[Congressional Record Volume 153, Number 116 (Thursday, July 19, 2007)]
[House]
[Pages H8128-H8173]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
DEPARTMENTS OF LABOR, HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES, AND EDUCATION, AND
RELATED AGENCIES APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 2008
The Committee resumed its sitting.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Lewis of Georgia
Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Lewis of Georgia:
At the end of the bill (before the short title) insert the
following:
TITLE VI
ADDITIONAL GENERAL PROVISIONS
Sec. 601. None of the funds made available in this Act may
be used to take any action to finalize (or otherwise
implement) provisions contained in the proposed rule
published on May 3, 2007, on pages 24680 through 25135 of
volume 72, Federal Register, insofar as such provisions
propose--
(1) to alter payments for services under the hospital
inpatient prospective payment system under section 1886(d) of
the Social Security Act (42 U.S.C 1395ww(d)) based on use of
a Medicare severity diagnosis related group (MS-DRG) system;
or
(2) to implement a prospective behavioral offset in
response to the implementation of such a Medicare Severity
Diagnosis Related Group (MS-DRG) system for purposes of such
hospital inpatient prospective payment system.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday,
July 18, 2007, the gentleman from Georgia and a Member opposed each
will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Georgia.
Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I would like to thank my
colleagues and friends, Peter Welch of Vermont and Jerry Weller from
Illinois, for joining me in offering this important amendment.
Mr. Chairman, hospitals need more than just 2 months to change their
coding system. It's too much too soon. CMS needs to give them the time
they need. In addition, we must not allow CMS to implement this
behavior offset.
I've talked to hospitals in my district. They're doing everything
right when it comes to coding and charging Medicare. This cut will
punish the hospital before they've done anything wrong. 269 Members of
the House feel the same way.
Mr. Weller and I sent a letter to CMS on June 12, along with 267 of
our colleagues and 63 Senators urging CMS not to make this $24 billion
cut. Hospitals do not deserve a $24 billion cut. I ask my colleagues to
support this amendment and help our hospitals.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Illinois
(Mr. Weller).
Mr. WELLER of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of this
amendment. And first let me thank my colleagues, John Lewis, Peter
Welch, for the opportunity to join in bipartisan sponsorship of this
amendment.
This amendment prevents the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid
Services from cutting $24 billion in funding for our local hospitals,
funding that's used to provide care to seniors disabled under Medicare.
In my district alone this would mean a loss of $60 million in
reimbursement for my local hospitals, having a devastating effect on
the quality of care.
A key misstep in the proposed rule is the 2.4 percent so-called
behavior offset payment cut. CMS proposed this cut to eliminate what
the agency has inaccurately claimed will be the effect of greater use
of coding as hospitals move to a new system. These extreme cuts in
reimbursements, based on speculation rather than fact, will impose an
added burden on all hospitals.
Earlier this year my friend and colleague John Lewis and I circulated
a letter in opposition to these Draconian cuts. The response was
overwhelming, with 269 Members of this House going on the record
against this devastating cut to our local hospitals. This is
overwhelming bipartisan opposition to this bad policy proposed by CMS.
Mr. Chairman, I will include this letter in the Record in support of
this amendment.
The amendment also prohibits CMS from prospectively applying any
behavioral offset in fiscal year 2008, ensuring that any adjustments
made for coding changes will be based on the actual experiences of the
hospital, not mere conjecture.
I ask my colleagues to join us in bipartisan support of this effort
to prohibit the use of any funds to implement these Draconian
provisions of the IPPS rule that will place hospitals under undue
financial burden, compromising the quality of care our constituents
deserve.
In order to prevent these local hospitals and protect our
constituents, I ask my colleagues to vote in a bipartisan ``yes.''
Congress of the United States,
Washington, DC, June 12, 2007.
Re CMS Proposed Inpatient Prospective Payment Rule
Ms. Leslie V. Norwalk, Esquire,
Acting Administrator, Centers for Medicare and Medicaid
Services (CMS), Washington, DC.
Dear Ms. Norwalk: We write to express our strong opposition
to two provisions in the proposed Inpatient Prospective
Payment System (IPPS) regulation. We respectfully request
that these provisions be excluded from the final regulation.
The first provision would impose a 2.4 percent cut to all
operating and capital payments for inpatient hospital
services for Medicare patients based on the misguided premise
of a so-called ``behavioral offset.'' This unwarranted
proposal would result in payment reductions for hospital
services in both FY08 and FY09, cutting $24 billion dollars
in operating and capital payments over the next five years.
The second proposal would reduce payments to hospitals in
urban areas for capital-related costs for inpatient hospital
services, cutting payments by nearly $1 billion over the next
five years. We urge you to eliminate
[[Page H8129]]
both provisions when the final regulation is published.
Please allow us to further explain our strong objection to
these changes:
1. Cuts due to a ``Behavioral Offset.'' The suggestion to
cut hospital operating and capital payments is based on the
suggested adoption of a classification system called Medicare
Severity Diagnosis-Related Groups (MS-DRGs). This change is
grounded on the belief that with the implementation of the
MS-DRGs, hospitals would change coding practices, resulting
in higher payments. Not even in the initial years of the IPPS
was coding change found to be of the magnitude of CMS's
proposed FY08 and FY09 cuts. MS-DRGs are simply a refinement
of a classification system that hospitals have been using for
23 years. Hospitals are already experts in coding for
payment; they have little ability to change their
classification and coding practices.
The rationale for the reduction is also based on the
transition of hospitals in Maryland to a completely new type
coding system called All Patient Refined DRGs (APR-DRGs). We
have concerns with the methodology of reaching this
conclusion. Maryland's hospitals are paid under a state rate-
setting system where an incentive to code accurately did not
significantly affect what a hospital was paid. The
classification system recently adopted by Maryland is much
more complicated than what CMS is proposing and changed
the coding incentives for Maryland hospitals. Generalizing
the Maryland experience to the rest of the nation's
hospitals is an ``apples-to-oranges'' comparison.
CMS is not mandated by law to impose a behavioral offset in
the IPPS regulation, yet has chosen to do so. There is no
precedent in other payment systems for making a prospective
adjustment of this magnitude--without any empirical evidence
of actual and measurable changes in coding. While CMS has, on
occasion, made adjustments for coding in implementing new
payment systems, these changes generally have been made based
on actual experience. When implementing a new physician fee
schedule payment system in 1992, CMS (then the Health Care
Financing Administration) imposed a behavioral offset on
physician services, primarily to offset predicted increases
in the volume of services. We later learned that the offset
was much higher than was necessary, and the reduction was
never returned to the physicians adversely affected by those
cuts.
2. Cuts to Capital-Related Payments. For years, the
Medicare program has paid for its share of the capital-
related costs of inpatient hospital services. The proposed
rule would freeze capital payments for all hospitals in urban
areas and would eliminate additional capital payments made to
large hospitals in urban areas. Taken together, these cuts
would amount to nearly $1 billion over the next five years.
These changes in capital payments would make it much more
difficult for hospitals to purchase advanced technology and
equipment and could have the effect of slowing clinical
innovation in the hospitals most likely to conduct cutting
edge research. Additionally, such a reduction could slow the
adoption of much needed health information technology.
Hospitals make long-term commitments to capital acquisitions.
This proposal amounts to pulling the rug out from under their
financial obligations to maintain and improve their physical
facilities for patients.
Congress recently opposed a component of the
administration's fiscal year 2008 budget proposal that would
have significantly reduced hospital payments. As you know,
both the FY08 House and Senate budget resolutions reinforced
this sentiment by rejecting those cuts. The administration's
attempt to achieve payment reductions of this magnitude
through the regulatory process is equally unacceptable. We
believe this action circumvents Congress' intent that
hospital services for Medicare patients not be reduced.
In closing, we would like to reiterate our belief that
CMS's decision could serve to jeopardize hospitals' ability
to continue to care for patients. CMS's behavioral offset is
unnecessary, and will result in devastating cuts to hospital
services for our constituents.
CMS's proposal to cut capital-related payments would create
significant financial difficulties for many of our most
innovative hospitals. We strongly support the elimination of
these provisions from your final regulation.
Both CMS and Members of Congress share the goal of serving
the American public and helping those most in need. We hope
that you will give strong consideration to the bipartisan
concerns outlined in this letter.
Sincerely,
Signed by 269 Members of the House of Representatives.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES COSIGNERS OF THE CMS PROPOSED INPATIENT
PROSPECTIVE PAYMENT RULE LETTER
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Member State
------------------------------------------------------------------------
1. John Lewis............................. (GA)
2. Jerry Weller........................... (lL)
3. Neil Abercrombie....................... (HI)
4. Gary L. Ackerman....................... (NY)
5. Robert Aderholt........................ (AL)
6. Rodney Alexander....................... (LA)
7. Tom Allen.............................. (ME)
8. Jason Altmire.......................... (PA)
9. Robert E. Andrews...................... (NJ)
10. Michael Arcuri........................ (NY)
11. Joe Baca.............................. (CA)
12. Spencer Bachus........................ (AL)
13. Tammy Baldwin......................... (WI)
14. John Barrow........................... (GA)
15. Shelley Berkley....................... (NV)
16. Marion Berry.......................... (AR)
17. Judy Biggert.......................... (IL)
18. Brian P. Bilbray...................... (CA)
19. Sanford Bishop........................ (GA)
20. Timothy H. Bishop..................... (NY)
21. Rob Bishop............................ (UT)
22. Marsha Blackburn...................... (TN)
23. Earl Blumenauer....................... (OR)
24. Jo Bonner............................. (AL)
25. Mary Bono............................. (CA)
26. John Boozman.......................... (AR)
27. Leonard Boswell....................... (IA)
28. Rick Boucher.......................... (VA)
29. Charles Boustany, Jr.................. (LA)
30. Nancy Bayda........................... (KS)
31. Robert A. Brady....................... (PA)
32. Kevin Brady........................... (TX)
33. Bruce Braley.......................... (IA)
34. G.K. Butterfield...................... (NC)
35. Steve Buyer........................... (IN)
36. Michael Capuano....................... (MA)
37. Dennis Cardoza........................ (CA)
38. Russ Carnahan......................... (MO)
39. Christopher Carney.................... (PA)
40. Julia Carson.......................... (IN)
41. John Carter........................... (TX)
42. Mike Castle........................... (DE)
43. Ben Chandler.......................... (KY)
44. Carolyn Cheeks Kilpatrick............. (MI)
45. Yvette Clarke......................... (NY)
46. Howard Coble.......................... (NC)
47. Steve Cohen........................... (TN)
48. John Conyers.......................... (MI)
49. Jerry F. Costello..................... (IL)
50. Joe Courtney.......................... (CT)
51. Joe Crowley........................... (NY)
52. Henry Cuellar......................... (TX)
53. Elijah Cummings....................... (MD)
54. Susan Davis........................... (CA)
55. Geoff Davis........................... (KY)
56. Lincoln Davis......................... (TN)
57. Danny Davis........................... (IL)
58. David Davis........................... (TN)
59. William D. Delahunt................... (MA)
60. Rosa DeLaura.......................... (CT)
61. Charles W. Dent....................... (PA)
62. Norman D. Dicks....................... (WA)
63. Lloyd Doggett......................... (TX)
64. Joe Donnelly.......................... (IN)
65. Michael Doyle......................... (PA)
66. John J. Duncan, Jr.................... (TN)
67. Chet Edwards.......................... (TX)
68. Vernon J. Ehlers...................... (MI)
69. Keith Ellison......................... (MN)
70. Jo Ann Emerson........................ (MO)
71. Eliot Engel........................... (NY)
72. Phil English.......................... (PA)
73. Bob Etheridge......................... (NC)
74. Terry Everett......................... (AL)
75. Mary Fallin........................... (OK)
76. Sam Farr.............................. (CA)
77. Chaka Fattah.......................... (PA)
78. Mike Ferguson......................... (NJ)
79. Bob Filner............................ (CA)
80. Randy Forbes.......................... (VA)
81. Luis Fortuno.......................... (PR)
82. Vito Fossella......................... (NY)
83. Barney Frank.......................... (MA)
84. Rodney Frelinghuysen.................. (NJ)
85. Scott Garrett......................... (NJ)
86. Jim Gerlach........................... (PA)
87. Gabrielle Giffords.................... (AZ)
88. Kristen Gillibrand.................... (NY)
89. Paul E. Gillmor....................... (OH)
90. Phil Gingrey.......................... (GA)
91. Charles Gonzalez...................... (TX)
92. Virgil Goode.......................... (VA)
93. Bart Gordon........................... (TN)
94. Sam Graves............................ (MO)
95. Gene Green............................ (TX)
96. Al Green.............................. (TX)
97. Raul Grijalva......................... (AZ)
98. John Hall............................. (NY)
99. Phil Hare............................. (IL)
100. Robin Hayes.......................... (NC)
101. Dean Heller.......................... (NV)
102. Stephanie Herseth Sandlin............ (SD)
103. Brian Higgins........................ (NY)
104: Baron Hill........................... (IN)
105. Maurice Hinchey...................... (NY)
106. Mazie K. Hirono...................... (HI)
107. David Hobson......................... (OH)
108. Paul Hodes........................... (NH)
109. Tim Holden........................... (PA)
110. Eleanor Holmes Norton................ (DC)
111. Rush Holt............................ (NJ)
112. Michael M. Honda..................... (CA)
113. Darlene Hooley....................... (OR)
114. Jay Inslee........................... (WA)
115. Steve Israel......................... (NY)
116. Darrell Issa......................... (CA)
117. Jesse L. Jackson, Jr................. (lL)
118. Sheila Jackson-Lee................... (TX)
119. William Jefferson.................... (LA)
120. Bobby Jindal......................... (LA)
121. Henry C. ``Hank'' Johnson............ (GA)
122. Timothy V. Johnson................... (IL)
123. Eddie Bernice Johnson................ (TX)
124. Walter Jones......................... (NC)
125. Steve Kagen.......................... (WI)
126. Paul E. Kanjorski.................... (PA)
127. Marcy Kaptur......................... (OH)
128. Dale E. Kildee....................... (MI)
129. Peter King........................... (NY)
130. Ron Klein............................ (FL)
131. John Kline........................... (MN)
132. Dennis Kucinich...................... (OH)
133. John R. Kuhl......................... (NY)
134. Ray LaHood........................... (IL)
135. James R. Langevin.................... (RI)
136. Rick Larsen.......................... (WA)
137. John Larson.......................... (CT)
138. Tom Latham........................... (IA)
139. Barbara Lee.......................... (CA)
140. Sander Levin......................... (MI)
141. Ron Lewis............................ (KY)
142. Frank LoBiondo....................... (NJ)
143. Dave Loebsack........................ (IA)
144. Zoe Lofgren.......................... (CA)
145. Nita Lowey........................... (NY)
146. Frank Lucas.......................... (OK)
147. Stephen Lynch........................ (MA)
148. Tim Mahoney.......................... (FL)
149. Carolyn B. Maloney................... (NY)
150. Donald A. Manzullo................... (IL)
151. Edward J. Markey..................... (MA)
152. Jim Marshall......................... (GA)
153. Jim Matheson......................... (UT)
154. Doris Matsui......................... (CA)
155. Carolyn McCarthy..................... (NY)
156. Michael McCaul....................... (TX)
157. Betty McCollum....................... (MN)
158. Thaddeus McCotter.................... (MI)
159. Jim McDermott........................ (WA)
160. Jim McGovern......................... (MA)
161. John M. McHugh....................... (NY)
162. Mike McIntyre........................ (NC)
163. Cathy McMorris Rodgers............... (WA)
164. Jerry F. McNerney.................... (CA)
165. Michael McNulty...................... (NY)
166. Gregory W. Meeks..................... (NY)
167. Charlie Melancon..................... (LA)
168. Michael Michaud...................... (ME)
169. Brad Miller.......................... (NC)
170. Harry Mitchell....................... (AZ)
171. Alan Mollohan........................ (WV)
172. Dennis Moore......................... (KS)
173. Gwen Moore........................... (WI)
174. Shelley Moore Capito................. (WV)
175. James Moran.......................... (VA)
176. Christopher Murphy................... (CT)
177. Patrick Murphy....................... (PA)
178. Tim Murphy........................... (PA)
[[Page H8130]]
179. John P. Murtha....................... (PA)
180. Jerrold Nadler....................... (NY)
181. Grace Napolitano..................... (CA)
182. Richard Neal......................... (MA)
183. James Oberstar....................... (MN)
184. John W. Olver........................ (MA)
185. Solomon P. Ortiz..................... (TX)
186. Bill Pascrell........................ (NJ)
187. Ed Pastor............................ (AZ)
188. Ron Paul............................. (TX)
189. Donald Payne......................... (NJ)
190. Steve Pearce......................... (NM)
191. Ed Perlmutter........................ (CO)
192. Collin Peterson...................... (MN)
193. John Peterson........................ (PA)
194. Thomas Petri......................... (WI)
195. Joseph Pitts......................... (PA)
196. Todd Russell Platts.................. (PA)
197. Ted Poe.............................. (TX)
198. Jon Porter........................... (NV)
199. Tom Price............................ (GA)
200. David Price.......................... (NC)
201. Deborah Pryce........................ (OH)
202. George Radanovich.................... (CA)
203. Nick J. Rahall, III.................. (WV)
204. Jim Ramstad.......................... (MN)
205. Denny Rehberg........................ (MT)
206. Dave Reichert........................ (WA)
207. Rick Renzi........................... (AZ)
208. Silvestre Reyes...................... (TX)
209. Tom Reynolds......................... (NY)
210. Ciro Rodriquez....................... (TX)
211. Mike Rogers.......................... (AL)
212. Harold Rogers........................ (KY)
213. Dana Rohrabacher..................... (CA)
214. Peter Roskam......................... (IL)
215. Mike Ross............................ (AR)
216. Steve Rothman........................ (NJ)
217. Lucille Roybal-Allard................ (CA)
218. Bobby Rush........................... (IL)
219. Tim Ryan............................. (OH)
220. John T. Salazar...................... (CO)
221. Bill Sali............................ (ID)
222. Loretta Sanchez...................... (CA)
223. Jim Saxton........................... (NJ)
224. Adam Schiff.......................... (CA)
225. Allyson Schwartz..................... (PA)
226. David Scott.......................... (GA)
227. Robert C. Scott...................... (VA)
228. Jose Serrano......................... (NY)
229. Pete Sessions........................ (TX)
230. Joe Sestak........................... (PA)
231. Christopher Shays.................... (CT)
232. Carol Shea-Porter.................... (NH)
233. Bill Shuster......................... (PA)
234. Mike Simpson......................... (ID)
235. Albio Sires.......................... (NJ)
236. Louise M. Slaughter.................. (NY)
237. Chris Smith.......................... (NJ)
238. Vic Snyder........................... (AR)
239. Mark Souder.......................... (IN)
240. Zachary Space........................ (OH)
241. Cliff Stearns........................ (FL)
242. Bart Stupak.......................... (MI)
243. Betty Sutton......................... (OH)
244. John Tanner.......................... (TN)
245. Ellen Tauscher....................... (CA)
246. Gene Taylor.......................... (MS)
247. Lee Terry............................ (NE)
248. John F. Tierney...................... (MA)
249. Edolphus Towns....................... (NY)
250. Stephanie Tubbs Jones................ (OH)
251. Michael R. Turner.................... (OH)
252. Mark Udall........................... (CO)
253. Tom Udall............................ (NM)
254. Fred Upton........................... (MI)
255. Chris Van Hollen..................... (MD)
256. Nydia Velazquez...................... (NY)
257. James T. Walsh....................... (NY)
258. Tim Walz............................. (MN)
259. Zach Wamp............................ (TN)
260. Debbie Wasserman Schultz............. (FL)
261. Maxine Waters........................ (CA)
262. Diane E. Watson...................... (CA)
263. Anthony Weiner....................... (NY)
264. Peter Welch.......................... (VT)
265. Ed Whitfield......................... (KY)
266. Heather Wilson....................... (NM)
267. Lynn Woolsey......................... (CA)
268. David Wu............................. (OR)
269. John Yarmuth......................... (KY)
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the
gentleman from Vermont (Mr. Welch).
Mr. WELCH of Vermont. Mr. Chairman, I speak to paragraph 1 of the
amendment. This is another proposed CMS rule. Bottom line is this: Our
American hospitals and health care delivery system has to provide
health care to our citizens. CMS plays a major role in helping us to do
that and to contain costs.
But CMS, the government representative, has to be a partner of our
deliverers, the hospitals, not an adversary. And that requires that
they give more than 2 months notice, they give a heads up to the
hospitals when they're going to change a rule that has the direct and
immediate impact of changing revenue streams for our hospitals.
This amendment, paragraph 1, like paragraph 2, simply delays the
implementation so that there will be a heads up, a time to respond, a
time to study it and a time to implement it.
Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, 269 Members of this body are on
record in their support of this bipartisan amendment. It is simply
wrong to punish the hospital before they have done anything wrong. So I
urge all of my colleagues to support this bipartisan amendment.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, on this side of the aisle we'd be happy to
accept the amendment.
Mr. WALSH of New York. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. OBEY. I yield to the gentleman from New York.
Mr. WALSH of New York. Mr. Chairman, I agree. I am one of the
signatories on the letter. I support it. It will help our hospitals.
{time} 1215
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Lewis).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chairman announced that the
ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. WELLER of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Georgia will
be postponed.
Amendment No. 26 Offered by Mr. Ryan of Wisconsin
Mr. RYAN of Wisconsin. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment No. 26 offered by Mr. Ryan of Wisconsin:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. ___. (a) None of the funds made available in this Act
may be used to carry out the Entertainment Education Program
of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
(b) None of the funds made available in this Act may be
used for the Ombudsman Program of the Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention.
(c) None of the funds made available in this Act may be
used by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to
provide additional rotating pastel lights, zero-gravity
chairs, or dry-heat saunas for its fitness center.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, I reserve a point of order on the amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The point of order is reserved.
Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday, July 18, 2007, the
gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Ryan) and a Member opposed each will
control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Wisconsin.
Mr. OBEY. I wonder if I could ask the gentleman a question. In the
interest of saving time helping Members get to their planes, would the
gentleman be willing to forgo extended comment if we accept the
comment?
Mr. RYAN of Wisconsin. Yes. I will just explain the amendment and
then I would be happy to yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Ryan) is
recognized.
Mr. RYAN of Wisconsin. I appreciate the Chair's indulgence and I will
just take a moment to explain what this amendment does, and then I will
yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, there is a recent troubling report entitled ``CDC Off
Center,'' which was produced under the direction of Senator Coburn with
a report in the Senate Government Affairs Committee. Instead of using
its resources to fight life-threatening diseases like HIV/AIDS and
cancer, the CDC has instead spent money on needless luxury items and
nongovernment functions.
For example, the CDC's Office of Health and Safety recently provided
its employees with a new, extravagant fitness center that includes such
items as rotating pastel ``mood'' lights, zero-gravity chairs, and
$30,000 dry-heat saunas. The CDC has also spent over $1.7 million on a
``Hollywood liaison'' to advise TV shows like ``E.R.'' and ``House'' on
medical information included in their programming, clearly an expense
that should have been covered by the successful for-profit television
shows, not by our hard-earned tax dollars. They also further squandered
taxpayer dollars in an office intended to help improve employee morale.
This program, which currently costs $250,000 per year, has yielded just
98 complaints since it was created last year. At this rate it is
costing taxpayers about $3,000 per complaint. Despite the program's
lack of use, the CDC is planning to spend at least $1 million more to
expand it.
In a time when we are facing increasing risk of bioterrorism and
disease, these are hardly the best use of taxpayer dollars.
