``I got you''
amendment. It provides for promptly returning the bill back to the
House. That means that the bill will not pass today on the Floor.
That's the ``got you'' part of each one of these motions to recommit.
It means we wouldn't be able to pass the bill here today.
Additionally, the amendment asks for additional funding for the
Department of Justice immigration law enforcement capabilities. We just
had a number of amendments proposing across-the-board cuts during this
proceeding. Many of their supporters have argued that there's too much
money in these bills and in these accounts. We're funding this bill
substantially above the President's request, $3.2 billion above last
year and $2.3 billion above the President's request.
It would always be good to have additional funding in law
enforcement, but we're proud of how robustly we are funding law
enforcement, and particularly for State and local law enforcement,
which is $1.7 billion above the President's request. Those funds help
with the local law enforcement, including prosecutorial, incarceration
programs, and many others across the board. While this bill is well in
excess of the President's request, much of that is for funding for law
enforcement above last year's levels.
The other provision of this motion to recommit would fund the State
Criminal Alien Assistance Program at the level authorized. Let me just
suggest that the State Criminal Alien Assistance Program is a
privileged account in this bill. We began funding through subcommittee
at $375 million. In full committee, it increased to $405 million. On
the floor, this program was again increased now to $460 million. It is
certainly getting its fair share of funding relative to other accounts
in the bill.
Indeed, if this motion to recommit were passed and were acted upon,
we would have to go back and cut State and local law enforcement, FBI,
DEA, and meth programs. We would have to cut law enforcement funding
that puts police on the streets, that hires additional FBI agents,
additional DEA agents, and funds meth programs.
If we approve this motion to recommit, we would really have to go
back and cut all of that funding.
Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Zoe
Lofgren).
Ms. ZOE LOFGREN of California. Madam Speaker, I concur with the
suggestion that this motion to recommit be defeated.
As the author of the amendment yesterday to increase SCAAP funding by
$55 million, I can certainly not be counted as someone who does not
support funding for State and local alien incarceration programs.
On the other hand, we had offsets for our amendment yesterday, $55
million in offsets, and if I had found additional offsets that didn't
adversely impact the Drug Enforcement Agency or the FBI or the COPS
program or the National Science Foundation, I would have suggested an
even bigger amount. I couldn't find those offsets.
Mr. HOYER. Madam Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. MOLLOHAN. I yield to the gentleman from Maryland.
Mr. HOYER. Madam Speaker, this is not about substance. This is about
killing this bill. The gentleman will say it comes back promptly. It
doesn't come back promptly.
We spent 14\1/2\ hours trying to get money to law enforcement,
immigration enforcement and all the other objects in law enforcement,
first responders, in this bill. This is about killing this bill. This
is about delay. This is about politics, trying to give some of our
people a bad vote.
Vote this motion down because it is not real. It is not for substance
sake. It is not for the objective as it is articulated in the
amendment. It is designed to fail. Reject this chicanery on this floor.
Vote ``no.''
The SPEAKER pro tempore. All time has expired.
Without objection, the previous question is ordered on the motion to
recommit.
There was no objection.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion to recommit.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the noes appeared to have it.
Recorded Vote
Mr. DREIER. Madam Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 9 of rule XX, the Chair
will reduce to 5 minutes the minimum time for any electronic vote on
the question of passage.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 209,
noes 215, not voting 8, as follows:
[Roll No. 743]
AYES--209
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Altmire
Bachmann
Bachus
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Barrow
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Biggert
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Bonner
Bono
Boozman
Boren
Boustany
Brady (TX)
Broun (GA)
Brown (SC)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Carney
Carter
Castle
Chabot
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Crenshaw
Culberson
Davis (KY)
Davis, David
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
Dent
Donnelly
Doolittle
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Ehlers
Ellsworth
Emerson
English (PA)
Everett
Fallin
Feeney
Ferguson
Flake
Forbes
Fortenberry
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gerlach
Giffords
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Granger
Graves
Hall (TX)
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Hill
Hobson
Hoekstra
Hulshof
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Jindal
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Jordan
Kagen
Keller
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kirk
Kline (MN)
Knollenberg
Kuhl (NY)
Lamborn
Lampson
Latham
LaTourette
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
LoBiondo
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Manzullo
Marchant
Marshall
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McHugh
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
McNerney
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Mitchell
Moran (KS)
Murphy, Patrick
Murphy, Tim
Musgrave
Neugebauer
Nunes
Paul
Pearce
Pence
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Porter
Price (GA)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Radanovich
Ramstad
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Roskam
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Saxton
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shays
Shimkus
Shuler
Shuster
Simpson
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Souder
Stearns
Sullivan
Tancredo
Terry
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Turner
Upton
Walberg
Walden (OR)
Walsh (NY)
Wamp
Weldon (FL)
Weller
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Young (FL)
[[Page H8675]]
NOES--215
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Allen
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Baird
Baldwin
Bean
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Boswell
Boucher
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Brown, Corrine
Butterfield
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carson
Castor
Chandler
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Costello
Courtney
Cramer
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis, Lincoln
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle
Edwards
Ellison
Emanuel
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Farr
Fattah
Filner
Frank (MA)
Gonzalez
Gordon
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hare
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hodes
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson (GA)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
Klein (FL)
Kucinich
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lee
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lynch
Mahoney (FL)
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McGovern
McIntyre
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Miller (NC)
Miller, George
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murtha
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Pomeroy
Price (NC)
Rahall
Rangel
Reyes
Rodriguez
Ros-Lehtinen
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Space
Spratt
Stark
Stupak
Sutton
Tanner
Tauscher
Taylor
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Towns
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walz (MN)
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Welch (VT)
Wexler
Wilson (OH)
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
NOT VOTING--8
Clarke
Cubin
Davis, Jo Ann
Hunter
LaHood
Michaud
Myrick
Young (AK)
{time} 1726
Mr. LAMPSON and Mr. HILL changed their vote from ``no'' to ``aye.''