My amendment simply would ensure that the CDC would not be able to
spend any more Federal funding on these three boondoggles described
above. And it is my hope that we can get the CDC focused on doing its
job, which is very important and they do a good job on that, and not on
these kinds of boondoggles. This report shows dozen of examples of
these abuses.
And I appreciate the Chair for his indulgence and the acceptance of
the amendment.
[[Page H8131]]
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Ryan).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Upton
Mr. UPTON. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Upton:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. __. None of the funds made available in this Act may
be used to purchase light bulbs unless the light bulbs have
the ``ENERGY STAR'' designation.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday,
July 18, 2007, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Upton) and a Member
opposed each will control 5 minutes.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, because we are trying to get Members out of
here for their planes, I would be happy to accept the gentleman's
amendment.
Mr. UPTON. No problem.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Upton).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Garrett of New Jersey
Mr. GARRETT of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Garrett of New Jersey:
Page 125, after line 2, insert the following:
Sec. 522. None of the funds made available in this Act may
be used to send or otherwise pay for the attendance of more
than 50 employees from a Federal department or agency at any
single conference occurring outside the United States.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday,
July 18, 2007, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Garrett) and a Member
opposed each will control 5 minutes.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, I reserve a point of order on the amendment.
We are not sure which amendment this is.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Without objection, the Clerk will report the
amendment.
There was no objection.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, I withdraw my point of order. And I would
simply ask the gentleman, in the interest of time, would the gentleman
be willing to shorten his remarks and we would be happy to accept the
amendment.
Mr. GARRETT of New Jersey. I appreciate that. I will shorten my
remarks to approximately 30 seconds to say, I thank the chairman for
accepting the amendment. I thank the previous subcommittee chairmen as
well for accepting similar which we have done in the past, which simply
says to set priorities. When we have Federal agencies send Federal
employees overseas for conferences, we should put a realistic
limitation on it, and this one, I think, does, at 50 employees of any
Federal Department or agency for any single conference occurring
outside the United States.
Again, I appreciate the chairman's acceptance of the amendment.
While this is an amendment that I have proposed to other
appropriations bills, I believe it is especially important that it be
included on this bill.
Since 2000, HHS has spent over $435 million on conferences and spent
$88 million just last year. Government-wide spending in those same
years was over $1.5 billion.
In 2002 HHS spent $3.6 million to send 236 persons to the AIDS
conference in Barcelona.
In 2004 HHS spent $500,000 to send 140 persons to the AIDS conference
in Bangkok.
In 2005 HHS sent 300 employees to a dioxin conference in Toronto.
Last year the agency sent delegations of 200 or more to 54 separate
conferences.
Many of these conferences are now covered online, allowing interested
parties to attend without expensive plane tickets, meals, and hotel
rooms.
An identical amendment was included in the House-passed version of
the FY05 appropriations bill but removed in conference. I cannot help
but think of the possibly tens of millions of taxpayer money that could
have been saved in the past few years had this language become
standard.
I trust that the new chairman will work to include the amendment in
the conference agreement--we must inject some sense into HHS. This
amendment will only limit international conferences, just a small step
in reigning in an agency that seems to think its job is to talk about
problems instead of working to solve them.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Garrett).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Garrett of New Jersey
Mr. GARRETT of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Garrett of New Jersey:
At the end of the bill (before the short title) insert the
following:
TITLE VI
ADDITIONAL GENERAL PROVISIONS
Sec. 601. The amounts otherwise provided by this Act are
revised by reducing the amount made available for the
``Department of Labor, Employment and Training
Administration, Training and Employment Services'', by
increasing the amount made available for the ``National
Institutes of Health, National Cancer Institute'', and by
increasing the amount made available for the ``National
Institutes of Health, National Institute of Neurological
Disorders and Stroke'' by $49,000,000, $10,000,000, and
$10,000,000, respectively.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday,
July 18, 2007, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Garrett) and a Member
opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New Jersey.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. GARRETT of New Jersey. I will yield.
Mr. OBEY. Again, the same deal, if we accept the amendment. We are
trying to help get Members out of here.
Mr. GARRETT of New Jersey. I will. I will just extend that 30 seconds
to approximately 1 minute, though, because I just want to make a point
on this amendment.
I very much appreciate the chairman for accepting this amendment.
What this amendment does, as we have said all along, is it sets
priorities, and it does on two areas that are extremely important to
the Fifth Congressional District and the State of New Jersey and the
entire Nation as well. And that is that we set priorities by increasing
funding in two very important areas.
One is to the National Cancer Institute for additional cancer
research by $10 million. And another area of extreme importance to the
State of New Jersey for the rising number of children being born with
autism, to direct an additional $10 million for research in that area
as well.
I will just give a couple of statistics: one in 150 children, and it
used to be one in around 10,000, is now diagnosed with autism. Every
day 67 children are diagnosed with autism spectrum disorder, which
translates into a new case almost every 20 minutes. Autism is becoming
the fastest-growing serious developmental disability in the United
States. That was the purpose for putting that in these amendments, and
I thank the chairman for agreeing with us to the importance and seeing
that additional funds go to these very worthy causes.
Mr. Chairman, I am offering an amendment that would take $49 million
from an account that was zeroed out in the President's budget request,
and transfer it to two Institutes at the National Institutes of Health
that I believe need additional funding--one working to fight cancer,
and one working to fight autism.
Since President Nixon unofficially declared war on cancer in his
State of the Union Address of 1971, much progress has been made in the
area of cancer research. Over the past three and one-half decades,
science has continued to break down barriers in the fight against this
disease. Today, cancer is no longer the mystery disease that it once
was, and researchers know infinitely more about the prevention,
detection, and treatment of the disease than ever before.
All this research is beginning to bear fruit. Fewer people died from
cancer in 2004 than in 2003 and the American public is witnessing
declining rates for most major cancer types, including breast cancer,
prostate cancer, and colorectal cancer. But there's much more work to
be done.
I thank the chairman of the Appropriations Committee for increasing
the budget of the
[[Page H8132]]
National Cancer Institute in this year's bill. I just think that we can
do a little more. And this is an obviously higher priority with far
broader application to the American people.
We can also do a little more to fund research for a serious problem
facing the country: autism.
According to Autism Now, the largest autism foundation in the
country: 1 in 150 children is diagnosed with autism; every day 67
children are diagnosed with an autism spectrum disorder, which
translates into a new case almost every 20 minutes; and autism is the
fastest-growing serious developmental disability in the United States.
According to the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, in my
home State of New Jersey, the rate of new autism spectrum disorder
cases is the highest in the country. One in sixty boys in New Jersey is
affected.
Mr. Chairman, my amendment would also increase the budget of the
National Institute of Neurological Disorders and Stroke by $10 million.
This Institute, part of the National Institutes of Health, is the
organization within the Federal Government that is primarily
responsible for organizing the research into autism.
The account that this amendment would take from was proposed to be
eliminated entirely by the administration, as it has demonstrated to be
duplicative and ineffective. My amendment retains some funding in that
account, but reduces it. If these appropriations bills are about
priorities, I ask that we make research on cancer and autism a
priority, above duplicative and ineffective programs.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Garrett).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment No. 61 Offered by Mr. Campbell of California
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment No. 61 offered by Mr. Campbell of California:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. __. None of the funds made available in this Act may
be used for Andre Agassi College Preparatory Academy.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday,
July 18, 2007, the gentleman from California (Mr. Campbell) and a
Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. Mr. Chairman, what this amendment does is
this strikes an earmark, $200,000, for the Andre Agassi College
Preparatory Academy in Las Vegas, Nevada.
Let me explain, Mr. Chairman. I know that the gentlewoman from
Nevada, who is here, and I believe the gentleman from Nevada also are
supportive of this. What this amendment is not about is about the
merits of this particular academy, as I understand it is a charter
school, or whether it is a good school or not.
I received a call yesterday from the director of the Andre Agassi
Foundation, who has provided a lot of the funding for this school,
inviting me to come to the school in August and to see what they are
doing and take a tour. And that is very nice and very flattering, but
that actually isn't the point. I am sure it is a very fine school. I am
sure it is doing lots of great work. But my understanding is that this
school is at least half, if not more than that, funded by charitable
donations, including from Mr. Agassi and from one of the Las Vegas
casinos and lots of other people.
What I raise this about is whether we should be using earmarks to
give out like this to what are essentially charitable works. Now, I am
sure there are many other good schools in Nevada. There are many in my
area. I am sure there are fine museums. I am sure there are fine
research facilities. I am sure there are all kinds of different things
that we can spend Federal money on.
But I don't think that when the taxpayers pay their taxes that they
intend that part of it is a repository for us, as Members of Congress,
any of us as Members of Congress, to delve into that money and go out
and say this is a charitable organization which I find worthy in my
district and here is the taxpayers' money for that from me. Because it
is not from me. It is not from the Member of Congress. It is the
taxpayers' money. And I think we are better off leaving the taxpayers
with their own money so they can give it to whatever charitable
organizations, schools, museums, historical developments, research,
that they feel they should. And I just don't feel that it is our right,
as Members of Congress, to hand this money out, no matter how
beneficial or how worthy the cause is, to hand this out to various
charities in our districts, because it is not our money, and act as
though it is something that we did.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. BERKLEY. Mr. Chairman, I rise to claim the time in opposition to
the gentleman's amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentlewoman from Nevada is recognized for 5
minutes.
Ms. BERKLEY. Mr. Chairman, I rise in the strongest possible
opposition to this amendment.
In his misguided zeal to identify a high-profile example of wasteful
Federal spending, the author of this amendment has instead provided me
with an opportunity to sing the praises of a member of my community who
has used his personal and professional success to help those that are
less fortunate.
In 2001 Andre Agassi opened a charter school in Las Vegas, the Andre
Agassi College Preparatory Academy. It is in one of the most
disadvantaged areas in my congressional district. Agassi Prep currently
serves students in grades K-10, with grades 11 and 12 being added in
the next 2 years, for a total of 630 students when enrollment is
complete. The first class will graduate in 2009. The student body is 96
percent minority.
This earmark, which I thank the gentleman for highlighting, would go
to the Andre Agassi Prep's Technology and Multimedia Initiative and
will increase the use of computer technology in math, science, reading,
and language instructions.
{time} 1230
This is exactly the type of environment we should be encouraging for
all of our students in all of our schools.
Andre Agassi has been a tireless advocate for this academy and for
numerous other philanthropic endeavors, including the Boys and Girls
Clubs in Las Vegas, raising more than $60 million and contributing a
substantial amount of his own money to improve the lives of children,
youth at risk in my community. There is nobody that has done more for
people in this community, my community, than Andre Agassi.
The only reason we're talking about this project on the floor today
is because a famous name is attached to it. But whereas my colleague on
the other side hopes to find a celebrity asking for Federal handouts
rather than digging into his own pocket, he has instead highlighted a
model citizen and a leader who has tried to make a difference and
convince others to do the same.
It is one of the fastest growing areas. This is a very important
earmark. I am proud to take this earmark. I will defend it with all my
strength and ability.
At this time, I would like to yield whatever time is remaining to my
colleague from Nevada, Jon Porter.
Mr. PORTER. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate many Members of this body that
are looking for ways to eliminate waste, fraud and abuse, but I'm
extremely disappointed that they've chosen this project.
I must say that I'm afraid some of my colleagues haven't really done
their homework. And I appreciate my friend and colleague from Nevada,
Congresswoman Berkley, for stating some of the obvious.
This particular program is what we need in America. And there is even
a Web page today that shows this as an example of what's wrong with
America. I want to stand here today and say this is what's right with
America. We need to encourage public/private partnerships. Here is an
individual that has adopted a charter school, a strong platform with
the Republican Party, charter schools. It is a public charter school
that he has adopted and writes a check for close to $3 million a year
to keep it operating.
Quite frankly, Mr. Chairman, I'm embarrassed. This is what's right
about America, not what's wrong about America. This particular school
is serving a population that needs our help
[[Page H8133]]
and assistance. We admit here day after day that we're not funding
special needs kids enough, and we are not. This is another example of
how we can help this very important population.
And again, as my colleague said from Nevada, this is an example of an
individual that is giving of his time, of his life to support our
community, close to $60 million a year. He is giving to the community
$3 million of his own money into this school.
Mr. Chairman, I strongly oppose this amendment. And I personally am
very disappointed. This is an example of what's right about America.
Mr. Agassi has done everything he can to help kids. He helps needy kids
at our child welfare program, Boys and Girls Clubs across the
community. He's not standing there with his hand out, he's standing
there with support.
So Mr. Chairman, I ask this body to oppose this amendment, and I am
extremely embarrassed.
Ms. BERKLEY. Reclaiming my time, let me sum up.
I'm going to urge defeat of this amendment. And before I yield back
the balance of my time, I want to reiterate that I represent one of the
faster growing areas in the country. If we are forced to rely strictly
on formula funding for Federal assistance, we will always be behind the
eight ball. We depend and rely on these earmarks in order to keep up
with the latest technology and importance of providing for the people
that I represent. I'm sorry that I had to even come down here to defend
this earmark. I'm proud of it.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. Mr. Chairman, you know, I don't disagree,
and I'm not in a position to disagree with anything about this school
said by either the lady from Nevada or the gentleman from Nevada.
Again, let me reiterate, that is not my point.
My point is that there are probably many other schools that are
worthy. There are probably all kinds of health considerations that are
worthy. There are probably museums that are worthy. There are all kinds
of things that are worthy. But the Federal Government does not
traditionally fund charter schools. Schools are inherently local and
State, and I think should be, and hopefully will continue to be. It's
not a Federal school. And so I just don't think that it is right or
appropriate that any of us pick something and essentially say this is
where we're going to use the taxpayers' funds in a charitable endeavor.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. WALSH of New York. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. WALSH of New York. I yield to the gentleman from Nevada.
Mr. PORTER. Mr. Chairman, I just want to respond to my colleague's
comments about charter schools.
Having been the co-author of charter school legislation in Nevada in
the late 1990s, it truly is a Federal program. We do have funds
available through grant processes that help charter schools.
Unfortunately, we needed help immediately and this was the way to do
it. As a matter of fact, this earmark isn't even in my district, it's
adjacent to my district in Nevada. But it is traditional, it is what we
do as a Congress. Another example of why I think Members understand
their districts better than this full body, which is why we are here
today in opposition to this amendment.
Mr. WALSH of New York. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my
time.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from California (Mr. Campbell).
The amendment was rejected.
Amendment No. 62 offered by Mr. Campbell of California
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment No. 62 offered by Mr. Campbell of California:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. __. None of the funds made available in this Act may
be used for the Charles B. Rangel Center for Public Service,
City College of New York, NY.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday,
July 18, 2007, the gentleman from California (Mr. Campbell) and a
Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. Mr. Chairman, this amendment would
eliminate a $2 million earmark for the Charles B. Rangel Center for
Public Service at the City College of New York, New York.
Currently, Mr. Chairman, the City College of New York does not have a
Charles B. Rangel Center for Public Service. The Web site shows there
are 16 centers of study, none of which bear Mr. Rangel's name. So
ostensibly this $2 million is going to be creating the Charles B.
Rangel Center for Public Service.
Currently, according to the Web site, it appears that most everything
dealing with public service careers at the City College of New York
currently goes through the Colin Powell Center for Policy Studies,
which was founded by a charitable grant in 1997.
Now, Mr. Chairman, Mr. Rangel provided to me yesterday a brochure
here on the Center for Public Service in New York. And this has a lot
of stuff in it, admittedly, it mentions many things. But there are a
few things in it I thought were troubling, because amongst the things
that it says this center will have are, quote, ``a well-furnished
office for Congressman Rangel.'' Second, ``the Rangel Library to house
its Rangel archives.'' And it goes on to say, quote, ``The Rangel
archivist librarian will organize, index and preserve for posterity all
documents, photographs and memorabilia relating to Congressman Rangel's
career.''
House rules, and House rule XXI, clause 6 says, and I quote, ``It
shall not be in order to consider a bill, joint resolution, amendment
or conference report that provides for the designation or redesignation
of a public work in honor of an individual then serving as a Member,
Delegate, Resident Commissioner or Senator.'' In other words, the rule
says that we don't name public works after ourselves while we are in
Congress.
Now, it's my understanding from the Parliamentarian that this
amendment does not violate the letter of that rule. I would argue, and
argue to my friends in the majority, that it would violate the spirit.
I really do not think this is a road we want to go down, where we, as
Members, have the ability to create and name things after ourselves
using public funds while we are in office. If you think about that,
there are five colleges or universities in my district. I'm sure if I
went to one of them, any of them, with $2 million and said, Let's have
the John Campbell School of Fiscal Responsibility, I'm sure they would
at least listen to that. But I don't think that would be right and I
don't think that would be good and I don't think that would be proper.
And I don't believe that this earmark is either.
So, I would request that my friends on the majority side and on the
minority side consider, before you knee-jerk oppose this amendment,
consider what this is opening up for this House. And do you really want
to open up that we're going to have earmarks to name things after
ourselves?
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from New York is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition because I'm supporting
the spirit and the rule.
Let me make some things abundantly clear that this would not only not
violate the spirit in which we are doing this, but 60 years ago Charles
Rangel was a high school dropout on the streets of Lenox Avenue, and
the only thing that brings him to this Congress is the G.I. Bill. And
in my community, where only four out of 10 kids manage to finish high
school, I've devoted my entire life in working with the public and
private sector in trying to keep our kids in school, and giving them
the opportunity to get an education.
The days that we think that education is a local issue are over. As
we move toward globalization, it is going to be far more important for
every
[[Page H8134]]
young person, every person in this country to be exposed, to get the
education, and to compete.
This is not a question of Federal funds being used to start anything.
The City University came and asked would I start a drive to raise the
money, which they already raised $25 million, in order to do this. And
all the office things that you're talking about, when you talk about
archives, it means after I leave here. And I do hope that there would
be an office there, as we bring people in to encourage people to get an
education, to go into public service. I cannot think of anything that I
am more proud of. I wish we had more of this type of thing.
And so it just seems to me, as you have seen fit to apply for an
earmark here, that you understand what it is. I've been in office for
38 years, I don't need any accolades. My community has given me that.
My predecessor served for 26 years before me. So I do hope that when
you start talking about we understand that you can do this, but we're
anxious to make certain that people don't want this, anybody that has
given 38 of their years to the Congress, anybody that was able to go
back to high school under the G.I. Bill when they were 23, anybody that
spends his time inspiring kids to go to school, to stay in school, to
get an education, to get married, make contributions in anybody's
community, and the city college that stood on a hill, where I had no
idea that it was a college when I was a kid since nobody in my family
had gone to college, anybody that can get this Congress to support
something like that, I would laud not only the success in getting it
done, but the spirit in which it's being done.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. RANGEL. I yield to the gentleman from California.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. You said that this is not starting this,
but it does not exist today; is that correct, sir?
Mr. RANGEL. We have corporation people making contributions. The
school does not exist. It will be announced in October. And I hope my
Federal Government is a part of that, as I know my city and State are
going to be a part of it, not because my name is on it. I would feel
just as strongly about this if it wasn't. But somehow they feel, as
some people do, that my name on it will drive and be able to raise the
private funds, and so far $25 million has been raised. And I want my
government to be a part of that effort.
The brochure is what is being sold to encourage people, including
you, to understand what we're trying to do and what we're going to do.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. And so, you don't agree with me, or see
any problem with us, as Members, sending taxpayer funds in the creation
of things named after ourselves while we're still here?
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Campbell, I would like to answer you. I would have a
problem if you did it because I don't think that you've been around
long enough that having your name on something to inspire a building
like this in a school--it might be that it would be in order for you to
get publicity and to get reelected. But since I've been here 38 years
and have not really had any opposition from the other side, it doesn't
serve any function for me, except to try to encourage people to
participate with government, local government, teachers, in order to
keep our kids in school.
So, I am proud of the fact that they're using my name in order to
create this. And it's going to be created. As I said, if you had gone
to the Web site, you would have gotten a number, you could have gotten
in touch with President Williams, he would have told you we've
collected $25 million, and that would be it.
So, not only do I not see anything wrong, but I wish more public
servants that have the ability to do this would get involved in this
type of thing. I think it's very important.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. If the gentleman would yield, is there,
then, a number of years in which someone can have been in Congress in
which you are then allowed to name something after yourself?
Mr. RANGEL. No. But I'm convinced that after you're here a while that
you would find out it's the quality of service and what you have
produced for your constituents rather than how long you've been here.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. Mr. Chairman, may I inquire as to how
much time I have remaining?
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from California has 2 minutes
remaining.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. I would like to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to
the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Kirk).
Mr. KIRK. Mr. Chairman, I just think that putting our constituents
first is what this place should be all about, and putting our country
first.
The gentleman from New York is a distinguished combat veteran, with
38 years service in this House. But we have seen people leave this
House to great glory, and to even be elected President or ambassador,
captains of industry. And other of our colleagues have gone straight
from this Chamber to jail. And the decision is best made by history.
The collective wisdom of our rules is that, in general, we don't name
things after ourselves when we are great and powerful, but no
independent judgment could be leveled.
{time} 1245
I support this project. I think this project is a good one. But I
would just ask would the gentleman entertain a unanimous consent
request simply to remove his name to advance this project, but to
delete the current ego from this?
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. KIRK. I yield to the gentleman from New York.
Mr. RANGEL. I tried to make it clear, and I wish I had been better at
it, that as flattered as I am that they are using my name, I am
thoroughly convinced that the only reason they are using my name is the
ability to attract funds to get this thing going. So for me to be able
to remove my name from it, I would say that the $25 million that they
raised was in bad faith, and the money that they intend to raise, that
I would not lend my name to, they would never have done this unless I
agreed.
Mr. KIRK. Reclaiming my time, the gentleman is a very powerful
chairman. If he supports this project, they will come. But I worry
about setting the precedent of everyone else naming things after
themselves.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from California has 30 seconds
remaining.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
In conclusion, it includes an office, et cetera. I just don't believe
that we should use the power and authority we have while in office to
use taxpayer funds to create monuments to ourselves or to participate
in the creation of a monument to ourselves. That is just not something
that I believe we should be doing.
Mr. Chairman, I yield the balance of my time to the gentleman from
Arizona (Mr. Flake).
Mr. FLAKE. I just want to commend the Democrats. We always said that
names should be placed next to the earmarks. This earmark is going
beyond the spirit of the law. The name is on the earmark.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman's time has expired.
The question is on the amendment offered by the gentleman from
California (Mr. Campbell).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chairman announced that the
noes appeared to have it.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from California
will be postponed.
Mr. OBEY. I move to strike the last word.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, with regard to the Garrett amendment
pertaining to the Department of Labor and the National Institutes of
Health, which was previously adopted by a voice vote and accepted by
the committee, I would like to clarify that the amendment does not
specify which Department of Labor programs would be impacted.
Adoption of that amendment does not create any legislative intent
that
[[Page H8135]]
would require the Department of Labor to reduce funding for the migrant
and seasonal farm worker program.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Amendment No. 16 Offered by Mr. Flake
Mr. FLAKE. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment No. 16 offered by Mr. Flake:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. ___. (a) Limitation on Use of Funds.--None of the
funds in this Act shall be available for the American Jazz
Museum in Kansas City, Missouri, for exhibits, education
programs, and an archival project.
(b) Corresponding Reduction of Funds.--The amount otherwise
provided by this Act for ``Institute of Museum and Library
Services--Office of Museum and Library Services: Grants and
Administration'' is hereby reduced by $200,000.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday,
July 18, 2007, the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Flake) and a Member
opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Arizona.
Mr. FLAKE. I thank the Chair.
Before talking about this amendment, there wasn't time for me to
speak on the last one, I just want to say that I don't think it is the
road that we want to go down to start naming facilities or programs
after ourselves. I think that the rules may be a bit vague, but they
seem clear enough that we shouldn't do that. The dialogue that I heard
was, Are you worthy to have something named after you if you have just
been here a few years? Does it take 38 years? What does it take?
Frankly, I think it would take a lot more than $2 million to get any
college or university in my district to name something the ``Flake
Center,'' for a myriad of reasons. But, having said that, I just don't
think it is a road that we should go down. So that is why I supported
the gentleman's amendment. I hope others as they come to the floor
will, as well.
This amendment would prohibit $200,000 in Federal funds from being
used for the American Jazz Museum in Kansas City, Missouri, for
exhibits, education programs, and for an archival project. It reduces
the cost of the bill by a consistent amount. I couldn't think of any
jazzy line here, but I will just say that earmarks like this probably
give taxpayers all over the blues.
This earmark would come out of the Institute of Museum and Library
Services account, or the IMLS. The IMLS administers a competitive grant
program for museums, libraries and zoos. This committee has recommended
this program be funded with nearly $18 million.
Here is part of the problem, I think, with earmarks, particularly in
this bill. We are often earmarking funds that are in programs at the
agencies that are already designated to be awarded on a competitively
bid process. This jazz museum, I am sure, has submitted applications.
Perhaps they have won grants over the years. But maybe this year they
didn't. So what earmarks typically do are circumvent the process that
we have mandated to be established with these agencies.
We often complain about Federal agencies not listening to us and
going out and spending willy-nilly. That is often the case, certainly.
It is our job, then, to call them in and say, we want to change your
program. We want to have you competitively bid projects.
I should point out that much of what we criticize the agencies for we
are doing here in spades. Earmarks are, by their very definition, no-
bid contracts. We are saying to people out there, if you can't get your
grant through the competitively bid process, come to us anyway, and we
will earmark those funds for you. So there is no concept, no discussion
of merit.
Try as they might, I am sure the Appropriations Committee is not in a
position to adequately scrub and vet all of these earmark requests.
That is simply not their role and shouldn't be their role. We shouldn't
put that burden on the Appropriations Committee.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. CLEAVER. Mr. Chairman, I claim the time in opposition.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Missouri is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. CLEAVER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Let me first of all say that on the positive side, I do have respect
for the gentleman from Arizona. He is consistent. He is not mean-
spirited with his opposition. There is a lot of mean-spirited
conversation that goes on here.
I should say to him, however, that this Member of Congress placed all
120 requested earmarks on my Web site in March, not at the request of
anyone. I did it. I am proud of my earmarks. I want everybody to see
them. I don't think there is enough money going, though, to this
particular project.
When I was mayor of Kansas City, Missouri, we built the American Jazz
Museum. It is the only museum on the planet dedicated to the
preservation of America's only art form. Jazz is the only art form
created in the United States of America. We have what is called the
John Baker Collection. If students at the University of Arizona want to
study the industry of jazz, the art form of jazz, and they would like
to see the soundies, the only place they can see the John Baker
Collection, the largest collection of old black and white soundies, is
the American Jazz Museum in Kansas City.
People from across this Nation, actually from across the world, come
into Kansas City. The city put money into it. Of course, as a former
mayor, I know that we send unfunded mandates down to the city. So the
city, particularly, since I left office, reduces the funding each year.
Since people are using this museum from all over this Nation, I'll bet
there are people in Arizona, I hope they are watching, who are using
the American Jazz Museum.
So, I believe, first of all, that I have been as transparent as
anybody could be. The comments we received from people in our district,
Republicans and Democrats, is thank you for being transparent. I don't
hide any of it. I want everybody to look at it, examine it. It gives me
an opportunity to stand here, and hopefully people in my district are
watching me now to stand here and not only defend the earmark, but to
promote the American Jazz Museum.
This is the home of Charlie ``YardBird'' Parker, who was born and
raised right there and went to school around the street from the
museum. This is the place where Count Basie organized his band. This is
the place where Jay McShan organized his band. Every major jazz artist
in the world wanted to play 18th and Vine.
Now, there is some debate about whether Kansas City or New Orleans is
the Mother of Jazz. Of course, New Orleans is wrong, and I try to help
them when I can. But the point here is that we need, Mr. Chairman, to
have people who are going to put up earmarks to be in a position to
feel good about them and to express it. So I don't see this so much as
a defense, but as an opportunity to promote what I think is one of the
legitimate projects for funding from the United States Congress because
it serves the people of this Nation.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. FLAKE. Mr. Chairman, I have a great deal of respect for the
gentleman whose earmark this is. I believe he knows that. I commend him
for earlier than just about anybody putting his earmarks on his Web
site. Certainly, this has been a good reform. I have been
complimentary, and I remain so, of the majority party's willingness in
January to go down this road and actually require this much. It follows
some of what we did in the fall as Republicans. Frankly, in some areas,
I think it did better than we did.
This isn't a case of something looks untoward in this earmark, or
somebody is trying to get some private gain. It doesn't seem to me to
be that at all. It is simply a question of, is this a proper priority?
Should Members of Congress be able to designate money like this,
particularly in this case, when we have a Federal agency with a program
to award grants and an account with $16 million that we appropriate
every year to award grants under this program? That is my question
here.
I think that certainly, as mentioned, jazz is uniquely American. I
can't imagine them submitting a proposal that would not be granted. It
seems like a great place. It seems to be appropriate. What is at
question here is,
[[Page H8136]]
should the Congress be doing this? That is where I am.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back.
Mr. OBEY. I move to strike the last word.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Wisconsin is recognized for 5
minutes.
{time} 1300
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, I just want to get a few things off my chest
with regard to this earmarking issue.
I know that policy questions are complicated, and I know that budget
questions are complicated. I recognize, therefore, that substantial
members of the press and some Members of the Congress as well in both
bodies seek to find other more simple issues which are small enough to
get their mind around. And so we have spent a good amount of time the
last 3 weeks talking about earmarks. I want to put some things in
perspective about earmarks.
In the Financial Services bill, out of all of the money provided in
that bill, 1.5 percent was devoted to earmarks.
In Interior, 0.43 percent of all the money appropriated was provided
for earmarks.
In Transportation, 1.4 percent of the entire bill was allocated
through earmarks.
And in this bill, it is slightly less than 0.20. That is a very tiny
portion of the overall bill.
The executive branch allocates or directs spending at least 10 times
as great as does the Congress and I don't see or hear much squawking
about that.
I just want to suggest this: I don't happen to be comfortable with
the earmarking system because it is a pain in the neck to me, it takes
an incredible amount of time, and I would much rather spend that time
on policy. But the fact is that it is a constitutional prerogative of
the Congress to do so. And I would submit it creates a much more fair
system. An example, when Speaker Hastert ran this place last year, here
he is the Speaker of the House, and yet if the Congress earmarked no
money, all the dollars would go back to Illinois and they would be
directed by a Democratic Governor. So Speaker Hastert would be part of
the body that raised the money at the Federal level and sent the money
back to States and local governments; and yet without the earmarking
process, the most powerful and influential man in Congress would have
nothing to say about how that money was allocated in his own State. I
submit that is not right.
Or take myself. I chair the Appropriations Committee. I think I spend
more time and, frankly, I think I know at least as much about the
Federal budget as anybody in this institution, not because I am so
plugged in but because of my job and the fact that I have been here a
long time, and even an idiot ought to be able to pick up a fair amount
of information as long as I have been here.
So I would simply ask the question why should I serve in this body,
try to help my district, and then discover that for 16 straight years
we had a Republican Governor, I had absolutely nothing to say about
funds that were distributed in my State without the earmarking process.
The earmarking process, if it is used correctly, allows individual
Members to target things in their own district that they think will
contribute the most to improving the living conditions or the
educational conditions or the cultural conditions in that district. I
don't think there is anything wrong with that.
But I find it incredibly amazing and amusing that we are talking
about 0.19 percent of all of the funds in this bill. How much time have
we spent talking about basic education philosophy? How much time have
we spent talking about which of these education programs really work?
How much time have we spent in this debate talking about the programs?
The answer is zip because some people prefer to deal with small things.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Missouri has 1\1/2\ minutes
remaining.
Mr. CLEAVER. Mr. Chairman, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from
New York (Mr. Israel).
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, I just want to remind my colleagues of some
important facts as we deliberate on these earmarks. I think it is very
important to understand that we have reduced the dollar value of
earmarks in this bill by 50 percent from the levels that the
Republicans had when they were running this House of Representatives. A
50 percent reduction. We have cut 41 wasteful programs from the budget
in this appropriations bill. We have saved over $1 billion over last
year.
So instead of getting involved in the intricacies of one earmark
after another, let's keep focused on the facts that count. And the fact
that counts is that we reduced this budget and slashed those earmarks
in half.
Mr. CLEAVER. Mr. Chairman, I would like to make two final points. The
first is the people in the Fifth Congressional District of Missouri,
Harry Truman's district, will have the opportunity to judge whether or
not I should have placed these projects before Congress for earmarks
next November. I am measured by my representation in that district. I
would suggest that they are going to be very pleased with what I have
done.
The other issue is that we are talking about a $200,000 earmark, and
I had hoped for significantly more than that. We are spending $285
million a day, $11 million a hour in Iraq. If you subtract $200,000,
that would reduce the number of Coca-Colas in Iraq by about four cases
based on the price they have been gouging.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Flake).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chairman announced that the
noes appeared to have it.
Mr. FLAKE. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Arizona will
be postponed.
Amendment No. 6 Offered by Mr. Jordan of Ohio
Mr. JORDAN of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment No. 6 offered by Mr. Jordan of Ohio:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following new section:
Sec. __. Each amount appropriated or otherwise made
available by this Act that is not required to be appropriated
or otherwise made available by a provision of law is hereby
reduced by 4.6 percent.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday,
July 18, 2007, the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Jordan) and a Member
opposed each will control 15 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Ohio.
Mr. JORDAN of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, one of the previous speakers from
the majority party talked about how this legislation in front of us has
reduced the number of earmarks. I believe his quote was there are 41
programs that have been eliminated from last year's appropriation bill.
Nevertheless, this bill increases spending $10.8 billion more than the
President requested, 7.7 percent more than the President requested. It
is $7 billion, or a 4.6 percent, increase over last year's
appropriation.
So my amendment is real straightforward. It says we are not going to
go back to the President, we are not going to cut it, using the term
``cut'' to the President's requested level, we are going to go back to
last year's funding level, a level funding amendment, a hold-the-line
amendment, whatever you want to call it. It is certainly not a cut,
although that has typically been the argument made by the other side of
the aisle.
This is the sixth amendment I have offered in the appropriations
process. Each one has been the same, to hold the line on spending. I
don't do it to be a pain in the rear to the committee or to the ranking
member. I appreciate the work of the committee and our ranking member
and those involved on this committee in bringing this bill forward.
I do it because we have a spending problem. We have a spending
problem in this Congress and in this government, and there is going to
come a day
[[Page H8137]]
when we are going to have to deal with it. There is no better time to
start than now, and no better place to start than to say let's just
hold the line because here is what happens every single time government
continues to spend and spend and spend. It inevitably leads to higher
taxes, higher taxes that hurt our economy, higher taxes that hurt our
standing in the international marketplace. But most importantly, higher
taxes that hurt families out there trying to do the things for their
kids and their grandkids so they can experience the American dream.
If you don't believe me that spending is going to lead to higher
taxes, all you have to do is look at yesterday's Roll Call where there
is a story. In fact, we just had the distinguished chairman from the
Ways and Means Committee down here defending an earmark in his
district, but he is talked about and the article talks about the
tobacco tax that they are looking to put on the American people to fund
increased spending.
The old line, it's tax and spend, tax and spend politicians; it's
actually the opposite, it's spend and tax, spend and tax. Spending
drives the equation, and that is why we need to begin to get a handle
on spending. That's what this amendment does.
In the course of offering these amendments over the last several
weeks, we have consistently heard two arguments from the majority
party. The first is the old devastating cut argument, that somehow if
we just spend what we spent last year, that will somehow be terrible
and the sky will fall and the world will end and everything will go to
chaos. I find that hard to believe in light of the fact that countless
number of American families have to do that all the time, live on last
year's budget. But somehow, government never seems to be able to do
that.
The other line that we have heard, and I find this one somewhat
amazing, but the line is how dare Republicans talk about holding the
line on spending because you increased spending over the last several
years as well. I am fascinated by that argument because the argument,
when you boil it down, is this: Because Republicans spent too much, we
are going to spend more.
So I fail to see the logic in those two arguments. What I do
understand is this, Mr. Chairman. Government spends too much. Families
know how to budget. We should be able to do the same thing. Families
don't just get an automatic 4.6 percent increase in their budget. We
should look to hold the line on spending. That is what this amendment
does. It will help set us on the path of fiscal discipline so we can
begin to deal with the big problems that I referenced earlier that are
going to be out there with entitlement spending, and begin to get a
handle on our budget so that our economy can continue to grow and
prosper.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, I rise to claim the time in opposition.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from New York is recognized for 15
minutes.
Mr. ISRAEL. I yield to the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey).
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, I just would like to make a couple of short
observations. We are told by this gentleman, and we have been told, and
we have been told, and we have been told and we have been told for 3
days that somehow it is this bill which is responsible for the
outrageous fiscal mess facing the country. I just want to say one
thing: Yes, this bill spends $10 billion more on our kids, on our
workers, on our obligation to provide access to health care to people
who don't have it, than the President does. I plead fully double
guilty. I would do twice as much if I could. I would do three times as
much if I could because the country needs it.
This is the bill that makes the investments that will make our
country stronger economically, educationally and socially not just
today but for the next 10 years. That's what this bill is about.
We have got a 2 percent difference between us and the President in
terms of what we are trying to spend in this bill versus what he thinks
we ought to spend. I have just told you where we have put it in the
right places. Where does the President want to put money? The President
wants to spend five times as much as the difference that we have with
him on this bill, he wants to spend five times as much giving tax cuts
to people who make more than a million bucks a year. He is going to
give 57 billion bucks to people in this country who make over a million
bucks a year. We think that money, a portion of it, is better spent on
kids who need it and on sick people who need it. And we make no apology
for it.
The other thing I would simply say is that the other place that the
President wants to spend it, he wants to spend 60 times as much as that
$10 billion on that stupid war in Iraq, the worst foreign policy
blunder in the history of the Republic.
So we plead fully guilty to having a meaningful 2 percent difference
between the President and us. We plead fully guilty, and I wish it were
more.
{time} 1315
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, we reserve the balance of our time.
Mr. JORDAN of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, I yield to the Republican leader,
friend and gentleman from Ohio, for 1 minute.
Mr. BOEHNER. Mr. Chairman, let me thank my colleague for yielding,
and I rise today to support the gentleman's amendment.
The bill before us spends some $10 billion more than the President
requested, $7 billion more than what this bill spent last year. And
what the gentleman seeks to do is reduce the overall amount of spending
in this bill to the level we spent last year.
Now, our job as Members of Congress is to make decisions, decisions
about spending, and when we keep increasing spending and increasing
spending, guess what? There's no reason to make a decision. We don't
have to make the tough choices because we just keep spending more.
Now, this bill is some $7 billion more than we spent last year. This
will be on top of the bills that we've already spent this year,
spending some 10 to $12 billion more than the President asked for and
above last year's levels.
On top of that, there's $6 billion of additional spending that was in
the continuing resolution in February; $17 billion more in the
supplemental spending bill for Iraq and Katrina, over and above what
was needed in those theaters. And the appropriation process is not
finished yet.
What's happening here is we're continuing to spend more. We've got
the largest tax increase in American history coming, and I thought we
were here to ensure that our kids and their kids had a better chance in
life than what we had. I mean, every generation of Americans has been
proud of the fact that they left the country and left opportunities for
our children and their children that were better than what we had. And
I think it's our obligation to make sure that our kids have a better
chance at the American Dream than what we had.
But we're not doing that. We're mortgaging our children's future by
continuing to raise taxes and increase spending. We've done it all
year, and we're not even to the end of the year yet. Now we're only in
July and we've got numbers that will add up to close to $100 billion of
additional spending. How much is enough? How much is enough?
I think that the gentleman's amendment is a good amendment, just to
bring the spending level in this bill down to last year's level, and
let's make the tough choices that the American people sent us here to
make.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New
Mexico (Mr. Udall).
Mr. UDALL of New Mexico. I thank the gentleman.
They say on the other side, and the gentleman has said, that we have
a spending problem and that they left the country in better shape. Our
friends on the other side are talking about leaving the country in
better shape. I think we need, Mr. Chairman, to remind them of the
history here.
What we're talking about is just 6 short years ago President Clinton
left office with a budget surplus of $5.6 trillion, and a lot of us at
that time were talking about how we were going to invest in education
and health care and the important things that our country needs and
that make our country stronger.
And in 6 short years, 6 short years, our Republican friends have
driven this country into a deficit situation. We're
[[Page H8138]]
talking projected now on a 10-year basis $3 trillion or more in
deficit.
So I don't see how our friends on the other side of the aisle can
claim the mantle of fiscal responsibility. I don't see how they can
claim in any way that they have left the country in better shape. I
don't see how they can claim that they're fighting spending. I mean,
this was, under them, borrow and spend, borrow and spend. That was the
message. And what we're trying to do here in this particular piece of
legislation is get under control a situation where we invest again in
the things that the American people really care about: invest in
education, investing in our workers so that we can have a competitive
workforce, investing in Pell Grants to help students get the very best
education.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, I ask how much time both sides have left?
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Each side has 10 minutes remaining.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of our time.
Mr. JORDAN of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, before yielding to my friend and
gentleman from Arizona, let me just respond to one thing real quickly.
The chairman of the Appropriations Committee talked earlier about all
the new spending, and the other side has a definition for success for
them is more spending. Our side actually believes the definition of
success should be success.
And I always look at education. I came from the general assembly in
Ohio, and one of the things you focus on so much in the general
assembly budget process is primary and secondary education. And if you
look at what's happened, and this is for every State, but I can just
give you the numbers on Ohio.
We have 612 public schools in Ohio. In 1977 we had 2 million K-12
kids. Today we have 1.8 million. So we've had 200,000 less kids in K-12
public school, 612 districts in our State. Over that 30 years, 200,000
less kids. Dollars spent per pupil, dollars spent per aggregate,
dollars spent for facilities, dollars spent any way you want to define
dollars spent adjusted for inflation is a tremendous increase.
So you have got 200,000 less kids. So you've got the graph going this
way. The economists have always got these graphs. Graph coming down on
number of students, graph going up adjusted for inflation, and what are
the results? It's a straight line. So you spent a boatload more money
on 200,000 less kids to get the exact same result. So more money may
mean more learning in some places, but to make the blanket statement
more money means more education, more money means more learning is
simply not true, and the facts are on our side.
So we define success as actually being success, not giving more money
and hoping that good things are going to happen, and if they don't, you
know what we're going to do, give them more money next time. We don't
define it that way. We say if kids are really learning, that should be
success, not the fact that we've given them more money.
Mr. Chairman, with that, I yield such time as he may consume to the
gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Flake).
Mr. FLAKE. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
It was brought up before that we're not talking about what the
Federal agencies do. We talk a lot about what Congress does with
earmarking, but there's an area of complaint I've heard about what the
Federal agencies are doing. Well, this is the time to have that
discussion. Right now.
We're looking to reduce the amount spent, the amount that we
appropriate to the Federal agencies. Yes, they waste money, a
tremendous amount of money. They waste money in my own district. This
is the time that we say, hey, hold back a little, reprioritize, don't
spend as much, and yet we're not doing it.
Instead, we say, well, you're misspending money and so we're going to
misspend some money with earmarking. We don't like the way you have
prioritized, so we're not going to actually go in and provide oversight
and say, all right, stop spending money this way or that way. We're
just going to add to it with our own priorities.
Let me just give an example. It's often said we don't ever give
examples of specific programs. I'll give you one. I believe it was last
year or maybe the year before GAO came out with a study saying that the
DARE program was a waste of money, basically, or we weren't getting the
bang for the buck that we should. What did we do? We increased funding
for it. Instead of saying, you know, maybe it's not run as it should
be, maybe we should scale back on it, force them to change it or scrap
it altogether, but instead we increased funding for it.
That goes on across the board. GAO studies that we often commission
are always followed by, well, they must need more money. Not the
money's being misspent. They just need more of it.
That's what this amendment is all about to say, hey, Federal agencies
you're misspending money; you're spending too much; it's time to scale
back, and by the way, we can scale back on our own as far as earmarking
as well.
So we never hear about the Federal agencies misspending. Here's one
saying they do. They do in your district; they do in my district. This
is the opportunity to say enough is enough. Let's cut back. Let's have
some fiscal responsibility here.
So I commend the gentleman for his amendment, and I urge everyone to
support it.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself as much time as I may
consume.
I appreciate the gentleman's argument. At least his argument is
consistent. I appreciate the gentleman's integrity, and I appreciate
the principles of his argument. But I must say, sitting here listening
to some of the other Members on the other side of the aisle
consistently raises issues of inconsistency.
The gentleman who's offered this amendment has said we should go back
to last year. That's all we're doing is going back to last year so we
can hold the line on spending. Why we would want to go back to last
year? When last year was there ever an attempt to hold the line on
spending?
Mr. Chairman, the other side spent and spent and spent and borrowed
and borrowed and borrowed. The difference between us is we want to
invest in America's families. The other side, Mr. Chairman, decided to
spend to give special interest giveaways. We want to spend to make sure
that kids can get Pell Grants and go to college and compete in the
global economy. They wanted to spend on no-bid contracts to
Halliburton. We want to spend to make sure that seniors can heat their
homes in the winter because of high oil prices. They wanted to spend on
$13 billion in tax cuts for oil company executives who I don't think
are eligible for LIHEAP. That's the difference between us.
We just had a debate earlier about the propriety of Members of
Congress putting their names on projects that are funded by the Federal
Government. I would suggest to my good friends that if there were an
earmark for a facility called the Congressional Hypocrisy Treatment
Foundation, there wouldn't be a plaque large enough for all of their
names.
Mr. Chairman, with that, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished
chairman of the Appropriations Committee.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, some simple facts. The President's budget
would have us spend as a share of our total national income 48 percent
less on education, health care, science, job training, et cetera, than
this country spent in 1980, and by 2012 he would have us spend 57
percent less than we spent in 1980.
That creates a problem because we're going to have 27 million more
Americans in the next 10 years. We're going to have 12 million more
seniors needing health care. We're going to have 2.7 million more kids
in elementary and secondary school. We're going to have 2.2 million
more students in college. And, unless we change our ways, we're going
to have 11 million more Americans without health insurance.
That's why we don't want to go back to last year. We want to move
ahead to try to deal with the problems coming at us. We see them;
they're there. We ought not to stick our head in the ground like an
ostrich. We ought to deal with them, and that's what this bill does.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, can I ask how much time is left?
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman has 7 minutes remaining.
[[Page H8139]]
Mr. ISRAEL. I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. JORDAN of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, I yield such time as he may consume
to the distinguished ranking member from New York.
Mr. WALSH of New York. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for
yielding and for bringing this amendment.
There were a couple of things that were said in the debate that I
just want to try to get a little clarity on.
I served here in the late 1990s, and I recall that Republicans, as
the majority party, passed a balanced budget in 1997. In 1998, we had
our first balanced budget. Now, President Clinton was President at the
time, but I believe I heard someone on the other side say President
Clinton left the country with a $5.6 trillion surplus. I think they're
mistaken. I think what they meant to say is President Clinton left the
United States Government with a $5.6 trillion debt.