So the motion to recommit was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Mr. SHAYS. Mr. Chairman, on July 26, I was participating in a
briefing on National Security and I missed the first vote.
I take my voting responsibility very seriously and would like the
Congressional Record to reflect that, had I been present, I would have
voted ``no'' on recorded vote number 743.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the passage of the bill.
Under clause 10 of rule XX, the yeas and nays are ordered.
This will be a 5-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 281,
nays 142, not voting 9, as follows:
[Roll No. 744]
YEAS--281
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Aderholt
Allen
Altmire
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Baird
Baldwin
Barrow
Bean
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Bono
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Brown, Corrine
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Butterfield
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carney
Carson
Castor
Chabot
Chandler
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Coble
Cohen
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Costello
Courtney
Cramer
Crowley
Cuellar
Culberson
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis, Lincoln
Davis, Tom
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dent
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Donnelly
Doyle
Edwards
Ehlers
Ellison
Ellsworth
Emanuel
Emerson
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Farr
Fattah
Feeney
Ferguson
Filner
Fortenberry
Frank (MA)
Frelinghuysen
Gerlach
Giffords
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gonzalez
Goode
Gordon
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hall (TX)
Hare
Harman
Hastings (FL)
Hayes
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hill
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hobson
Hodes
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (NC)
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Keller
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
Kirk
Klein (FL)
Kucinich
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latham
LaTourette
Lee
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lynch
Mahoney (FL)
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Marshall
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McGovern
McHugh
McIntyre
McMorris Rodgers
McNerney
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Miller (MI)
Miller (NC)
Miller, George
Mitchell
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murphy, Tim
Murtha
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Platts
Poe
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (NC)
Pryce (OH)
Rahall
Ramstad
Rangel
Regula
Reichert
Renzi
Reyes
Rodriguez
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Saxton
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shea-Porter
Shuler
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (NJ)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Space
Spratt
Stark
Stupak
Sutton
Tancredo
Tanner
Tauscher
Taylor
Terry
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Towns
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Upton
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walden (OR)
Walsh (NY)
Walz (MN)
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Welch (VT)
Weldon (FL)
Weller
Wexler
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (OH)
Wolf
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
Young (FL)
NAYS--142
Akin
Alexander
Bachmann
Bachus
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Biggert
Bilbray
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Bonner
Boozman
Boustany
Brady (TX)
Broun (GA)
Brown (SC)
Buchanan
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Carter
Castle
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Crenshaw
Davis (KY)
Davis, David
Deal (GA)
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Doolittle
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
English (PA)
Everett
Fallin
Flake
Forbes
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goodlatte
Granger
Graves
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Hoekstra
Hulshof
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Jindal
Johnson, Sam
Jordan
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kline (MN)
Knollenberg
Kuhl (NY)
Lamborn
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Manzullo
Marchant
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McKeon
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller, Gary
Moran (KS)
Musgrave
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Paul
Pearce
Pence
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Price (GA)
Putnam
Radanovich
Rehberg
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shays
Shimkus
Shuster
Simpson
Smith (NE)
Smith (TX)
Souder
Stearns
Sullivan
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Turner
Walberg
Wamp
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (SC)
NOT VOTING--9
Clarke
Cubin
Davis, Jo Ann
Hunter
LaHood
McDermott
Michaud
Sherman
Young (AK)
Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore
The SPEAKER pro tempore (during the vote). Members are advised there
are less than 2 minutes remaining on this vote.
{time} 1734
Ms. GINNY BROWN-WAITE of Florida changed her vote from ``nay'' to
``yea.''
=========================== NOTE ===========================
July 26, 2007 On Page H8675 the following appeared: Ms. GINNY
BROWN-WAITE of Florida changed her vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
The online version should be corrected to read: Ms. GINNY BROWN-
WAITE of Florida changed her vote from ``nay'' to ``yea.''
========================= END NOTE =========================
So the bill was passed.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
Stated for:
Mr. McDERMOTT. Mr. Speaker, I regret that I was unavoidably detained
and missed rollcall 744, final passage of H.R. 3093, the FY08 Commerce,
Justice, Science and Related Agencies Appropriations Act. Had I not
been detained, I would have voted in favor of final passage.
____________________