Now, that debt has increased, but the fact is that when we were in
the majority party, for the first time since the 1940s, we produced a
balanced budget. The President does not have the power of the purse;
the Congress does. We created that surplus. We created the balanced
budgets, and there was no surplus left at the end of the Clinton
administration. We actually paid down the debt about a half trillion
dollars, about $500 billion. That was good work.
Things changed pretty dramatically in 2001 when our Nation was
attacked. We went to war, we had a recession, and the dot-com bubble
burst.
But we produced that surplus. We produced those balanced budgets. Not
the President of the United States. The Congress. That's where the
power of the purse resides.
Mr. JORDAN of Ohio. Could I inquire, Mr. Chairman, how much time we
have on our side?
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Ohio has 4\1/2\ minutes.
Mr. JORDAN of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the
distinguished gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Westmoreland).
{time} 1330
Mr. WESTMORELAND. I want to thank my friend for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, this would almost be sad if it really wasn't so
comical.
I think what a lot of folks are witnessing today is some more smoke
and mirrors, another magic show that they may have seen somewhere.
We have the chairman of the Appropriations Committee who said that
the President's budget would spend 48 percent less this year on
education and some other things that he mentioned than 1980, but yet
they talk about what kind of spending spree we are on. I can't imagine
what kind of spending spree the Democratic majority must have been on
in 1980.
Let me say this. We keep hearing a lot of history lessons, a lot of
history in here. For some reason we don't want to talk about the
future.
But we keep hearing about the $57 billion from the people in this
country that make over $1 million. Now, I really don't know if that's
true or not. I am going to assume the chairman of the Appropriations
Committee knows if that's true or not.
But it's almost like he sounds mad that he can't get his hands on
somebody else's money. He says, you know, we can't get that $57
billion, and we want to spend it. I am mad about it.
You know what? We are spending too much money on the war on terror.
Well, look, I have only been here 3 years, but I know one thing. I know
that the chairman of the Appropriations Committee and the Democratic
leadership over there can stop this war today, today. They got 232
votes. They control the purse strings, they can stop it today.
The supplemental budget that we passed that our leader talked about
was $20 billion more than the President requested. The chairman of the
committee said, you know what, I would spend $10 billion more. What's
stopping him? He is already spending $11 billion more. What's stopping
him from spending $10 billion more.
Because you know why? I think they are afraid to tell you that these
things that they are investing in, that's what they like to call
spending taxpayers' dollars. The things that they are investing in is
coming out of the American people's pocket. They are making investments
for the people of this country that they don't even have any say in.
It's time we wake up.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
The gentleman just said the things that they are investing in and
implying that the Democrats are making these investments. Yes, we are
making these investments. They are investments in strengthening
American families, making sure kids can go to college, making sure
people can afford to heat their homes.
I will tell you something else, it's not just us, this bill came out
of appropriations with a strong bipartisan majority. The most
conservative Members of the other side voted for this bill. It's not
that we are making these investments as Democrats, it's that most
mainstream Members of Congress, with responsibilities to our districts,
are making these investments.
Now, maybe there are some who are so far on the other side, so far on
the fringe, that they would argue with their own conservative Members
that an investment in college education is a bad idea. But the fact of
the matter is, they are in a very, very small minority.
This bill has strong bipartisan support in the Appropriations
Committee. Republicans and Democrats work together despite the
opposition from such a fringe minority.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr.
Ryan).
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. I thank the gentleman. Would the gentleman from
Georgia yield for a question?
Mr. WESTMORELAND. Sure.
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. I was wondering, I will ask it as you are walking,
do you believe that the Federal Government has responsibility for any
K-12 education programs?
Mr. WESTMORELAND. I think that the Federal Government, if they want
to fund K-12, it should be in block grants to the local school
districts for them to be able to spend the money to the needs of their
local school districts and the needs of the State.
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. You do believe in Federal spending on education at
the local level?
Mr. WESTMORELAND. I think that if the Federal Government is going to
spend money on education, that they need to send it to the State as a
block grant for the State Department of Education to spend in their
local districts.
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. I thank the gentleman.
I wanted to make sure, because as we had the conversation, I have
heard many gentleman who were up here earlier say they didn't believe
in any Federal spending for education, local education, at all.
I just want to clarify that you, at least, do believe that we do have
an obligation to spend money. I appreciate you saying that.
Mr. WESTMORELAND. You know, I have listened to you many nights and I
respect you, because I really believe that you are a true believer in
what you are saying.
Let me just say this, that I am part of that fringe.
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. I know. I have been here.
Mr. WESTMORELAND. You are part of a fringe, somewhat of a fringe.
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. I don't think I am.
Mr. WESTMORELAND. Being part of that fringe, I am proud of the
fringe.
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, that's twice in the past 2 days that
our friend from Georgia has admitted being on the fringe. In response
to the claim that I am on the fringe voting for this bill, I would just
like to say I joined his colleagues, every Republican on the Labor-H
subcommittee from all over, conservative Republicans, in support of
this bill.
The gentleman from New York; Mr. Regula, the gentleman from Ohio,
these are balanced, fair investments.
As the gentleman from New York stated, we are not raising taxes.
Check, keep your forms from last year, your tax forms, and compare them
to next year. There will not be an increase in your taxes.
What we are doing is we are not spending the money on the banks, we
are spending it on the kids. We are not giving it to the oil companies,
we are giving it to the kids for education and health care.
It's a difference in priorities. There is not a tax increase in here,
and the bottom line is we make investments into the future of our
country.
[[Page H8140]]
I find it offensive and staggering that the minority leader can come
here, along with our friends, and talk about leaving the country in
better shape than they found it, or that we have that obligation. Three
trillion dollars in debt under your watch, Republican House, Republican
Senate, Republican White House, $3 trillion.
The gentleman from Ohio wasn't here, but this Congress asked the
Secretary of the Treasury to raise the debt limit five or six times so
they could go out and borrow more money from China, more money from
Japan, more money from OPEC countries. So we don't need lectures on how
to leave the country better off than we found it.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, how much time is left?
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from New York has 3 minutes
remaining.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, we reserve the balance of our time.
Mr. JORDAN of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, I would just ask the gentleman, my
friend from Ohio, how does increasing spending 4.6 percent over last
year's bill, how does that help address the $3 trillion debt problem
that I admit, I wasn't here, I admit that's a real problem.
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. Would the gentleman yield so I could ask you a
question?
Mr. JORDAN of Ohio. I would be happy to yield. I asked you a
question.
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. You will probably remember, because we were in the
State Senate together in Ohio, there was a study done by the University
of Akron. It said every dollar that the State of Ohio invested in
higher education, they got $2 back in tax money. This is an investment
we are going to make, and we are going to yield returns.
Mr. JORDAN of Ohio. Reclaiming my time, I would argue that every
dollar we let the American taxpayer keep gets earned and returned to
the economy, and that's what ultimately allows us to deal with the $3
trillion in debt. That's why we are offering the amendment that we
bring forward.
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. That's been the philosophy, and it hasn't worked.
Mr. JORDAN of Ohio. It has too worked. The deficits are coming down
right now because of the tax cuts that were put in place earlier this
decade. We have seen that happen right now.
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. We raised the debt limit six times. How can you say
it worked?
Mr. JORDAN of Ohio. Yes, sometimes facts are a strange thing. The
Federal Government does not have a revenue problem.
Revenues increased by 14.5 percent in 2005, 11.6 percent in 2006, and
are projected to grow an additional $167 billion, or 7 percent this
year, because we let the American family keep more of their money,
spend it on the things they want to spend it, instead of saying to
them, you know what, we are going to increase spending 4.6 percent in
this bill and $20 some billion in this appropriation process that we
have done.
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. Two seconds, I would just say if your philosophy
has worked, you would be in the majority right now.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman's time has expired.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, may I ask how many speakers the other side
has?
Mr. JORDAN of Ohio. I think our time is done.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, the differences we have heard in this debate are
entirely clear. We want to, with Republicans on the Appropriations
Committee, who by a widespread margin supported this bill. We want to
continue to invest in America's families and in their future. A very
small group of Members on the other side want to continue going to the
past where they were spending taxpayer dollars on special interest
giveaways.
There are people, in all of our districts, who are scratching their
heads trying to figure out how they are going to send their kids to
college so they can compete in a global economy. The President wants to
slash or eliminate college affordability programs for 1.5 million
students.
Now, that's why Republicans and Democrats on the Appropriations
Committee supported investments that will make additional Pell Grants
available so that people who are working hard, playing by the rules,
and want their kids to advance can send their kids to college. This
isn't a radical idea.
This was a bipartisan consensus on the Appropriations Committee. But
those who are offering these cutbacks don't agree with Republicans and
Democrats who believe in making investments so that people who play by
the rules and work hard can send their kids to college.
There are people in our districts who are trying to figure out how
they are going to pay for their skyrocketing home heating oil costs.
The President wants to cut home heating oil programs by $379 million
and take away assistance to 1.5 million people.
That's why Republicans and Democrats on the Appropriations Committee
agreed that we should invest a fraction of that, $880 million to make
sure that an additional 1 million people can pay their heating oil
bills. Republicans and Democrats on the Appropriations Committee,
bipartisan, there are a few who say, no, no, we should continue giving
tax cuts to big oil company executives rather than giving people the
ability, helping people with the ability to pay their home heating oil
costs.
There are people in our districts who can't figure out what to do if
they get cancer, how they are going to have access to health care
programs. The President wants to cut medical research at the NIH by
$480 million and cut preventive health care services by $220 million.
That's why Democrats and Republicans join together on the
Appropriations Committee to invest $1.3 billion to improve health care
access and help 1 million Americans receive treatment and increase
investments in NIH.
This is about priorities, bipartisan common-sense priorities. This is
about those of us on both sides of the aisle who believe that we should
invest in strengthening America's families and a very small group who
believe that we should continue to borrow to give away money to the
special interests.
I want to conclude by reminding my colleagues how we go about making
these investments, not by raising taxes. They are going to keep saying
it and saying it and saying it. That's not how we do it. We cut 41
programs. We slashed earmarks in half. We saved $1 billion.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Wisconsin is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, I would rather not talk about what one party
did one year and what one party did another year, because I think there
is substantial support in both parties for the bill that we have before
us today. I want to walk through what the impact of this cut would be
on this bill.
If we pass this amendment, we will be cutting $1.2 billion from No
Child Left Behind, the President's signature education set of programs.
We will be cutting $684 million from Title I grants. We will be cutting
$519 million from IDEA. That's a program which both parties have fought
for the last 3 days to try to increase.
We would be cutting $717 million from Pell Grants, reducing
scholarship awards for millions of students, despite the fact that the
cost of higher education has gone up by 40 percent the last 5 years. We
would be cutting $1.4 billion from the National Institutes of Health,
money that we use to combat cancer, heart disease, Parkinson's and the
like. We would be cutting $100 million from community health centers,
denying needed health care and dental services to almost half a million
people.
We would be cutting $53 million out of the President's request to
prepare the country for a potential pandemic flu. We would be cutting
$320 million from Head Start, $98 million from Child Care Development
Block Grant. We would be cutting $446 million from the Social Security
Administration, denying the resources that agency needs to maintain and
keep open its local offices and reduce backlogs of disability and SSI
claims.
So people have a choice. What's more important, their own accounting
sheets or these investments in the country?
The fact is, with the exception of the gang of four, virtually every
Republican who has offered an amendment
[[Page H8141]]
has done the same thing that Democrats have tried to do. They have
tried to find ways to increase programs that they think are important
to the country's future.
I would submit I don't think those Republicans are out of step, and I
don't think those Democrats are out of step. I think the folks who are
out of step are the gang of four offering the amendments.
{time} 1345
I believe that most Americans, and I think most Republicans, would
rather invest the funds now to prepare our workforce to be better
trained, our kids to be better educated, and our health care system to
be more efficient and more and more humane. That is what this bill is
all about, and I think that there is a bipartisan consensus in this
House to stick with this bill. So I would urge respectfully rejection
of the amendment, as I make one other point.
We have the $1.4 billion initiative of add-ons to try to discourage
women from having abortions. Instead of lectures, we provide resources
to make their lives better if they decide to have those kids. This bill
would cut about 40 percent of that initiative out of the bill. I happen
to think that initiative is too important to sandbag, and this
amendment sandbags that effort. So I would urge rejection of the
amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Jordan).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chairman announced that the
noes appeared to have it.
Mr. JORDAN of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Ohio will be
postponed.
Amendment No. 4 Offered by Mr. Price of Georgia
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment No. 4 offered by Mr. Price of Georgia:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following new section:
Sec. __. Appropriations made in this Act are hereby reduced
in the amount of $1,517,480,000.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday,
July 18, 2007, the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Price) and a Member
opposed each will control 15 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Georgia.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I want to thank my colleagues who
are endeavoring to bring about some responsible spending here in
Washington. I think this debate is helpful. It is helpful for the
American people, because what it demonstrates is a difference in
philosophy.
Before I get to the specifics of my amendment, I want to mention, we
have just heard a litany of projects that the chairman of the
Appropriations Committee said would be cut with the previous amendment,
and he went through: No Child Left Behind cut $1.2 billion; title I,
$684 million; IDEA, $519 million; Pell Grants, $717 million cut.
In fact, Mr. Chairman, what the American people understand is that
the amendment that was just proposed would keep funding level. Not cut,
level, which means that there wouldn't be any decreases over this
current year of spending; there would be the same amount of money. It
is what Americans do every year when they have a difficult challenge
financially.
I would suggest, Mr. Chairman, that we have a difficult challenge
financially this year in our Nation. And, consequently, to label those
things cuts just isn't so.
But I rise to offer my amendment, which is affectionately known as
the Hefley amendment. Former Congressman Joel Hefley from Colorado
offered this amendment on multiple occasions. It is a 1 percent
reduction in the increase of this Appropriations bill.
Now, to look at the big picture, look at where we are in terms of
numbers right now, this current year enacted for this portion of the
Federal Appropriations covered $144.6 billion. The President's request,
the administration's request, as we all know, was less than that,
$140.9 billion. The bill that we have before us is $151.7 billion;
$10.8 billion more than the administration's request, more than the
request of those that we charge for running this portion of our Nation.
My amendment that I am offering now would, instead of having this
bill be $151.7 billion, would say let's have it be $150.2 billion. So,
a significant increase over last year but a 1 percent reduction from
the increase, an increase that would be greater than the rate of
inflation but a 1 percent reduction than that that comes from the
committee. And the reason for that is because of the financial
situation that we find ourselves in as a Nation.
If you, Mr. Chairman, or I or any of our constituents find themselves
in a situation where they need to save some money, then oftentimes what
they will do is say we need to cut back across the board on the kinds
of things that we are spending. And this amendment simply states that,
out of a 1 percent cut, we ought to be able to find one penny out of
every dollar to save for our children's future. And the rationale for
that is because it is not our money, Mr. Chairman, it is not Congress's
money. It is the hard-earned money of the American taxpayer. And we
hear a lot about priorities, and we ought to be prioritizing. And that
is what budgetary bills are, that is what appropriations bills are,
making priority judgments for the hard-earned American taxpayer money.
Our priority on this side is that hardworking American taxpayer.
So we rise to offer this amendment that we believe to be a
responsible amendment. It outlines the differences between the two
sides very clearly. We believe that there ought to be at least one
penny out of every dollar that we ought to be able to find in terms of
savings for this area for the next year, and offer it sincerely and
honestly and respectfully. I would encourage my colleagues to accept
the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, I claim time in opposition to the
amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from New York is recognized for 15
minutes.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the gentleman's plea. I will
again remind my colleagues that Republicans and Democrats on a
bipartisan basis came together in support of these investments in
America's families. I do not recall the gentleman coming to the floor
arguing for a 1 percent cutback when it was time to give rich oil
company executives a $14 billion tax cut.
I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from California.
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment but I
thank the gentleman for offering it, because it reminds us of what this
debate is really about. We are debating about whether we will invest in
America's future. We are debating what kind of a Nation we expect to
be.
My chairman, fellow committee members of both parties, and the vast
majority of people around the country believe in America's future. We
believe that America's best days are ahead of us. We believe that the
American people can compete and succeed in the global economy, and that
the most talented, industrious, and ingenious people on Earth are the
American people. And we believe that, to ensure our bright future, we
must invest in the American people today.
The America we see ahead of us is one where every child has the
opportunity to go to college regardless of whether their parents did
and regardless of whether they are rich or poor. They receive the best
job training, develop the strongest skills, are empowered to create by
laws that reward innovation, and have a government that is working for
them, not against them, in foreign markets.
In the America we see, every child and their parents has access to
decent health care, and no one working full time, playing by the rules
and contributing to the prosperity of the country, has to become
impoverished because of the catastrophic illness in the family. No
parent should have to mourn the loss of a child it could not provide
health care for, and no child should grow up in a home without one of
its parents for lack of the same access to care.
[[Page H8142]]
For our parents' generation, this vision of America's future
resembles their own fondest hopes. Our parents and their parents
struggled so that we could enjoy a higher quality of living, better
schools, better hospitals, and a safer world than what they knew. And,
by and large, this greatest generation was successful. America is a
better, more prosperous Nation because of their struggle.
But the generations that went before us did more than struggle; they
also invested. They built schools, they built hospitals, they built our
Armed Forces, and they invested in America's future. If America is to
enjoy the same bright future we have in mind, that investment must go
on.
Fortunately, this vision of an America where our best days are still
ahead of us is a bipartisan vision. It crosses every economic,
political, and generational line. We all want and believe that we can
bring about a more secure and more prosperous future for our children
and grandchildren. And we believe we can do so, must do so, in a
fiscally responsible way by paying as we go.
Sure, there are some who do not share these values or who believe
that we can achieve this bright tomorrow without any investment,
without any contribution or sacrifice on our part. They are the ``get
something for nothing'' crowd, the ``I got mine, you get yours'' crowd.
They do not believe America needs our investment. And the future? Well,
the future can take care of itself.
Some of these naysayers you will hear from today, some you have heard
from already. Masquerading under a banner of fiscal prudence they will
say, ``We cannot afford the investment.'' It is a masquerade. These are
the same people, of course, who drove our national debt to the highest
in history through a half decade of borrowing. And theirs was the worst
form of borrowing; borrowing that led to no investment and, therefore,
to no improvement in the Nation's foundation.
Our parents' generation had them, too, these masqueraders, the
``something for nothing'' crowd. But just kind of imagine what kind of
an America we would live in today if our predecessors had followed
their irresponsible siren song. We would still be traveling along dirt
roads instead of highways, with crops rotting in the fields, long-term
economic stagnation, a bleak presence, and an even bleaker future. We
would, in sum, have become that Nation that Franklin Roosevelt so
presciently warned against, a Nation with a substantial portion of its
people ill-fed, ill-clothed, ill-housed, and insecure.
It is indeed fortuitous that these voices are few now and were few
then, that the overwhelming bipartisan majority of committee members
and Americans recognize that we have a responsibility to our Nation's
future, and that responsibility requires sound investment.
In 10 years, 2.7 million more kids will be in K-12 schools, and
America will be ready for them because we insist on it. In 10 years,
2.2 million more students will be in college, and our universities will
be ready for them with a state-of-the-art education because we insist
on it. In 10 years, the global economy will be even more extensive and
American workers will be competing and winning because we will have
invested in them. And, yes, it is because we are insisting on it now.
We believe in America's future. We believe our best days are ahead of
us. And we share the belief that our parents had before us that we are
responsible for that bright future, and that future requires
investment.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, may I inquire how much time is available on
both sides?
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from New York has 9\1/2\ minutes
remaining, and the gentleman from Georgia has 11 minutes remaining.
Mr. ISRAEL. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I was heartened to hear my good
friend talk about the promise for the future, because that is exactly
what we are talking about. We are talking about the future. It was a
bit of an Orwellian speech there, because the actions of this bill
don't match the wonderful sunshine that the gentleman paints, but that
is all right, because that continues to be the mantra that we hear.
Americans know that when you hear the word ``investment'' in this
Chamber that what that means is taxes, and it points out the
fundamental difference between the majority party and the minority
party. The majority party believes that government spends hardworking
American taxpayer money better than hardworking American taxpayers.
That is the fundamental difference, and that is what this discussion is
about. So I am pleased that the gentleman who just spoke shed light on
that, because he indeed did.
I yield 4 minutes to my good friend, the gentlelady from Oklahoma,
and look forward to her comments on a fiscally responsible approach to
this appropriations bill.
{time} 1400
Ms. FALLIN. Mr. Chairman, let me just say I appreciate the good work
of the committee. And I know it takes a lot of effort to bring people
together for setting the spending priorities and the policies of our
Nation, and I know there have been a lot of hearings and testimony on
this particular piece of legislation. And I want to commend the
committee for their hard work, both Democrats and Republicans.
But I do rise to support this amendment. I think it's a reasonable
amendment, to look at how we can, in this Congress, be more fiscally
conservative, how we can control our spending.
I've had so many people come up to me since I've been elected as a
newly elected freshman saying, we have to do a better job in Congress
of controlling our spending.
This particular amendment cuts the budget by 1 percent. The budget
that has been recommended is $10 billion over last year's. $10 billion
is more than we spend in the State of Oklahoma's whole State budget.
$10 billion is more than that. So I think it's reasonable to say that
we would like to cut this amount by 1 percent. I don't know how people
can argue with that.
Now, I've heard a lot of discussion here today about how this piece
of legislation invests in education, health care, social systems, it's
for the future of our children; and I don't think you'll find anyone up
here who will argue against those things.
I've also heard some people stand up and say today that the
Republicans like to spend money when it's their turn, but when we're
spending money, then we're against it.
Well, when you look at the spending amounts that have occurred over
the last many years in this Congress I, frankly, don't approve of that.
I think we have been spending too much money in this Congress, and I'm
not going to lay blame on either side, other than just to say that a 1
percent cut in this budget, to me, seems reasonable. There is an
increase in spending for the important things, social programs,
education, health care.
I've also heard some of the people who have spoken today talk about
the future and about stupid political blunders, spending on policy like
the Iraq war. Well, I guess we can have that debate, which we have had,
for many, many months. But what I can say is that the money that has
been spent by this Congress, and some people have asked, you know, has
the money gone to wise things? I personally think that protecting our
Nation, protecting our national security and spending that money is a
well worth cause.
We're talking about the priorities that we're going to be having here
in Congress. Some people have said well, look at the various
appropriations bills that we've already had that we've been voting on.
Some were $10 billion more, some were $7 billion more, $12 billion
more. You didn't object to all the different spending levels that there
were. When you add all those things up, that adds up to a lot of money.
And I guess all that is to say that no one in my State has called me
and said, please tell Congress to spend a little bit more money. Please
tell them that I'm not paying enough, and I have some more.
But what I do hear my people back home say is, set the priorities.
Determine what's reasonable. Be fiscally responsible in how we're
spending our money.
People are concerned about the rising cost of gas, the rising cost of
health care. They're concerned about education, they're concerned about
taking care of those who can't take care of themselves.
[[Page H8143]]
I think it is reasonable for us to look at a 1 percent cut in this
budget, but yet still meet the priorities of this Nation in taking care
of the people that need to be taken care of in this appropriations
bill.
Mr. ISRAEL. Madam Chairman, I would just say to the gentlewoman that
in fact she may not be getting calls from people saying that it's
harder for their kids to afford college, or that gas prices are getting
higher, or that they're worried about their health care. But many
Republicans and Democrats are getting those calls, which is why there
wasn't a single Republican in the Appropriations Committee who voted
against this bill.
The gentlewoman also said that we've got to be fiscally responsible.
Well, that's why so many Republicans joined us in supporting this bill,
because in fact this bill cuts 41 programs that didn't make sense any
more, and reduces by half the number the dollar value of earmarks that
we had in the past.
Madam Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr.
Hinchey), a member of the committee.
Mr. HINCHEY. Madam Chairman, this has been a very interesting debate,
and one of the aspects of it with which I find myself in agreement is
the assertion by my friend on the other side of the aisle that there is
a display of differences of opinion and attitudes with regard to the
way in which we handle our fiscal responsibilities here, and there is
no question about that.
If you look at the last 6 years, while the Republican Party has
controlled every aspect of this government, they managed to succeed to
almost double the national debt. They now have us in a situation where
we owe almost $9 trillion, $8.9 trillion.
They continue to spend, as a result of their initiatives, now, about
$11 billion a month on Iraq, the illegal invasion of Iraq which they
perpetrated and are interested in carrying out.
What we're trying to do here in this particular bill, and in the
context of our budget responsibilities, is to focus attention on the
needs of the American people, what we as a Congress ought to be doing
in the context of our responsibilities, serving the American people,
doing what's right for them, improving the possibility, the prospects
of education, making it easier for our children to get the best
possible education that they can get, making it easier for people to
get the health care that they need, making it easier for people to deal
with housing situations and circumstances so that people have proper
housing.
In other words, our objectives and our priorities are to improve the
quality of life of the American people, while your obvious priorities
and objectives are to decrease the quality of life of the American
people, which is consistent with your objective in the context of this
particular amendment.
You want to reduce the amount of money that is available for
education, reduce the amount of money that's available for health care,
reduce the amount of money that's available for housing and other
things that are essential to the American public, while you keep
wasting more and more money in Iraq.
announcement by the chairman
The CHAIRMAN. Members are reminded to address their remarks to the
Chair.
Mr. ISRAEL. Madam Chairman, we reserve the balance of our time.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. I thank the Chair, and again I appreciate the
gentleman's passion. We believe that in order to improve Americans'
lives you have got to let them keep more of their hard-earned money and
that's what this amendment does, allows Americans to keep more of their
hard-earned money.
Madam Chairman, I'm pleased to yield 4 minutes to my good friend from
Texas (Mr. Hensarling).
Mr. HENSARLING. If the American people, Madam Chairman, are watching
this debate, they've certainly seen a lot of name calling and a lot of
shouting, and now we're having our motives questioned. I personally try
to not go down that road. I assume my colleagues on the other side of
the aisle, I'm sure their purposes are noble. But I must admit in the
4\1/2\ years I've been here, I've certainly been called a lot of names.
I think this afternoon's the first time I've been called part of the
fringe. I thought fringe had more to do with curtains. But here we are
as part of the fringe, I guess, because we believe that the government
shouldn't grow faster than the people's ability to pay for it. And
somehow that's being called a fringe opinion.
We believe that it's the people's money, and not the government's
money. Yet we are being told by our Democrat colleagues that's a fringe
opinion.
We happen to believe that the best housing program and the best
education program is a paycheck, not a government check; but somehow
our Democrat colleagues have chosen to tell us that that's a fringe
opinion.
And then we hear lectures from our Democrat colleagues saying well,
when you guys were in the majority you spent too much money. So Madam
Chairman, their response is well, we're going to spend even more. That
logic defies me.
Now, they focus a lot on their noble purposes, Madam Chairman, and
they focus a lot on the benefits of all this spending that they care to
do. And again, I would like to point out, this particular amendment
says that this bill will grow by 3.8 percent instead of 4.8 percent. I
suppose that's another fringe opinion as well.
But you know what, Madam Chairman? My friends on the other side of
the aisle don't focus upon where this money is coming from, and so they
talk about their investments on behalf of the American people. Well,
Madam Chairman, maybe the American people want to make their own
investments.
You know, I listen to the Ward family in my district from Garland,
Texas, and they write, ``Dear Congressman, a tax increase in the
spending is going to fuel the taxes, the largest tax increase in
American history courtesy of the Democrat Party.'' So all this spending
in this bill is fostering a tax increase on the American people. So the
Ward family in Garland says, ``A tax increase this year would wipe out
my ability to continue my daughter's education.''
Well, I've got a message for the Ward family in Garland. Don't worry.
Don't worry about it. The Democrats have an investment that they're
going to make on your behalf. So don't worry about the $3,000 a year
they're going to take from you.
I also heard from the Kincaid family in Garland. ``In my particular
case, an additional $2,200 in taxes would cut into the finances I use
to pay for my son's education.''
The gentleman from Garland, Texas in my district goes on to say, ``I
really believe that, given more money, Congress will spend more money.
That's not the answer.''
Well, I guess we ought to tell the Kincaid family in Garland, Texas,
don't worry about your son's college education. The Democrats are going
to make an investment for you.
I heard from the Brock family in Dallas, Texas, also in my district.
``Dear Congressman, with this tax increase I could not pay for a
semester of college for my daughter if I had to send $2,200 more to the
government.''
Well, again, we have good news for them. Don't worry about all the
money that they're taking. The Democrats have an investment for you.
So, again, Madam Chairman, what our friends on the other side of the
aisle don't seem to realize is that all this great government spending
and all these wonderful investments they have are coming out of the
pockets of the American people. In many respects, we are not having a
debate over how much this Nation ought to spend on health. We're
debating who's doing the spending. It ought to be the family.
Mr. ISRAEL. Madam Chairman, it's time for a fact check for the
American people. The gentleman said, well, we may have spent a lot of
money; but now you're spending more.
Fact: This bill saves $1.1 billion over last year.
Fact: This bill slashes earmark dollar value 50 percent from last
time.
Fact: This bill eliminates 41 programs that don't make sense any
more. Facts count.
Madam Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr.
Ryan).
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. Madam Chairman, we believe we do have a fringe four
or five here in the Congress. And it's not, when the gentleman refers
to me or the gentleman from New York or the chairman, you're talking
about a
[[Page H8144]]
bill that passed out of the committee with unanimous support from
Democrats and Republicans. You will see on the floor it will pass with
Democrat and Republican votes. This is a bipartisan bill.
But we have a fringe group in the House that consistently wants to
try to find out and try to figure out how to make things work. And what
this bill does is it invests in our future. And the bottom line is
this. We're now competing with 1.3 billion people in China, 1.2 billion
people in India, competitive global economy.
And over the last few years, we've seen for the average American
people, and the gentleman from Georgia said, well, we want people to
keep more of their own money. So do we. But they haven't been over the
past few years.
There's been a $3,200 increase in their energy costs, a $1,200
increase in their health insurance, a 40 percent increase in college
tuition. Wages for college grads in the last 4 or 5 years is down 5.2
percent.
Gas prices, the fastest growing part of the budget has been the
interest payments on the debt. But our bill addresses middle class
family wages, down $1,669 over the past 2 years. So the American people
have not been able to keep more of their own money. And so our agenda,
through this bill and other bills that we have passed addressed that
issue.
How do you reduce the cost of energy? You make investments in
research and development, and that will yield us benefits down the
line.
How do you help families send their kids to schools? You invest money
into the Pell Grant. You cut student loan interest rates in half. And
the difference really has been with the student loan interest rates,
we're not spending any more money. What we're saying is that money is
not going to go to the banks. That money is going to go to the kids and
the students, and we're going to cut the student loan interest rates in
half and increase the Pell Grant.
We have money in here for our community health centers, so kids can
get preventative care, so they end up they can get treated for a cold,
instead of ending up in the emergency room for a much higher price to
the taxpayer. So we're making significant investments. And this bill
will help secure a strong future for the United States of America.
We need to get more kids in college. We need to invest in foreign
languages. That's what this bill does. And I'm proud of this bill, on a
bipartisan basis.
And I think it's important for the people, Madam Chairman, who are
listening as this goes into the Congressional Record. What do they
want? They want an investment in their future, and that's what this
bill does. It makes that investment to secure our future and make us
strong and move us in a new direction.
{time} 1415
Mr. WALSH of New York. Madam Chairman, I move to strike the last
word.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. WALSH of New York. Madam Chairman, a lot is being said, a lot of
numbers are being thrown around, a lot of claims are being made, even
claims that facts are facts. And I just wanted to clarify a point that
my good friend from New York made, and that is that this bill saves
$1.5 billion over last year. I don't understand that statement because
last year we spent $144.7 billion in budget authority, enacted, and
this year it is $151 billion, so almost $8 billion more than last year.
So the facts, I think, need to be checked. Let's try to be accurate.
Everybody wants to thump their chest and say what a great party they
have. But the facts are we are spending $8 billion this year more than
last if this bill passes.
Madam Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Madam Chairman, I thank the gentleman for his
comments that I believe point clearly to what the facts are.
I am pleased to yield the balance of my time to the gentleman from
Indiana (Mr. Pence).
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Indiana is recognized for 2\1/2\
minutes.
(Mr. PENCE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. PENCE. Madam Chairman, I rise on behalf of the fringe in America.
Madam Chairman, that would be the fringe that believes that governments
ought to live within their means, ought to pay their bills, ought to
balance budgets.
The gentleman from Ohio, whom I respect and admire his style as a
legislator and a leader, has coined the phrase ``fringe,'' and I want
to embrace it. I want to come to this floor and say every American who
believes that we ought to balance the Federal budget, who believes that
we ought to come together across the political divide and reform
entitlements, who believes we ought to wrestle to the ground an $8
trillion national debt, that fringe is the fringe that I represent in
America and those with which I proudly stand.
And let me say I know that number 8 trillion very well. On my way to
the floor today, I passed the office of clearly a dozen of the
gentleman from Ohio's colleagues' offices, Democrats all, who anyone
looking on wouldn't necessarily know, who all have signs in front of
their office lamenting an $8 trillion national debt. And as the other
gentleman said, I lament the role of the Republican majority in
creating that, and I fought members of my own majority in years that we
saw the debt go from $5 trillion to $8 trillion.
But I say on behalf of the fringe, the fringe of Americans who say
governments ought to live within their means, they ought to balance
budgets, they ought to make the tough choices in a bipartisan way to
live within the fiscal values that the American people represent, I say
let's deal with it. And this cut today brought by the gentleman from
Georgia is a modest step to be sure. It is a 1 percent cut. It says
instead of doing with a 4.8 percent increase over last year, the
Federal Government will have to get by on a 3.8 percent increase over
last year. And it doesn't seem to me to be too much to ask, with an $8
trillion national debt, for us to come together and begin to trim and
begin to make the hard choices. But it won't solve the real problem,
and my cherished colleagues on the other side of the aisle know this.
We have to get past the names; we have to get past the categories, and
we have to represent the fringe of America that wants to see us balance
this budget.
Mr. ISRAEL. Madam Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Well, Madam Chairman, it is refreshing to hear some candor on the
other side in their admission that there is a fringe. And that is, in
fact, a matter of fact because there wasn't a single Republican vote
against this appropriations bill in committee.
Now, those who define themselves on the fringe would suggest that the
answer to America's problems is a 1 percent solution. We can rein in
our deficit that they built up with a 1 percent cutback.
I don't know where they were, and I have a very high regard for their
position, but I do feel an obligation to ask where were they in
offering amendments to cut $13 billion in giveaways to the richest oil
company executives making the largest profits in the history of
humankind? Where was the 1 percent cut amendment then? Suddenly we
could afford that, but we can't afford additional Pell Grants for the
steelworker that the gentleman refers to.
Where were they with an amendment for a 1 percent cut in excessive
payments to Halliburton, $1.47 billion in payments to Halliburton that
have been found by the Federal Government to be fraudulent? Where was
the amendment to cut those payments by 1 percent? We could afford
excessive and fraudulent payments to Halliburton, but we can't afford
additional investments in cancer research and access to health care for
the American people.
I would respect my colleagues if they showed more consistency. But
there has not been that consistency. It is not about spending. It is
about spending on the wrong things and the wrong priorities.
Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. ISRAEL. I yield to the gentleman from California.
Mr. SCHIFF. I think I may have the gentleman's answer to where was
the fringe when the giveaways to the oil
[[Page H8145]]
companies and the Halliburtons were taking place; why wasn't there an
effort to cut those giveaways by 1 percent.
Those who wanted to cut those profits and those giveaways were not
part of the fringe. The fringe we are talking about here today is the
fringe that says we want those obscene oil company profits. We want
those obscene profits for Halliburton. But we want to cut over $1
billion out of education, out of health care. That is the fringe we are
talking about.
The overwhelming bipartisan majority of us want to balance the
budget. We are working hard to do that. But we don't want to balance
the budget on the backs of our kids and on the backs of those who need
health care and on the backs of our workers who need training. And
that, I think, is the fringe that we are talking about here today.
Mr. ISRAEL. I thank the gentleman.
I will conclude, Madam Chairman, by suggesting that the mainstream
view, the view that has been endorsed on a bipartisan basis by
mainstream Republicans and Democrats on the Appropriations Committee
and the American people is that we should make investments in
education. The fringe view: more oil money for oil companies.
Mr. OBEY. Madam Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Wisconsin is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. OBEY. Madam Chairman, I would like to again simply walk us
through what this cut means in specific terms. This amendment would cut
$257 million from the President's No Child Left Behind education
flagship program. It would cut $144 million from title I, denying more
than 40,000 students those title I services. It would cut $113 million
from Special Education. It would wipe out every single amendment but
one that was passed on this floor in the last 2 days to enhance Special
Education, most of those amendments coming from the Republican side of
the aisle.
It would cut $156 million from Pell Grants. It would cut $300 million
from the National Institutes of Health for medical research in cancer,
heart disease, Parkinson's, Alzheimer's and the like. It would cut $22
million from community health centers. Over 100,000 of the uninsured
would not have access to those services. It would cut $70 million from
Head Start, $21 million from the Child Care Development Block Grant. It
would cut $27 million from LIHEAP.
I want to remind you, in LIHEAP, the bill itself only restores half
of the cut that was made last year by the President and the Congress.
It would cut $97 million from the Social Security Administration.
Members are climbing all over me saying, ``What are we going to do to
keep my local Social Security offices open? What are we going to do to
eliminate the multi-month backlog in people applying for Social
Security disability?'' I will tell you what they are going to do. This
will add to it. It will add to the problem.
So with all due respect to the sanctimony that we hear from those who
belatedly cry about the Federal deficit, I didn't hear them crying
about the Federal deficit when they voted to spend $600 billion on an
ill-advised war in Iraq. I don't hear them crying about the fact that
$57 billion in tax cuts for millionaires adds $57 billion to the
Federal deficit.
So I just think we need to recognize that I believe the vast majority
of Americans and I believe substantial portions of both parties in this
House believe that this bill is responsible in real dollar terms. All
of the domestic appropriation bills that we will produce and have
produced this year amount to a 1 percent increase in real terms.
One of the gentlemen over there claimed that these were not cuts.
Well, let me tell you something. If you appropriate the same amount of
money this year that you appropriated last year but inflation eats away
at that and so does population growth, if you don't adjust for
inflation and population growth, then to each recipient of the services
under this legislation there is indeed a cut to them. And that is what
counts. It is the impact on their pocketbook. It is the impact on their
ability to get help to send their kids to school.
It is an impact on the couple in my District who called 31 dentists
to try to get some help with their kid who had to have the braces taken
off his teeth. They couldn't get any of them to take them because the
dentists wouldn't take Medicaid patients. They didn't have a local
clinic. So the mother held the kid down while the father took the
braces off with a pair of pliers.
That wouldn't happen to any child of a Member of Congress. The
gentleman is smiling about that. I don't think that is anything to
smile about. I met that woman.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Madam Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. OBEY. Yes, sir.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. The conversation that I was having with my
assistant to the right resulted in my glee, not to your comment.
Mr. OBEY. I understand.
But let me simply say, Madam Chairman, these cuts, these will be cuts
in terms of the services that we are trying to provide to these people.
It is immoral. It is unconscionable that we allow 44 million Americans
to go without health insurance.
This bill will deliver health care coverage to 2 million more
Americans than got it last year. It will make up in a tiny way for the
indifference, the massive indifference, which has characterized this
country the past few years on the issue of health coverage.
I would urge a ``no'' vote on the amendment and support for the
underlying bill.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Price).
The question was taken; and the Chairman announced that the noes
appeared to have it.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Madam Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further proceedings
on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Georgia will be
postponed.
{time} 1430
Amendment No. 23 offered by Mrs. Musgrave
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. Madam Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment No. 23 offered by Mrs. Musgrave:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following new section:
Sec. __. Each amount appropriated or otherwise made
available by this Act that is not required to be appropriated
or otherwise made available by a provision of law is hereby
reduced by 0.5 percent.
The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday, July
18, 2007, the gentlewoman from Colorado (Mrs. Musgrave) and a Member
opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from Colorado.
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. Madam Chairman, the amendment that I'm offering today
to this appropriations bill would make a cut of just one-half of 1
percent of the overall funding of the bill.
You know, my friends on the other side of the aisle, Madam Chairman,
are talking about how we are ``fringe'' Members of the House of
Representatives. You know, when I go into my district and I talk to
people, one thing that they really want Congress to do is rein in
spending. We hear lots of individuals say, you know, we have to live
within our family budget, how come Congress doesn't have to do that? I
was proud to be in the State legislature in Colorado where we had an
amendment to our Constitution forcing us to live within our means, so
to speak, in the State of Colorado. We could not spend money that we
didn't have.
Well, here in the Federal Government, it seems that even though as I
walk down the hallways of the office buildings, the Longworth House
Office Building, I see many signs on easels out in the hall talking
about our $8.8 trillion debt. We are being constantly reminded of that.
And you know what? I think that is very appropriate. I think every
American ought to see that placard and see what we have, $8.8 trillion
debt.
And as I think about that, I'm just offering the Members of Congress
yet another opportunity to do the right thing, the right thing being
exercising fiscal discipline, just a modicum of fiscal discipline, 1.5
percent. So the increase in this bill would go from 4.8 increase to
4.3. Now, some people would
[[Page H8146]]
miscategorize that as a cut. It is not a cut. It is still an increase
in spending of 4.3 percent.
So I would ask my colleagues to identify with the American people who
admire people who can live within their means, who don't spend money
that they really don't have, but show the discipline to do the right
thing.
And I'm asking for this cut today. How many people can visualize a
$100 bill? You give someone a $100 bill and say I want you to spend
this wisely, but let's just save 50 cents of that $100 bill. How many
people would say that that was unreasonable?
Madam Chairman, I'm saying today that this Congress needs to start on
the right path. I'm asking for a .5 percent amendment to this
appropriation bill.
Madam Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ISRAEL. Madam Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from New York is recognized for 15
minutes.
Mr. ISRAEL. Well, another fringe offering. Now we're down to .5
percent. The solution to America's problems is now down to .5 percent.
The solution to America's problems is now down to .5 percent, less Pell
Grant money so the kids can go to college, higher fuel bills in the
winter for people who can't pay their fuel bills. I never saw a .5
percent reduction in funds to Halliburton. I never saw a .5 percent
reduction in the $13 billion in giveaways to Big Oil company
executives, who are making the world's greatest profits. But now
suddenly, when it comes to reducing people's heating bills or reducing
their college costs, we want them to have another .5 percent burden
because the burden they have just isn't enough.
This is deja vu all over again. It was a bad idea on the amendment
before this. It was a bad idea on the amendment before that. It's still
a bad idea, it's just down to a .5 percent bad idea.
Madam Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr.
Ryan).
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. I thank the gentleman.
And since my friends on the other side of the aisle have embraced
their fringeness, I would like to just point out to you from the Roll
Call today, around the Hill there is a festival, 11-day play, this
weekend. I know many of you go home, so many of your staff may want to
attend this, it's the Capitol Fringe Festival. So you may be able to
attend and completely embrace the fringeness.
But again, as the gentleman has said, Madam Chair, when we first got
in the majority in January, we tried to pass out of this House, in our
Six in '06, provisions that we passed, campaigned on and then passed.
One of the provisions was to strip $14 billion from the oil companies.
And our friends, who are now wanting to take this money from Pell
Grants and investments in education, investments in health care, voted
against stripping the oil companies of $14 billion. And this is what
we're talking about.
This bipartisan committee passed out of the committee unanimously, on
support of the Republicans on that committee, with the support of the
Democrats on this committee, well thought-out pieces of legislation,
well thought-out amendments in the committee, supported unanimously by
both sides. And what we're saying is, we have to make these
investments.
And there is no tax increase in this year's budget, none, zero,
that's it. You can't point it out. In 2007, keep your forms, 2006, or
last year's forms, and compare them to next year's, and there will be
not one dime of an increase. All we did was we took that money that our
friends were giving to the banks and we invested that money in the
kids. The $14 billion that was going to the oil companies at their
times of highest profits is going into health care and education now
and alternative energy.
As I said earlier, this is very simple. We're in a globally
competitive market, and we need to make investments into our kids and
into our future. That's what this bill does.
Now what you're saying is, with tuition costs going up 40 percent,
health insurance going up $100 a year, and energy costs going up $3,200
a year, that the solution to that problem and every other problem we
have in the country right now is a .5 percent cut that would put
additional burdens on families who are trying to send their kids to
school, would reduce the money that we're making into making our
citizens healthier and community health clinics so that at the end of
the day would allow us to prevent people from ending up in the
emergency room and costing us billions and billions of dollars more.
These are good investments, voted on in a bipartisan way, and will
secure the strength of our country in the future.
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. Madam Chairman, I won't be at the Fringe Festival this
weekend, I will be going home to Colorado. I will be talking to the
folks that are working hard every day, raising their children, trying
to make ends meet, and worrying about higher taxes. And I think they
should be worrying about higher taxes because when we have increases
like this, we're going to see those placards in the hallway with a
national debt ever increasing.
Madam Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to my friend from Minnesota (Mr.
Kline).
Mr. KLINE of Minnesota. I thank the gentlelady from Colorado for
yielding, and for her excellent, truly excellent amendment.
I have been following the debate for some time now. Like many of our
colleagues, sometimes we have to follow it in our office as we are
conducting other business. And I hate that we have stooped to sort of
name calling, which unfortunately I have seen.
I guess the gentleman from Ohio says that we're embracing the
``fringe'' label, and so therefore I suppose I'm down here to make the
fringe larger. And I guess there is a little humor in that, and I will
just take it in that sense because I'm sure my friend from Ohio didn't
mean any harm by it.
But as my good friend, Mr. Pence, said in his comments, that if the
fringe are those hardworking Americans who think they make better
decisions on how to spend the money that they earn than we do here in
Congress, then I'm in the right place.
We heard that this amendment, this very modest amendment to look for
.5 percent savings would place an increased burden, a .5 percent
increased burden on the American people. There is no question that the
largest tax increase in American history will place a huge burden on
the working families of America.
And with all respect to my good friend and colleague from Ohio, the
Democrats' budget, in order to balance as the rules require by the end
of the budget period, does impose the largest tax increase in American
history. And already we're starting to see the majority party have to
start to pay the price for some of the budget gimmicks that have been
involved in making that work.
Now, the Democrats, while increasing spending, it seems like almost
across the board, certainly in the Department of Labor, couldn't manage
to keep the spending for the Office of Labor Management Standards at
last year's level. There they could find the cut. When it came to the
office whose responsibility is to find the crooks who are stealing from
union members, they found a way to impose a 4 percent cut in that
office. And what a shame that is.
I offered an amendment, it received some bipartisan support, but
nevertheless, on a largely partisan basis, that amendment was defeated.
That amendment would have just restored the funding to last year's
level for the only office in government who has the responsibility and
the capability to hunt down and catch the crooks that steal from our
American workers, but the majority party could find a way to cut there.
So, I think that the choice here is clear. It's been stated by many
of my colleagues. Many of us, fringe or not fringe, believe that the
American people can make better decisions on how to spend their money,
and we should let them do it.
Mr. ISRAEL. Madam Chair, I would just pose a question to the
gentlewoman from Colorado and would yield to her for a response.
I am just curious as to how public education is funded in the State
of Colorado.
I will yield to the gentlewoman.
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. The public education system in Colorado is funded by
tax dollars, primarily coming from property taxes.
Mr. ISRAEL. Thank you. Reclaiming my time, the gentlewoman's proposal
[[Page H8147]]
would impose an across-the-board cut in No Child Left Behind. No Child
Left Behind is a Federal program that local school districts must
honor. It is a huge unfunded Federal mandate. And I don't know about
the gentlewoman's school districts, but I know that my school districts
come to me all the time saying, Washington is forcing us to do these
programs, but they're not giving us the money that they promised, which
means that we have to raise taxes.
And so I would respectfully suggest to the gentlewoman that a .5
percent cut in this bill is a .5 percent property increase in her
congressional district, because those poor school districts don't have
the ability to say yes or no to those programs. They've just got to
provide the services and find the money for it.
We don't think that local property taxpayers should have to bear that
burden. We believe, along with every single Republican in the
Appropriations Committee, that the Federal Government should assist in
those programs.
Madam Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from California
(Mr. Schiff).
Mr. SCHIFF. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
I wanted to take a moment to address the nature of the proposed
amendment, and the amendment before it, and perhaps the amendment after
it, the whole nature of the across-the-board amendments. Because I
think the beauty of across-the-board amendments, in the eyes of the
authors of those amendments, is that they're anonymous in their cuts;
they're anonymous in the pain they distribute. They can go home to
their district and say, oh, I'm not in favor of cutting education, I'm
in favor of across-the-board cuts. Or I'm not in favor of cutting home
heating oil for people, no, that would lack compassion, but I am for
across-the-board cuts. What's a 1 percent cut? What's a half of 1
percent cut? Well, what it is is hundreds of millions of dollars taken
out of education or out of home heating oil or out of health care or
out of cancer research or out of special education.
So let's not take ourselves off the hook here. And I would be willing
to yield to my colleague from Colorado.
Do you support cuts in home heating oil assistance? Are you ready to
stand up here and say to your constituents, yes, I am for cutting home
heating assistance? Do you support cuts in special education? Are you
willing to say here today to your constituents that I support cuts in
special education? I support cuts in abstinence programs. I support
cuts in cancer research. Would you tell us if you support cuts in home
heating assistance?
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. Well, there is a thing called ``Orwellian speak.'' And
when we have a bill that has a 4.8 percent increase and we go to 4.3,
that is not a cut.
Mr. SCHIFF. Reclaiming my time, I will be happy to yield if you will
answer the question. The question is, do you support cutting home
heating oil assistance? It's a yes or no question, it's not
complicated. Do you support cutting heating home assistance for poor
people? Yes, I support it?
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. Well, if the gentleman would yield, that funding is
increased in this legislation, and you know it.
What is at issue here is how do you define ``cut''? 4.8 to 4.3
increase.
Mr. SCHIFF. Reclaiming my time. I'm not surprised that I can't get a
yes or no answer. I'm not surprised that the gentlewoman is not willing
to stand up and say, yes, I support cutting this because I have other
priorities. Home heating oil, that's not one of them. Large oil
industry profits, that's one of my priorities. Halliburton, that's one
of my priorities. But cutting heating oil, that's not a priority, or
cutting special ed.
Let me ask you another question; do you think that cuts in college
education funding, higher education funding, can be done without
cutting the number of kids who have access to college? Do you think we
can cut funding from this bill for higher education funding without
reducing the number of kids that can go to college?
And you say, it's just half a percent we're cutting from higher ed,
or the increase in higher ed, or however you want to phrase it. But the
cut is real that you're proposing. So what does that mean? 25,000 more
kids can't go to college?
{time} 1445
Is that a fair number? Well, maybe that is too much. Should we say
10,000 more American kids can't go to college because of your cut? Is
that a fair number? Would you support that? Would you support your
amendment if you knew that?
Announcement by the Chairman
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman will suspend. Members are reminded to
address their remarks to the Chair and to follow customary courtesy in
the process of yielding and reclaiming time.
The gentleman may continue.
Mr. SCHIFF. Through the Chair, in my remaining time, I would ask the
gentlewoman from Colorado whether she is willing to support her cuts if
she knows that it will mean fewer children in Colorado can go to
college.
I would be happy to yield for an answer to this question. Through the
Chair, to my colleague from Colorado, if her cuts mean that fewer of
her constituents in Colorado can go to college, is she still willing to
propose those cuts?
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman's time has expired.
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. Madam Chairman, I think what I should do is purchase a
dictionary and have my friend on the other side of the aisle look up
what a cut is.
When you go from 4.8 percent increase in spending and you take away
.5, you end up with a 4.3 percent increase in spending. That is what
this legislation does. Even with this modest amendment that I offer, it
would still be a 4.3 percent increase.
Madam Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Missouri (Mr.
Akin).
Mr. AKIN. Madam Chairman, I have been enjoying hearing the debate
here today. As usual, sometimes Republicans and Democrats appear to be
passing each other a little bit in the night. It seems to me from
hearing comments now from a number of Democratic speakers that there is
an implicit assumption based on all of their arguments, and that is,
hey, this is important, education is important, and this is important,
and heating oil is important, and all this stuff; therefore, the
government has to do it all for everybody.
Now, I think the other assumption, and this is the assumption that I
make, is that Americans are buying an awful lot more government than we
can afford. That is what my constituents are telling me. That is common
sense. Going back to my district, things are getting more and more
expensive. We keep increasing everything that government does.
The idea is, well, you are not compassionate because you don't want
to add more money to government subsidies to do this and government
subsidies to do that. Hey, the logical conclusion on that is the
government would get 100 percent of your paycheck. I don't think that
is why we are competitive.
I have also heard people say that we are in a global economy, as
though being in a global economy somehow excuses that the Federal
Government should do everything for everybody. I am not buying that
assumption. The reason we are competitive in a global economy is
because of free enterprise. There is one thing about a safety net. But
we are buying too much government.
To add insult to injury, now the Democrats have just passed the
biggest tax increase in the history of the United States. They are
griping about one-half of 1 percent of a cut in one little bill in
discretionary income, and they are adding the average of $3,000 per
household across this entire Nation. Now, it would be interesting
enough if they just add $3,000. The trouble with doing that this year
is, guess what, you will get the $3,000 next year and the next year
after that and the next year after that. But the spending is even more.
So we are hearing an objection, and it is all couched in this, oh,
don't you care about poor people with fuel oil heating bills and about
education and stuff. The trouble is, we are spending too much. What
part of that don't we get? So somebody offers this timid little
amendment for one-half of 1 percent, and it is like the wheels are
going to fall off.
I have to say in answer to the questions, look, we are just buying
too
[[Page H8148]]
much government. We have to start somewhere. I appreciate the
gentlewoman's amendment. She is at least starting on one piece of one
bill here. While I call it a little bit of a timid amendment, I am
certainly prepared to vote for it.
Mr. ISRAEL. Madam Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Madam Chairman, I would yield to the gentlewoman if she cares to
answer this: The committee report states that the committee recommends
$15,027,000 for prevention grants to reduce the abuse of runaway youth.
Does the gentlewoman advocate a .5 percent reduction in a $15 million
budget to prevent the abuse of runaway youth, which was supported
unanimously in the committee?
Madam Chairman, I will yield to the gentlewoman.
If the gentlewoman can't answer, I will ask her to give us an answer
to this: the committee report, unanimously approved in committee,
recommends $42,430,000 for community-based child abuse prevention.
Announcement by the Chairman
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman will suspend. Members are reminded to
address their remarks to the Chair.
Mr. ISRAEL. Madam Chairman, I ask the gentlewoman whether she is
advocating a .5 percent reduction in a $42 million line item for
community-based child abuse prevention. I would be happy to yield to
the gentlewoman for an answer.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. ISRAEL. I will yield to the gentlewoman for an answer, since it
is her amendment. I will not, at this time, yield to the gentleman.
I would like to yield to the gentlewoman, since it is her amendment.
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. If I may answer your question, first, I would like to
point out that, I just realized this, up here to my right in the front
of the room, in the front of the Chamber, there is a dictionary.
Perhaps the gentleman would like to look up the word ``cut.'' Perhaps
the gentleman would like to look up the word ``rationalization.''
Because the gentleman knows that there is still an increase of 4.3
percent in this bill, even with this modest amendment.
You know what? You can rationalize anything. You can be altruistic
with someone else's money. We need to curb spending.
Mr. ISRAEL. Madam Chairman, I reclaim my time.
Madam Chairman, I am using the terms the gentlewoman insists on. I am
reading directly from the committee report. The committee report states
that there is $26,848,000 for adoption opportunities. Because we all
want to reduce the number of abortions in the United States, so there
is $26,848,000 for adoption opportunities. The gentlewoman's amendment
would, as I understand it, reduce by .5 percent the amounts that are in
this bill.
So, Madam Chairman, I ask the gentlewoman again, and I will yield to
her, is she advocating a .5 percent reduction in the committee
recommendation of $26,848,000 for adoption opportunities?
I will yield to the gentlewoman, since it is her amendment.
If she cares not to take the time, I will ask the gentleman. I will
yield to the gentleman if he can answer this, Madam Chairman. I would
yield to the gentleman, if he would choose to answer this question.
The committee report recommends $9.5 million, out of a $2.5 trillion
Federal budget, $9.5 million for the adoption incentives programs. I
would ask, Madam Chairman, whether the gentleman supports a .5 percent
reduction in adoption incentives.
I would also ask, Madam Chairman, this: the committee recommends a
total level of funding of $141 million for the Community Based
Abstinence Education program. That is the level of funding that the
committee, on a unanimous basis, Republicans in the mainstream and
Democrats in the mainstream, agree on.
I will yield to the gentleman, Madam Chairman, if he can say is it
the position of the fringe that we should actually cut by .5 percent
$141 million for Community Based Abstinence programs.
I will yield to the gentleman, Madam Chairman.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. Madam Chairman, I would like to point out
to the gentleman that under his logic that $141 million proposed in
here is actually a cut, because it is a cut from $150 million. It is a
$9 million cut from $150 million. Why aren't we spending $150 million?
Mr. ISRAEL. Madam Chairman, I reclaim my time.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. You see, you only can measure from what--
--
Mr. ISRAEL. Madam Chairman, I reclaim my time.
Announcement by the Chairman
The CHAIRMAN. Members are reminded to follow customary courtesy in
the process of yielding and reclaiming time.
Mr. ISRAEL. Madam Chairman, may I ask how much time I have left?
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman has 1\1/2\ minutes.
Mr. ISRAEL. Thank you, Madam Chairman.
I would just state at some point, two plus two has to equal four. It
can't equal what you want it to be; it has to equal four.
These are the amounts of funding that are in this bill, reported by
Republicans and Democrats. Every single mainstream Republican, every
conservative Republican on the Appropriations Committee, supported
these numbers. The gentlewoman says, no, no, we have to shave .5
percent from these numbers.
I am still waiting to hear whether a single Member on that side would
publicly say that they want to cut adoption programs, abstinence
programs, runaway youth programs, child abuse programs.
I will yield the balance of my time to the gentleman from Ohio.
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. Madam Chairman, I hate to interrupt this beautiful
debate going on, but I think it is important for us to make a point. We
offered our friends in the fringe an opportunity within the first 100
hours we were here to strip $14 billion from the oil companies,
corporate welfare that they were getting from the United States
taxpayers, and you all voted against it, or at least most of you did.
You had a chance for $14 billion from the oil companies. But you choose
to come here now and take it out of the hide of the students and the
middle-class families who are trying to make ends meet.
That is the difference. This is a change in priorities. You had a
chance for $14 billion from the oil companies. You were silent. Now you
choose to do it for programs that are going to make us stronger in the
long run.
So I thank the gentleman, I thank the Chair, I thank the ranking
member for putting together such a great bill here, and I think we
should leave it as it is and not ask the people who have had increased
energy costs, a 40 percent tuition increase, now to say wait a minute,
we don't want to help you with that. We want to cut that by .5 percent,
too.
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. Madam Chairman, since we had a rudimentary arithmetic
thing here, two plus two equals four, I just want to remind my friend,
Madam Chairman, that a 4.8 percent increase minus .5 percent still
equals a 4.3 percent increase in spending.
With that, I would like to yield 2 minutes to my friend from Florida
(Mr. Feeney).
Mr. FEENEY. I thank the gentlewoman.
I would suggest that the real math is that this amendment would still
anticipate a $6.5 billion increase, yet it is being called a cut.
I had to come down from my office, because I heard that if you were
an advocate for taxpayers, you are now part of the fringe of this
Congress. If you are an advocate for fiscal responsibility, suddenly
you are part of the fringe. Sadly, I would have to acknowledge, if you
care about fiscal responsibility and taxpayers in this Congress, you
are becoming part of the fringe.
Increasing the budget expenditures by 4.3 percent is somehow going to
lead to the end of civilization and the death of all of the children
out there and throwing people out of hospital beds.
I would remind all of my colleagues, we have a 10th amendment in this
country. Over the years, we now have a $150 billion-plus annual budget
to deal with things like labor, health care and education. It isn't a
question of whether or not we are going to spend money in America on
health care and education. It is a question of who does the spending
and who gets to control it.
[[Page H8149]]
I would ask every American, as the Federal budget has skyrocketed and
we have taken control and micromanaged their health care and education,
has public education gotten cheaper? Has it gotten better? Has
America's health care system, as we spend so much money on health care,
gotten cheaper and gotten better?
Winston Churchill once famously said, there is nothing one government
learns so readily from the last as how to spend other people's money,
i.e., the taxpayers.
Sadly, this new majority did not learn the lesson that some of us
learned in the last several Congresses: we are spending too much, we
are abusing American taxpayers, and the notion is that if you care for
children, if you care for people that need health care, you have to
confiscate as much money out there from taxpayers and working people as
possible and you have to micromanage the way it gets spent on so-called
``their behalf.''
The bureaucrats are happy. The regulators are happy. The politicians
in Washington are fat and happy. But the American taxpayer and the
people that need real education services and need choices in health
care are not happy.
With that, on behalf of the fringe that cares about taxpayers in this
Congress, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. Madam Chairman, as I hear the comments from my friends
on the other side of the aisle, I would almost remember when my
children were small and they actually believed in Santa Claus. They
thought that whatever they wanted, they could have. We had to learn
some lessons. They had a wish-list, and then we had to live within our
means.
When I think of the good things, and, by the way, I am very happy to
hear that my friend on the other side of the aisle supports abstinence
education, when I hear about spending in these areas, there is a finite
amount of money. When you are promoting government programs, you are
reaching into the pocket of the taxpayer. That is the only place we get
our money, from the American taxpayer. And as we think about the
largest tax increase in history, I think we ought to realize this
burden, and I just picture this enormous burden on our children and our
grandchildren that we are leaving.
In the meantime, we can be proud of our spending, because we are
spending for very noble things, and there are very many noble things in
this bill.
{time} 1500
But what we are doing is we are crushing our children and our
grandchildren with this $8.8 trillion debt, this $8.8 trillion debt
that is growing under this majority.
I was one of the ones in the back of the room, you're right, my
friends on the other side of the aisle are right. We spent too much.
The Republican Party are guilty of that.
But there were those of us who were budget hawks then that said our
party not only should cut taxes but should restrain spending. We were
saying that and we are saying it now as we see the majority party going
down the road at an even more rapid pace, spending more money,
increasing that enormous burden on our children and grandchildren.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Wisconsin is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. OBEY. Madam Chairman, I will make the same observation as I made
last night. What we have going on here, in my judgment, is Operation
Diversion. You have a bunch of people in this House who are perfectly
comfortable with the fact that the tax policies that they have voted
for will deliver $57 billion in tax cuts this year to people who make
over a million dollars a year. That is five times as much money as the
increase that we have in this bill above the President's request.
And you have people who have voted for the war in Iraq, which has
spent $600 billion in a case of mistaken identity as they mistook the
stocky guy with the mustache, Saddam Hussein, for the tall guy with the
beard, Osama bin Laden, and that mistake has cost us $600 billion when
you take into account the President's newest request. That is 60 times
as much as the addition we have above the President's budget for these
programs.
They voted for all of that, and now they want to scramble away from
the deficits and the debt that that has produced. And they try to
divert the attention of the public and say, oh, the real cause of our
fiscal mess is the fact that these crazy Democrats are trying to put
more money into education and more money into health care and more
money into job training.
Well, I plead fully guilty. We are trying to do that because yes, we
do believe that these are investments. We think that kids are better
off if you put more money into education than if you take it away. And
we think society is better off economically and morally if we do more
to help people who need health care than less.
Now this amendment would cut the following amounts from the bill: It
would cut $128 million from this bill for No Child Left Behind.
It would cut $74 million from Title I.
It would cut $56 million from IDEA. Republicans and Democrats alike
have spent the last 2 days trying to increase funds for IDEA; now they
want to cut it back by $56 million.
They want to cut from this bill $78 million for Pell Grants, despite
the fact that college costs have exploded.
They want to cut $148 million from this bill for the National
Institutes of Health.
They want to cut $48 million from this bill for the Social Security
Administration.
They want to cut $69 million from this bill out of programs that we
have here to try to discourage women from having abortions. Now if they
want to vote for that, be my guest. We don't happen to think, and I
think there are significant numbers of our friends on the minority side
of the aisle who don't happen to think that is a good idea.
We do have to make choices, and the basic choices here are do we want
to defend the 2 percent increase in these programs above the
President's level, because that is what it is, it is a 2 percent
difference. And if you don't believe my definition, then take a look at
CQ and National Journal because that is the way they define it.
Do you want to put 2 percent more into the health and education of
the country, into the training of our workforce, or do you instead want
to use it for additional money in Iraq and additional money for tax
cuts for the most wealthy people in this country, most of whom would
gladly see a reduction in their take if we could improve the quality of
our workforce and the quality of our education and the quality of our
law enforcement?
I plead fully guilty to agreeing with them, and I would ask for a
``no'' vote on the amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentlewoman from Colorado (Mrs. Musgrave).
The question was taken; and the Chairman announced that the noes
appeared to have it.
Mrs. MUSGRAVE. Madam Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further proceedings
on the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from Colorado will be
postponed.
Amendment No. 7 Offered by Mr. Campbell of California
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. Madam Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment No. 7 offered by Mr. Campbell of California:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following new section:
Sec. __. Each amount appropriated or otherwise made
available by this Act that is not required to be appropriated
or otherwise made available by a provision of law is hereby
reduced by 0.25 percent.
The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday, July
18, 2007, the gentleman from California (Mr. Campbell) and a Member
opposed each will control 15 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. Madam Chairman, first of all, I am happy
to stand up here and identify myself with, as the majority party says,
``the fringe.'' You know, you may have noticed recently that the
approval ratings for this Congress are not
[[Page H8150]]
very good. In fact, I think the latest I saw was that only 17 percent
of Americans believe that this Congress is doing a good or a fair job.
So I guess that being on the fringe of this Congress is meaning that we
agree and associate ourselves with 83 percent of the American people. I
would tell my friends on the majority that I am very happy to be on the
fringe in Washington but on the mainstream outside of Washington.
And the mainstream outside of Washington wants to keep their own
money to spend it on what they want. And they believe, Madam Chairman,
even if the other side doesn't, Americans believe, and they are right,
that government wastes some of their tax money. And what this proposed
amendment does is it would increase spending on this bill by 4.6
percent instead of 4.8 percent. It is a reduction over what is proposed
by a quarter of a percent. A quarter of a percent. It still provides an
increase of $6.6 billion over last year.
So under this amendment if there is a government program that is
scheduled to get a million dollars, it would instead have to struggle
through on $997,500.
Madam Chairman, I would ask you, I understand that it appears that
the Members of the majority party believe that life as we know it will
end if that million-dollar government program must exist on $997,500,
but I don't think that the majority of Americans feel that.
Let me point out again that first of all this amendment is not a cut
because one equals one. Two is more than one even if you want three. So
this amendment still enables a gigantic $6.6 billion increase in
spending on this bill. But what it would do is it would put $379
million back in taxpayers' pockets, back towards deficit reduction. So
it is not a cut.
The other thing that is amazing to me in this whole debate and
discussion is there seems to be a direct correlation on the majority
side between how much you spend on something and the outcome you are
going to get. If that were the case, you could take every school in
America, line them up by how much money is spent per student and you
should see a direct correlation with the outcomes with how those
students succeed out of school.
Well, there are many situations where there are schools spending
$3,000 to $4,000 a student significantly outperforming schools spending
10, 12, $15,000 per student in the same place.
Why if there were a direct correlation between how much you spend on
something and the outcome, then wouldn't Paris Hilton be the most well-
adjusted kid on the planet; and I think perhaps she is not.
So does anybody out there believe that in this gigantic bill of
billions and billions of dollars, that there is not one-quarter of a
percent of waste, that is not one-quarter of a percent less that any
given agency could do without than they have now?
Now I know that my friends on the other side of the aisle seem to
have a very difficult time understanding what it means to save the
taxpayers a little money, what it means to ask government to be a
little more efficient, so I would like to explain it to you
graphically, if I may.
This, Madam Chairman, represents 100 percent of a government program.
I have used a donkey because I feel that is something that the majority
party has some familiarity with. This represents 100 percent of a
government spending program.
Let's look and see what we have seen so far. There was an amendment
to reduce this program which has already been increased by 1 percent,
so there is 99 percent of a government spending program.
Madam Chairman, I would suggest perhaps people in the gallery and
people at home may not even be able to tell much of a difference. But
the majority party rejected that.
The amendment from the lady from Colorado was a half a percent
reduction, so here is 99\1/2\ percent of a government spending program.
Looks to me like that donkey is pretty much intact. I think it could
probably survive. But that was rejected just a moment ago by the
majority party.
So here is one last chance, one more chance. I would ask my
Democratic colleagues: Can this government program survive like that
with 99.75 percent of its spending? You know what, I think the American
people will look at this and say yeah, they can. You know what that
means, it means that $379 million back in the American people's pockets
and back to reduce this deficit and hopefully leading us towards no
longer stealing the Social Security surplus. I don't think they see
much difference here, but they will see a difference at home.
Madam Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ISRAEL. Madam Chairman, I rise to claim the time in opposition.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from New York is recognized for 15
minutes.
{time} 1515
Mr. ISRAEL. Madam Chairman, I appreciate all these donkeys on
posters. We won't say anything about the 3 trillion elephants that
ought to be on these posters, the $3 trillion in debt that part of this
fringe has supported when they wanted to spend more money on
Halliburton, more money on tax cuts for big oil companies, didn't see
any amendments to cut those amendments. Now we see amendments to cut or
reduce the amount of spending and investment in other funds.
I would, Madam Chairman, through the Chair, ask the gentleman that if
we were, you know, I guess in Washington two plus two can equal
whatever you want it to be if you listen to other side, Madam Chairman.
But I would like to, using the gentleman's own definition of cuts and
no cuts and using his posters, I would ask the gentleman, Madam
Chairman, and I'd be happy to yield to him through the Chair.
The gentleman seeks a cut, an actual cut, in Abandoned Infants
Assistance. Now, this isn't a cut in any increased investment, I would
say to the Chair. In fact, funding for Abandoned Infants Assistance is
at $11,835,000 for abandoned infants, and if the gentleman would read
the report, he would note that it says this amount is the same as the
fiscal year 2007 funding level. No increase here.
Madam Chairman, I would ask the gentleman through the Chair whether
he is standing on this floor advocating an actual cut in the Abandoned
Infant Assistance Program match.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. Madam Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. ISRAEL. I yield to the gentleman from California if he would like
to answer that specific question.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. Thank you. You know, the question before
us is $11.8 million, as I mentioned to you before, is a cut from $12.5
million. So the question I would ask you back is, well, why is it not
$12.5 million?
Mr. ISRAEL. I reclaim my time. The gentleman has argued that a cut's
really not a cut because the rate of spending is increasing. The rate
of spending does not increase in this program, Madam Chairman. It is
the same spending as last year, which means that the gentleman's cut is
an actual, concrete, specific, documented reduction in Abandoned
Infants Assistance from last year.
Madam Chairman, I would go on to another program and through the
Chair ask the gentleman if he would like to, since he was unable to
give me a yes or no answer on the last example, I will provide another
one.
Madam Chairman, I will yield to the gentleman if he would like. Is
the gentleman advocating an actual cut in community-based child abuse
prevention? Because the funding for community-based child abuse
prevention is not increased in this budget, not by a penny, and so the
gentleman's cut actually reduces it below last year's level.
Madam Chairman, does the gentleman advocate to his constituents a cut
in community-based child abuse prevention? And I would yield to the
gentleman if he desires to respond.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. Thank you for yielding. You know, I was
trying to do the math on the previous one. I guess the question before
us is this: can the program you described before, because I'm a little
behind on my math here, that was $11.8 million, can it survive on
$11.78 million? Is that going to mean the end of the world as we know
it? Is that going to mean that this program is devastated? Are you
telling me that there is not a quarter of a percent that any agency or
any program in government can find that they can do their job as well?
[[Page H8151]]
Mr. ISRAEL. Reclaiming my time, I'm suggesting that it was more than
a quarter percent when it came to a $13 billion tax cut for the biggest
oil company executives on Earth, and it was more than a quarter percent
cut when it came to excessive fraudulent payments to Halliburton.
But when it comes to runaway youth, domestic violence, law and order,
abandoned infants, anti-gang programs, I would rather that the money go
to those investments rather than to special interests.
So I would ask, again, to the gentleman through the Chair, is the
gentleman advocating a cut in adoption opportunities because the
adoption opportunities program, Madam Chairman, is funded without an
increase at the same level as last year. Would the gentleman agree,
Madam Chairman, that the cut that he proposes means an actual cut in
the program for adoption opportunities from last year's level? At least
can we agree that two plus two equals four or four minus two equals
two. Can we at least agree on that, Madam Chairman?
And I yield to the gentleman.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. I guess that means that you have proposed
a cut in that program if it's already below where it was. So I guess
you had proposed a cut in that program. So I would ask you, I guess, if
you cut that program, you must have some reason that you believe that
it should be cut.
Mr. ISRAEL. I reclaim my time one more time, and then I will reserve
the balance of my time. The gentleman has offered an amendment to
actually cut programs. We have listed, Madam Chairman, a variety of
programs that didn't receive one penny of increase in this budget, in
this appropriation, and I've asked the gentleman will the gentleman
acknowledge that his amendment is an actual cut on these programs:
adoption assistance, abstinence, anti-gang activities, safe and stable
families, domestic violence. Is it actually a cut below last year's
level? Yes or no, and I would yield to the gentleman for a yes or no
answer.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. If you already established it as a cut
below last year's level, then yes, it is. But I would ask the gentleman
that, is the gentleman proposing to increase the deficit, which, with
this amendment, the deficit would go down and taxpayers would have more
money?
Mr. ISRAEL. Madam Chairman, reclaiming my time, this amendment and
this appropriations bill saves $1.1 billion.
Announcement by the Chairman
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman will suspend.
The Chair must ask Members to bear in mind the principle that proper
courtesy in the process of yielding and reclaiming time in debate, and
especially in asking another to yield, helps to foster the spirit of
mutual comity that elevates our deliberations above mere argument.
Members, when yielded to, should defer to the yielding member when he
or she reclaims the time.
The gentleman may continue.
Mr. ISRAEL. I thank the Chairman, and I reserve the balance of my
time.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. Madam Chairman, I yield 3\1/2\ minutes to
the distinguished Republican whip, Mr. Blunt, the gentleman from
Missouri.
Mr. BLUNT. Madam Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding. I
thank him for bringing this amendment to the floor.
I'd actually thought, based on the other things I was doing today,
that the case was being well-made that a $7 billion increase is an
increase. And I didn't plan to come to the floor this afternoon. I had
a number of other things I was working on that I thought were
important. I was watching the debate and assuming that the case was
being well-made until I heard in the last debate that a 4.3 percent
increase was a cut. And I was so stunned by that, a 4.3 percent
increase was a cut, a six-something billion dollar increase of the $7
billion that the majority hopes to increase was a cut, that I decided
I'd come to the floor for a minute, and I've been amazed on the floor
at what I've heard.
I've heard the gentleman just ask a series of questions about the
Abandoned Infants Assistance Program that's the same funding as last
year's level; the community-based child abuse program, prevention
program, that's the same funding as last year's level; adoption
opportunities that I believe I heard were below last year's level.
And I'm not asking the gentleman specifically this question, but I'm
asking myself this question: why is that? Why is that that Abandoned
Infants Assistance could be funded at last year's level and somehow
that's appropriate? Is it less important than it was last year? Is it
less important than the many unauthorized things that this bill funds
for the first time ever? Why is it that we're not doing more, as the
past Congress always tried to do more, in IDEA? Why is it that NIH, in
the debate we heard yesterday, the National Institutes of Health,
didn't deserve the funding that the ranking member of the Energy and
Commerce Committee found a funding source for for that to be raised?
Why is it, if inflation is a factor, that we don't care at least at an
inflationary level about Abandoned Infant Assistance or we don't care
at least at an inflationary level about community-based child abuse
prevention?
The gentleman from California is saying let's just cut this by one-
quarter of 1 percent, one-quarter of 1 percent, a growth of still
almost $7 billion, but instead, we're funding the unauthorized Full
Service Schools Act. Now, why are we funding the unauthorized Full
Service Schools Act, but we can't find enough money to keep adoption
opportunities at at least last year's level? I'm amazed by what I've
heard here on the floor.
Why is it we're funding the unauthorized sexual education program?
Why is it that grants to local education that could be funded at $25
billion, because that's what the Congress in the past says we could
allow, are only funded at $14.4 billion?
Part of the problem here is, once again, we're authorizing on an
appropriations bill. We're trying to come up with new programs instead
of fulfill the promise of the last programs. IDEA took major growth in
funding in the last 10 years, but we haven't sustained that level in
this bill because we're trying to fund new things.
And I just close by saying that every American knows that $7 billion
is an increase and 4.9 percent is an increase, as was 4.3, as is 4.4.
Mr. ISRAEL. Madam Chairman, I'm pleased to yield 3 minutes to the
gentleman from California, a member of the committee, Mr. Schiff.
Mr. SCHIFF. I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I want to address
some of the arguments.
I wanted to say about my friends on the other side of the aisle
because, in fact, my friends on the other side of the aisle in
committee, the Republican Members, uniformly supported this bill and
support this bill. So I have to say that I address these remarks to a
minority of the minority, the self-applied fringe that we've been
describing or talking to today.
The beginning of their argument was, well, we want across-the-board
cuts, we don't really want to have to identify exactly what we're
cutting. That's a little hard to sell back home, so we're going to do
across-the-board cuts. That's a little more palatable.
We said, well, let's look at where we're cutting, and then the
argument was, okay, they're not cuts. They're reductions in the
increase.
So then we point out, well, actually you're giving the impression
that everything's being increased. Everything is not being increased.
Many things are being kept flat. So aren't we really cutting those
things that are flat in the budget? And my friends in the minority of
the minority said, yes, I guess that's right. I guess we are really
making real cuts with these across-the-board proposals, but let's not
really look at what we're cutting. That's not very attractive.
And my friend says, okay, so if we're making real cuts, is it really
the end of the world if we're making real cuts? Well, I guess it
depends on who you ask.
One of the things we're making a real cut to is the bone marrow
program. Is that the end of the world for us here in Congress to make a
real cut, in real dollar terms, to the bone marrow program? Well, it
may not be to any of us at this moment, but for some child out there,
it just may be the end of the world. For some parent of that child,
some parent has to watch their child suffer with cancer, the inability
to get a bone marrow transplant and the failure of research into bone
marrow
[[Page H8152]]
transplants, it just might be the end of the world for that parent as
well as that child.
What are the things that my friend would make real cuts to? He would
make real cuts to scholarships for disadvantaged students. He would
make real cuts for nurse education. Does my friend think we have more
nurses than we need? He would make real cuts for emergency medical
services for children. Again, is that the end of the world? Well, for
one child it just might be.
He would make real cuts for organ transplantation, real cuts for the
National Cord Blood Inventory. Is that the end of the world? Well, for
some child, maybe not our children, it just might be.
We would make real cuts, under the gentleman's amendment, to
children's mental health. Is that the end of the world? Well, for a
child who ends up taking their own life, it just might be the end of
the world.
It sounds a lot more palatable when we say, well, it's a 1 percent
cut or it's a half a percent cut. Is that the end of the world? Well,
for one child it just may be.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. Madam Chairman, may I inquire as to how
much time each side, I suppose, has remaining?
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from California has 5 minutes. The
gentleman from New York has 6 minutes.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. Madam Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the
gentlewoman from Tennessee (Mrs. Blackburn).
Mrs. BLACKBURN. Madam Chairman, you know, this is so interesting
listening to this fiscal debate and talking about we are the fringe.
Well, let me tell you, FRINGE is a great acronym, and let me tell you
what FRINGE is a great acronym for.
And I think it is very appropriate for those of us on our side of the
aisle because fringe means this: Fiscal responsibility includes no
government excess. Fiscal responsibility includes no government excess.
Now, Madam Chairman, that is what the people tell us they want. Get
this fiscal house in order.
{time} 1530
That is what they want. They don't want you to spend more. They want
you to spend less. Government does not have a revenue problem.
Government has a spending problem. All of this about across-the-board
cuts don't work.
If I may tell you why across-the-board cuts do work, the reason is
this. You have the opportunity within a department to decide where you
would like to reduce. I would recommend, as with many of our States,
you go in and you make those reductions out of the bureaucracy.
You don't have to take one single penny out of any program. You can
take it out of the bureaucracy. That is where you go, and that is why
across-the-board cuts work. That is why they use them in State after
State after State because they have balanced budget amendments, because
they cannot spend more than the rate of growth of the economy in that
State.
They work. And, yes, fiscal responsibility includes no government
excess. Now, yes, there is some real long fringe down there because, it
is way down by great big, overblown, heavy bureaucratic programs that
do not respond to the needs of the American people.
I think it is time that we say let's get this under control. It is
the hold-on-to-your-wallet Congress. If we are not happy, they will
leave you in tatters, not fringe.
Mr. ISRAEL. Madam Chair, I don't know if every single Republican on
the Appropriations Committee who supported this bill would appreciate
being called big spenders or fiscally irresponsible. I am very pleased
that the mainstream of Republicans and Democrats worked together on
this.
I don't know where all the talk was about fiscal responsibility when
we were appropriating $13 billion in tax cuts for big oil companies and
spending money on fraudulent payments and no-bid contracts to
Halliburton.
Madam Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from California
(Ms. Lee), a member of the committee.
Ms. LEE. Let me thank the gentleman for yielding and for your
diligence in this debate.
Madam Chairman, I would like to briefly make a couple of points with
regard to this whole notion of government excess. When you look at, for
example, the military budget, we all support a strong national
security, a strong military.
However, a military budget of close to $500 billion, when you look at
the waste, fraud and abuse that is in this budget, and also when you
look at a measly $60 billion that should be cut in Cold War era weapons
systems, I can't, for the life of me, figure out why we shouldn't get
the kind of scrutiny and the laser focus on this government excess over
at the Pentagon. It makes a lot of sense to me if you really want to
put your deeds and your words into some kind of real action as it
relates to our Federal budget.
Also, let me just say something about these across-the-board cuts and
who they impact. When you look at our future, when you look at our
young people, when you look at individuals who deserve a second chance
such as ex-offenders who had done their time who now want to pick up
with their lives, who need education, job training, vocational
training, when you look at our health care system that is in shambles,
when you look at our young people and the drop-out rates and the type
of after-school programs and drop-out prevention programs that we are
talking about, these across-the-board cuts in many ways would decimate
these programs. That means that certain segments of our society who
need this safety net and need these initiatives would just drop through
the safety net, whatever is left of that safety net. For the most part,
it has been decimated over the last few years.
Also, many of these people do pay Federal taxes and they deserve some
of their Federal taxes back. I hear you all talk about tax cuts, and
the American people deserving their tax dollars back to spend more,
right? Fine. Many of these programs that you are talking about cutting
are programs that are designed to help those who do pay tax, and who do
deserve some of their Federal taxes back and who do deserve to live and
seek the American dream, just like anybody else who makes $100,000 more
or more.
I would hope that some type of rational thinking would prevail out of
this debate today and rethink some of these notions of cutting
initiatives and cutting the safety net out of those that really need it
the most, those that the American dream is still a nightmare for and
those that, if we listened and did all that you want us to do, we would
have more homeless on the streets. We would have more people just
hanging on in the twilight of their lives. I think that we need to know
that this budget that the chairman has crafted today really will help
enhance the quality of life for millions of Americans.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. Madam Chair, just one comment for my
colleague from California, let me just say that I completely agree with
you that the Pentagon is not immune from waste, fraud and abuse, nor is
the Defense budget, nor is any part of the Federal Government. I agree
with you on that point.
Madam Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to my colleague from Texas (Mr.
Hensarling).
Mr. HENSARLING. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Madam Chairman, after all of this debate, I still cannot believe that
people don't understand what the word ``cut'' means. I took the
opportunity to go look it up in my dictionary. I would urge my Democrat
colleagues to do the same.
They might find a reduction in amount. Only in Washington would
somebody call an increase of 4.6 percent a cut. People all over America
would love to have their salaries cut if it would only increase 4.6
percent.
I think I just heard the previous speaker say that people who pay
taxes ought to get some of their money back. Well, maybe it shouldn't
be taken from them in the first place.
But let's go back to the term ``cut,'' because the only budgets that
are being cut here today are the family budgets of hard-working
Americans all across this land. It is their budgets that are being cut.
The budgets like the Flores family in Garland, who says, ``I am a
divorced mother with a child in college and a
[[Page H8153]]
child in daycare.'' When you increase taxes, you are going to wipe out
the hope of the first college graduate in the family. To my colleagues
on the other said of the aisle, that is the budget they are cutting.
They are cutting the Flores family budget. They are cutting their
education program.
They are cutting the education program of the Mouton-Tedder family in
Chandler, this largest tax increase in history, that they are imposing
on the American people. They write in, ``If I have to pay more taxes,
then I can't afford to go to school.'' Once again, Democrats cutting
education budgets for families in America.
They are cutting the health budget as well. I heard from the Winters
family in Tennessee Colony. ``Please do what you can to stop the
wasteful spending. I am retired and disabled. I am raising my three
grandchildren and one great grandchild. I sometimes can't afford my own
medicine.''
The only budgets that are being cut here are the Democrats cutting
the health budgets and the education budgets of the American family. It
ought to stop.
Mr. ISRAEL. Madam Chairman, may I ask how much time remains?
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman has 2\1/2\ minutes.
Mr. ISRAEL. Madam Chairman, I yield 1\1/4\ minutes to the gentleman
from New Mexico (Mr. Udall).
Mr. UDALL of New Mexico. Madam Chairman, we have an interesting
contrast here. We have these self-described fringe legislators that are
here on the floor speaking up. You might call them extremists or
radicals, whatever.
But we also, in comparison to that, we have an incredible bipartisan
process that has been going on this. This subcommittee met for many,
many hours, the Labor-H Subcommittee chaired by our wonderful chairman,
Chairman Obey and Ranking Member Walsh, met for many hours and came up
with a bipartisan bill.
Then that bill was presented to 66 Members of this House in a full
appropriations hearing, and it was approved. Not a single Member of the
66 Members voted against that bill. They all approved it, sent it on to
the floor. You have this marvelous work product that Members have put
many, many hours into, and they have labored over. They were all
laboring over education, health care, worker protection. That is really
the thrust of what we are doing here today.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. How much time do I have remaining, Madam
Chairman?
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman has 1 minute.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. Madam Chairman, I stand here as a member
of this fringe that is happy to associate with the 83 percent of
Americans who think this Congress is doing a poor job.
We have got a lot of talk about cuts, but there is one thing that's
clear. There is an increase in this bill as written. There is an
increase of $6.6 billion in the deficit over what there would be if
this bill held spending flat. That is an increase in raiding the Social
Security surplus, and that will lead to the many tax increases that
your side is currently proposing both in your budget and in other bills
floating around in both this Chamber and the other. Those are increases
there. This bill will not stop those increases, but just a little bit
of a time, a quarter of a percent, it will help to slow the growth.
I would ask for everyone's support on this bill.
Madam Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. ISRAEL. Madam Chairman, we have heard in this debate that the
other side is not really cutting programs, they are cutting the rate of
growth of programs. But we provided about a dozen programs that get no
increase in this budget, that in fact will be cut from last year's. So
the fact of the matter is that these cuts are real, and these cuts hurt
families.
Now, this is all about choices, and it goes back to this. Not a
single member of this fringe group who disagrees with their own
Republican caucus that supported this bill in the Appropriations
Committee came to this floor to argue for a 2 percent cut, a 1 percent
cut, a 5 percent, a .5 cut. When it came time to give $13 billion to
the big oil companies, then there was plenty of money to go around.
But now the argument is we can't afford to give people who want to
send their kids to college an increase in Pell Grants. Not a single
amendment was offered by this fringe group when it was time to provide
Halliburton with dollar after dollar after dollar so that $1.47 billion
was found to be fraudulent and excessive. I didn't hear a single one of
this fringe group come to the floor and argue for cuts.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman's time has expired.
Mr. OBEY. Madam Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Wisconsin is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. OBEY. Madam Chairman, it is sometimes amazing to me just how
small some congressional debates can be. We have heard a lot of
bloviating on this floor today about whether something is a cut and
whether it isn't a cut. We have had a boy scout debate about dictionary
terms.
But the real question to ask about this bill is simply to ask, is it
adequate to the needs of the country? Do we really need to simply
continue the status quo by going back to last year's level, or do we
need to recognize that there is more than one deficit in the country?
Do we really think that we can afford to continue to avoid dealing with
the deficit in educational quality, the deficit in health care access,
the deficit in worker training?
Do we really think that we can avoid, or that we can afford to avoid
investing to increase the number of quality teachers in this country?
Do we think that we need to do more or not to help millions of kids who
need a better deal in special education? Do we need to do more than we
are doing now to help workers who lose their life's work because of the
forces of globalization?
Are we comfortable continuing to see the number of research grants
for cancer, for heart disease, for Parkinson's disease, continue to
decline, or do we think that we ought to make an investment, a
collective societal investment, so that we can do more to attack those
diseases?
Those are values questions. That is what we have to decide here
today. This amendment is largely symbolic. It gives people a chance on
both sides to talk to some more, as though we haven't, God help us,
talked enough already.
But we are now roughly at the point where we will have to decide what
our priorities are.
{time} 1545
This bill is about 2 percent above the President's budget for these
items. That is what we are talking about; we are talking about devoting
2 percent more of the Federal budget than the President wants to devote
to deal with the deficits in education, health care, job training,
worker protection, and the like.
Each Member is invited, in my view, to make their own choice, but I
think the choice is clear. We have had a huge increase in the gap
between the richest people in this country and everybody else over the
past 20 years. This bill attempts to deal with the results of that gap
by providing additional grace notes to help the people who haven't been
in that top 1 percent so they get a little better deal in sending their
kids to college, so that they get a little better deal in being able to
find doctors who will take care of them without begging in the
community health clinic, so they can find some job training so they
maybe can get a job that pays two-thirds of what their job paid before
they were bounced because of bad trade deals or globalization. That is
what this bill attempts to do.
It has traditionally had bipartisan support through the years in this
country. It would be a shame if that bipartisan support didn't
continue. I urge rejection of the amendment and support for the
underlying bill.
I yield back the balance of my time.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from California (Mr. Campbell).
The question was taken; and the Chairman announced that the noes
appeared to have it.
Mr. CAMPBELL of California. Madam Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further proceedings
on the amendment offered by the gentleman from California will be
postponed.
[[Page H8154]]
Amendment No. 67 Offered by Mr. Pence
Mr. PENCE. Madam Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment No. 67 offered by Mr. Pence:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. ___. None of the funds made available under this Act
shall be available to Planned Parenthood for any purpose
under title X of the Public Health Services Act.
The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday, July
18, 2007, the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Pence) and a Member opposed
each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Indiana.
Mr. PENCE. Madam Chairman, I yield myself 1 minute.
(Mr. PENCE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. PENCE. Allow me to say there are many good things happening in
federally funded Family Planning clinics nationwide: 5 million
Americans served, 90 percent of whom are low income; 900,000 unintended
pregnancies were averted by title X family planning funding; and it is
reassuring that abstinence education is required for all clients. But
today, I am offering an amendment that is very simple.
The Pence amendment states that no funds under title X may be granted
to Planned Parenthood. Planned Parenthood is the largest recipient of
title X funding, and it is the largest abortion provider in America.
Last year alone, Planned Parenthood's own annual report states that it
received more than one-third of its $1 billion budget from government
contracts and grants. And, again, according to their annual report,
Planned Parenthood performed more than one quarter of a million
abortions.
Millions of pro-life Americans should not be asked to fund the
leading abortion provider in the United States. Now, let me stipulate,
I know that title X funds may not be used for abortion. And my
amendment does not cut or reduce the budget for family planning in this
appropriation bill; it simply prevents appropriated funds from reaching
an organization that profits from the abortion trade.
It is time the American people stop funding the Nation's largest
abortion provider, and I urge support for the Pence amendment.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. Madam Chairman, I seek the time in opposition.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. I yield to the gentleman from Wisconsin such time
as he may consume.
Mr. OBEY. Madam Chairman, I really wish that the gentleman had not
offered this amendment, and let me be very frank. I spent most of the
last 6 months trying to convince Democrats, primarily liberals, who are
now in control of the House, not to try to use their new majority to
change any language in this bill that had anything to do with abortion
or family planning. I have asked them, in an effort to provide
bipartisan support for this bill, to recognize other people's values as
well as their own. I have asked them, therefore, to leave alone the six
abortion-related or family planning provisions which are in the
existing law which many on this side of the aisle oppose and some on
the other side of the aisle oppose.
I have asked them to leave alone the Hyde amendment; I have asked
them to leave alone Dr. Weldon's amendment. And I had some real fights
on this side of the aisle about that, not just with people in my
caucus, but with a lot of outside groups. A lot of like-minded people
on the left will get together and talk and, after they talk to each
other, they think they have taken a public opinion poll. And I have
asked them to lay off this bill so that we can try to find common
ground on an issue that has divided us for so long.
And we put together an initiative which provided well over half a
billion dollars in special funding for programs to help discourage
women from having abortions, and we have been able to keep that issue
out of here. I have asked Members not to offer amendments on any of
these items.
But now, in return for that, we get from the other side of the aisle
from one gentleman an amendment that in essence upsets the apple cart.
I think that is unfortunate. I can't do a whole lot about it, but I
think the gentleman knows that an amendment like this would not survive
conference anyway, and yet it is being offered. And what it does, at
the last minute, is to blow up a consensus which we have tried to build
over the last 3 days that we all ought to be willing to live under the
same laws that we were living under when the Republicans were
controlling this House and when they passed the legislation that I am
now defending. So I would simply ask the gentleman, in the interest of
our being able to work together on these issues, to withdraw his
amendment.
He doesn't like Planned Parenthood. I don't care whether Planned
Parenthood gets money or not. What I do care about is that the women
who are served by Planned Parenthood get the services to which they are
entitled under the Constitution. And so I would ask the gentleman, in
the interest of the bipartisan neutrality that we have tried to build
over the past 2 months, to consider withdrawing the amendment, and I
thank the gentleman for the time.
Mr. PENCE. Madam Chairman, with acknowledgement of the gracious
remarks of the chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Pennsylvania (Mr. Pitts).
Mr. PITTS. Madam Chairman, I rise in support of the Pence amendment.
Planned Parenthood claims to work to reduce abortions, but happens to
be the number one abortion provider in this country. This raises an
obvious question: Why are taxpayer dollars being used to subsidize the
largest abortion supplier in the United States?
Planned Parenthood clinics receive funding in the name of their
family planning services; however, there are many clinics in which
family planning and abortion services are co-located in the same
building, share a common set of basic resources, out one door and into
the other.
Abortion services generate more net revenue when clinics can rely on
Federal dollars to pay for lighting, heating, building maintenance, and
even rent. Planned Parenthood receives a recordbreaking $305 million in
taxpayer funding, and they made record profits last year. And what did
they do with those record profits last year? Planned Parenthood
performed 265,000 abortions, the most ever in a year.
I urge my colleagues to oppose this Federal backdoor subsidy of
Planned Parenthood, the world's largest abortion provider, and support
the Pence amendment.
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. Madam Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentlelady
from Connecticut (Ms. DeLauro).
Ms. DeLAURO. Title X of the Public Health Services Act reaches our
most vulnerable populations and is a primary source of reproductive
health services for low-income women, lowering the rate of unintended
pregnancies, reducing the need for abortion, and decreasing infant
mortality and morbidity. It is good public policy.
For many women, Planned Parenthood is their only source of health
care. In some States like Wisconsin, Utah, and my own Connecticut,
Planned Parenthood is the only title X provider. It sees 65,000
patients a year in Connecticut and provides critical family-planning
infrastructure in our State.
This amendment would be devastating, especially for the thousands of
women whose sole source of medical care is these clinics. This
amendment plainly discriminates against the uninsured, leaving the most
vulnerable in our society in the most helpless situation. If we truly
do value, if we value, as we say we do, women's health, we cannot
sabotage title X, we cannot strip Planned Parenthood of funding, and we
cannot pass this amendment.
Mr. PENCE. Madam Chairman, I yield myself 15 seconds.
I want to respond substantively to the gracious comments of the
chairman whose work on this legislation I acknowledge heartily. But as
to the issue of protecting all the values that the Republican majority
advanced, I would hasten to remind that in the Foreign Operations bill
we did great violence to the historic Mexico City policy. That change
came. We must end the practice of funding Planned Parenthood.
[[Page H8155]]
I yield 1 minute to the gentlelady from Tennessee (Mrs. Blackburn).
Mrs. BLACKBURN. Madam Chairman, I would remind one of the previous
speakers that there are no title X cuts in this amendment.
What this amendment does is to state that Planned Parenthood cannot
receive those funds. Planned Parenthood in 2005 did perform 260,000
abortions. That is something that we know. I think it is also important
for us to note that it was Planned Parenthood who was the lead
plaintiff in the legal challenge against the partial birth abortion ban
legislation that is now the law of the land.
This is the right move. I commend the gentleman from Indiana for
bringing the amendment forward and for bringing to our attention the
need to make certain that taxpayer dollars are not used in abortion
clinics around this Nation.
Mr. PENCE. Might I ask how much time I have remaining, Madam
Chairman.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman has 1\3/4\ minutes.
Mr. PENCE. I yield 50 seconds to the gentleman from Missouri (Mr.
Akin).
Mr. AKIN. Madam Chairman, there is one thing regardless of where you
happen to be a Congressman. Every single one of us has something in
common if you are from Congress, and that is that we have people in our
districts, some who call themselves pro-life and others who call
themselves pro-choice, and many of them are deeply convicted of their
views on this issue.
Now, the question before us today is, is it reasonable to force
people who really do believe that abortion is killing children, is it
reasonable to force them to pay money to subsidize that killing? Is
that respectful to do that? Planned Parenthood is the biggest abortion
provider in America. Is it reasonable to compel some of our
constituents who believe that this is killing to take part in that?
Mr. PENCE. It is my pleasure to yield 50 seconds to the gentleman
from Arizona, the eloquent Mr. Franks.
{time} 1600
Mr. FRANKS of Arizona. Madam Chairman, abortion on demand in America
is the greatest single cause of death in our Nation's history. We have
killed nearly 50 million of our own unborn children since the criminal
Roe vs. Wade decision in 1973. That is 15,000 times the number of lives
lost in the 9/11 terrorist attack.
Planned Parenthood is the foremost promoter and provider of abortion
on demand for any reason or no reason. In the last fiscal year, this
government appropriated more than $300 million to this death dealing
organization.
Madam Chairman, it has been said that a government is what it spends.
For this government to appropriate one penny of the taxpayers' money to
an organization that kills unborn children and emotionally impoverishes
their mothers is a disgrace that undermines the core essence of the
United States of America and betrays everything that our soldiers lying
out in Arlington National Cemetery died to preserve.
And Madam Chairman, I urge my colleagues to find the courage to vote
for the Pence amendment.
Mr. OBEY. Madam Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Wisconsin is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. OBEY. Madam Chairman, the issue here is not Planned Parenthood.
The issue is whether women have a right to have full access to family
planning. State health departments run 57 percent of the clinics that
receive Title X funds. Planned Parenthood affiliates operate 14 percent
of Title X supported clinics. Hospitals and family planning clinics and
other non-privates make up the rest of the Title X clinic system.
Under the law, none of these funds can be spent for abortion. But
Planned Parenthood clinics use their Title X funding to provide family
planning and health services to millions of women, and it is those
women who would be hurt today by this action, not Planned Parenthood.
I would urge a vote against the amendment. It seems to me that we
ought to be content to live under the same arrangements that we were
content to live under when the Republican Congresses were writing the
law.
It seems to me that we need to be finding ways to avoid dividing the
Congress and dividing the country because of our ideologies.
This amendment has nothing to do with abortion. It has everything to
do with whether or not we are trying to find common ground on this
cluster of issues, and whether or not women are going to be allowed to
get the services they need in areas where the only services available
to them come from the organization in question.
With that, I yield to the gentleman from Ohio.
Mr. RYAN of Ohio. Madam Chairman, I would like to just say, I have
voted for the ban on partial birth abortion. I consider myself a pro-
life Democrat.
But I will say that this amendment will increase the number of
abortions that are performed. Fifty percent of abortions are performed
on women who live within 200 percent of poverty. If they don't have
access to prevention, they will end up getting an abortion. And I
believe that if we truly want to prevent abortions from happening in
the United States of America, we have an obligation, a moral
obligation, to fund programs like this and prevent unintended
pregnancies. Those are the poor women who end up going to abortion
clinics and having abortions.
Let's prevent the number of abortions from increasing by rejecting
this amendment. And the more money we spend on prevention, that will
mean we will continue to reduce the number of abortions.
And I want to thank the gentleman for working on this with us.
Mr. OBEY. Madam Chairman, this amendment is not related to abortion.
This amendment is a frontal assault on family planning. Make no mistake
about it. Whether you are pro-life or whether you are pro-choice or
anything in between, you ought to be pro-family planning. And this
amendment negates that, and I would urge defeat of the amendment.
If I have any time left, I would yield to the gentlewoman from
California.
Mrs. CAPPS. Madam Chairman, I rise in opposition to this amendment
and associate myself with the remarks and the eloquent statement of
Chairman Obey and my colleagues.
And I speak from the perspective of a nurse who worked for many years
with these women and their families in the community I'm from. Title X
is our Nation's primary program to provide family planning services.
According to the Guttmacher Institute, Title X has been so successful
that for every public dollar invested in family planning, $3 are saved
in Medicaid costs alone for pregnancy and newborn care.
In hundreds of communities across this country, the nonprofit Planned
Parenthood is the major implementation of precisely the reproductive
health care necessary to carry out effective family planning and to
reduce unintended pregnancies. And they are contributing, these
nonprofit organizations, to the successful implementation of Title X
services.
So I urge my colleagues to stand for family values and to vote
against this amendment so that you can protect your constituents'
access to proven, effective family planning services which have as
their goal to reduce unintended pregnancies.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman's time has expired.
Mr. WALSH of New York. Madam Chairman, I move to strike the last
word.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. WALSH of New York. I thank the Chair for yielding, and at this
time I would yield 2 minutes to my good friend, the gentleman from
Connecticut (Mr. Shays).
Mr. SHAYS. Madam Chairman, I rise in opposition to the Pence
amendment as strongly as I can advocate. The Title X program provides
comprehensive family planning services, as well as a wide range of
other preventative health care services, including breast exams and
instruction on breast self-examination, pap tests for early detection
of cervical cancer or pre-cancerous conditions, testing for high blood
pressure, screening and appropriate treatment for sexually transmitted
infections, HIV screening, counseling or adoption, foster care and
pregnancy termination referrals to specialized health care.
[[Page H8156]]
Pursuant to Federal statute, no Title X funds may be spent on
abortions.
The question was raised, is it reasonable to ask us, members of
Congress, to fund abortions when we find abortions so abhorrent? But
that's not the question before us.
The question before us is, is it reasonable to deprive women of
reproductive information and services to prevent unwanted pregnancies,
and therefore, even avoid the question of whether or not to have an
abortion? And the answer is no.
This is about family planning. Planned Parenthood is the Nation's
leading reproductive health care provider. For over 9 years Planned
Parenthood has provided low-income, uninsured and underinsured women
with vital reproductive health care services they need.
I'll conclude by pointing out Planned Parenthood operates health care
centers in every State in the Nation, serving over 5 million, men,
women and teens and their communities each year. The services Planned
Parenthood provides are needed, and to deprive them of this funding, I
think, would be a colossal mistake.
Mr. WALSH of New York. Madam Chairman, at this time I would yield
such time as he may consume to the author of the amendment, the
gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Pence).
Mr. PENCE. I thank my colleague from New York for his extraordinary
courtesy. And let me say, I regret that this debate will only take 15
minutes. It is a great and serious matter, and I think the dignity with
which it's been conducted thus far is evidence of the capacity of this
Congress to discuss even the most contentious issues of our time in a
manner that reflects civility and favorably on the institution.
Now, that being said, let me clear up a few points. This is not, as
the chairman said, ``a frontal assault on family planning.'' There are
no cuts in Title X in the Pence amendment. The Pence amendment states
plainly that no funds under Title X may be granted to Planned
Parenthood.
Planned Parenthood is the largest recipient of Title X funding, and
it's also the largest abortion provider in America.
And as to whether we are living under the same arrangements, as the
chairman said, and I respectfully quote, ``same arrangements under
Republican rule,'' it seems to me just a short time ago we saw this new
majority overturn much of the decades long Mexico City policy that
prevented Federal dollars from going to organizations overseas that
provide abortion for family planning.
I think this Nation needs a domestic Mexico City policy. And frankly,
if the common ground that this Congress has reached means tens of
millions of Federal tax dollars going to the largest abortion provider
in America, that is not a common ground I can accept.
Say ``no'' to Federal funds for Planned Parenthood in Title X. Say
``yes'' to family planning funding through Title X. Say ``yes'' to the
Pence amendment.
Mr. MORAN of Virginia. Madam Chairman, I oppose this amendment, which
is nothing less than an attack on the nation's most trusted source of
reproductive health services and information. The Pence amendment would
single out Planned Parenthood for exclusion from the Title X program,
at odds with the principles repeatedly articulated by the United States
Supreme Court.
Planned Parenthood is the nation's leading reproductive health care
provider. The vast majority of services that Planned Parenthood
provides are services to prevent unintended pregnancies, and test and
treat for sexually transmitted infections, as well as breast and
cervical cancer screening.
The vast majority of Planned Parenthood patients have incomes at or
below 200 percent of the Federal Poverty Level, women who are four
times more likely to face an unintended pregnancy. For many women, and
especially those in rural areas and underserved communities, Planned
Parenthood is their only source of health care. Title X helps 575
Planned Parenthood clinics to provide over 3 million women with family
planning services each year.
Madam Chairman, if we are to reduce the number of abortions in this
country, as Mr. Pence clearly desires, we must get serious about
prevention. Each year publicly funded contraceptive services help women
prevent 1.3 million unintended pregnancies, which would otherwise
result in 533,800 births, 632,300 abortions and 165,000 miscarriages.
In the absence of publicly funded family planning, the number of
abortions each year in the United States would be 40 percent higher
than it currently is. In fact, from 1980 to 2000, Tide X clinics helped
women prevent nearly 20 million unintended pregnancies, nine million of
which would have ended in abortion. By restricting Title X, Mr. Pence's
amendment would likely increase the number of abortions, particularly
among our teenagers.
We should oppose Mr. Pence's amendment because it is an inhumane
attack on the quality of life of low-income women in this country, but
moreover, we should oppose it because it does not make good public
health sense. Gutting funding for family planning will never bring us
towards a day with fewer abortions, it will only increase the
devastating costs imposed on society by unintended pregnancies among
young women and teenaged girls.
Mr. BACHUS. Madam Chairman, the activities of Planned Parenthood are
a concern for many of us. In Alabama, there was an unsuccessful
abortion at a Planned Parenthood clinic, and the baby was born with
severe injuries including a hole in her heart. Planned Parenthood has
always been a glaring exception to the long-standing policy in the
House of not allowing taxpayer money to be used to provide abortions.
It claims that Title Ten money is not being used for abortions. The
reality is that any Federal dollar that goes to a clinic where
abortions are being performed, ends up facilitating an abortion.
The Pence Amendment is a simple way to clear up whether Federal tax
dollars are being used properly. Title Ten money should not go to any
organization that provides abortions. This is an issue of being
accountable to taxpayers and consistent with the Hyde Amendment that we
have passed on a bipartisan basis for 31 consecutive years. Therefore,
I urge support for the Pence Amendment.
Mr. YOUNG of Alaska. Madam Chairman, I am dismayed that this
Congress, including Members of my own party, has again decided to
eliminate funding for the Denali Commission and cripple the economic
lifeline to hundreds of small communities throughout rural Alaska.
When health crises arise, options are often extremely limited in
rural Alaska. Health issues or emergencies that require hospital care
often involve costly air transportation that can take as much time and
money as a flight from New York to Los Angeles, if weather permits. For
local health care, the typical rural community health facility is
aging, small and inadequate to provide necessary services. In one of
its earliest decisions, the Denali Commission designated rural health
care as a top priority for Commission support and is continuing its
work to provide safe and appropriate infrastructure which will improve
health care delivery for rural Alaskans.
Through its health care program, and in partnership with the U.S.
Department of Health and Human Services and Alaska health providers,
the Commission is working to address the infrastructure needs of
communities statewide to ensure all Alaskans receive safe and reliable
health care.
In 1999, the Commission was granted authority by Congress to address
rural Alaska health care issues. This authority authorized the Denali
Commission to plan, construct and equip health, nutrition and child
care projects across the state. Potential projects include hospitals,
health care clinics, and mental health facilities including drug and
alcohol treatment centers. In 2001, the Commission identified rural
primary care facility needs in more than 288 rural communities, and
estimated the cost of needed rural primary care facilities to be $253
million.
Since then, more than 200 communities have sought assistance from the
Denali Commission. And in addition to constructing several essential
village primary care clinics, the Denali Commission has funded major
design initiatives for needed replacement hospitals in Nome and Barrow.
It has now completed clinics in over 65 of these remote communities.
Now, in 2007, Congress is telling the Commission that they no longer
see a need for the Denali Commission. They are looking to cut $39
million when the real need in my State is several times that amount.
Have the health care problems in rural Alaska been miraculously fixed
overnight? Have any Members of the House visited Alaska and seen
firsthand that rural health care is no longer an issue for Alaskans?
The answer to both is a resounding ``No.''
The Commission works tirelessly each year to make sure that my
Alaskans are not treated like second class citizens and eliminating
these funds will be devastating. It is my hope that the Senate has more
sense and will continue funding this essential program. I will work
with my colleagues in the other chamber to make sure that this
happens--Alaskans deserve better.
Mrs. CHRISTENSEN. Madam Chairman, I would like to express my support
for the FY 2008 Labor, Health and Human Services, and Education
Appropriations Bill. This bill takes an important step in providing
affordable education and quality health care. The strength
[[Page H8157]]
and the future security of our country depend on our investment in
health, education, and insuring that the needs of our workforce are
addressed. H.R. 3043, as drafted, includes increased funding for many
programs important to our state and local education, health, and labor
agencies.
The bill addresses increases in funding at all education levels from
early childhood to higher education. Although most of these increases
are still below FY 2005 levels, it is the beginning of reversing the
decline in Federal funding which has not been compatible with increased
costs related to NCLB (which imposed new and stronger mandates on our
State and local education agencies). H.R. 3043 provides for $1.6
billion over last year's level to fund NCLB programs, especially for
Title I programs to help poor children. The bill also provides for
increased funding for Head Start centers, as well as special education
grants that benefit 6.9 million children with disabilities.
I would like to extend my support to the Gwen Moore-Tom Cole-Bobby
Scott-Carol Shea-Porter amendment that will put a stop to the harmful
Upward Bound (UB) evaluation that is being conducted by the Department
of Education. The Upward Bound program has been threatened both
financially and administratively and I am hopeful that my colleagues
will not support provisions that threaten to eliminate this long-
standing program. I strongly urge my colleagues to support this
amendment that would eliminate the Absolute Priority program, which is
an evaluation tool used by the Administration to justify the
elimination of the UB program.
As the Chair of the Congressional Black Caucus Health Braintrust, I
would be remiss if I did not mention the positive direction that this
bill takes the health and well being of Americans, and the important
steps it takes to bolster our health care infrastructure.
This bill increases funding for critically important programs, such
as HCOP and other provider training programs, as well as for critically
important Federal agencies and offices, such as the National Center for
Minority Health and Health Disparities at the National Institutes of
Health, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and SAMHSA.
Unlike the President's budget, this bill represents the positive
direction we need and should take to ensure that our health care
system--at every level, from research, to training, to actual care--has
the capacity and resources to adequately treat the millions of
Americans who access it. I am enthusiastic about provisions in H.R.
3043 that provide funding in my district, the U.S. Virgin Islands, for
follow-up glaucoma screening and perinatal care. These programs are an
important part of bridging the gap for the elderly, low income and
uninsured individuals.
Despite its numerous amendments and three days of debate, the bill as
written provides funding for programs that help to improve our Nation's
education, health care and labor programs. I urge my colleagues to
support its final passage.
Mr. HOLT. Madam Chairman, I rise today to oppose the amendment
offered by my colleague from Indiana, Mr. Pence to the Labor, Health
and Human Services, and Education Appropriations Bill for Fiscal Year
2008.
Mr. Pence's amendment would deny Federal funding under Title X of the
Public Health Services Act to Planned Parenthood health facilities
throughout the country. As a supporter of Planned Parenthood and the
services that it offers to my constituents in my central New Jersey
district, I firmly oppose this purely political amendment.
This should not be an anti-choice or pro-choice debate about one of
the many services that Planned Parenthood provides. In fact, according
to Federal statute, no money from Title X can be used for abortion
services. Title X makes grants to public and private nonprofit
organizations to provide family planning and basic reproductive health
care information and services to low-income women. Therefore this
debate should be about prevention. It should be about continuing to
provide women with the necessary tools for proper prevention, including
contraception and education. It should be about protecting women's
health by providing women with access to reproductive health care.
Planned Parenthood's 841 affiliates provide reproductive health care
services to 5 million men and women annually including 84,500 in the
state of New Jersey. 63 percent of these patients receive reproductive
health care services and 37 percent receive family planning services.
Through family planning services Planned Parenthood estimates that its
services prevent over 631,000 unwanted pregnancies annually.
Cutting Title X funding to Planned Parenthood is nothing short of
irresponsible. The low income women who are served through Title X are
four times more likely to face an unintended pregnancy. As a safety net
provider, Planned Parenthood plays a critical role in serving these
women. Title X has proven to be effective and prevents 1 million
unwanted pregnancies each year. Planned Parenthood, as the Nation's
oldest and largest family planning provider, is responsible for
preventing 60 percent of unwanted pregnancies and we should not act to
prevent women from getting the reproductive health care they need. I
urge my colleagues not to support the Pence amendment.
Mrs. LOWEY. Madam Chairman, I rise in strong opposition to this
amendment.
The only purpose this amendment serves is to decrease access to
family planning services and to mischaracterize the critical, life-
saving work of Planned Parenthood affiliates.
Let me be clear. Under current law, Title X funds can not be used to
pay for abortions. Nothing in the underlying bill changes that.
Therefore, I am left to assume that the services the sponsor of this
amendment wishes to cut include family planning, cancer screening,
prenatal care and deliveries, fertility information and support groups,
and support and advocacy for victims of sexual assault.
I am proud to defend the hundreds of Planned Parenthood affiliates,
including the Hudson Peconic affiliate in my Congressional District.
The dedicated work this affiliate and others like it engage in are the
reason that more than five million men and women have access to any
health care at all.
Their commitment is something that should be recognized and
commended, not demonized. I urge my colleagues to oppose this
amendment.
Mrs. MALONEY of New York. Madam Chairman, I rise in opposition to the
Pence amendment, which would deny Federal funding to one of the most
important family planning and women's health organizations in the
country. Current law prohibits using Title X funds to provide abortion
services. Planned Parenthood has not violated this law. In fact,
Planned Parenthood uses completely separate funds to provide these
services.
Ninety-seven percent of the services that Planned Parenthood provides
are related to pregnancy prevention and women's health. The majority of
their work focuses on low-income women, a population at greater risk
for unintended pregnancies. Oftentimes a local Planned Parenthood
clinic is the only place where women have access to basic health care,
including birth control. In addition to family planning assistance,
Planned Parenthood also provides cancer screening for breast and
cervical cancers, as well as testing and treatment for sexually
transmitted diseases, including HIV and AIDS. These are essential
health services for women, and it would be irresponsible to discontinue
Federal funding for them. I urge my colleagues to support healthcare
and family planning for women by voting no on this amendment.
Mr. WALSH of New York. Madam Chairman, I yield back.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Pence).
The question was taken; and the Chairman announced that the noes
appeared to have it.
Mr. PENCE. Madam Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further proceedings
on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Indiana will be
postponed.
Amendment No. 38 Offered by Mr. King of Iowa
Mr. KING of Iowa. Madam Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment No. 38 offered by Mr. King of Iowa:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. __. None of the funds in this Act may be used to
employ workers described in section 274A(h)(3) of the
Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1324a(h)(3)).
The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday, July
18, 2007, the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. King) and a Member opposed each
will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Iowa.
Mr. OBEY. Will the gentleman from Iowa yield?
Mr. KING of Iowa. I yield to the gentleman.
Mr. OBEY. We've been asking Members through the day if they would
drop their remarks if we accept their amendments so that Members can
catch their planes. Would the gentleman be willing to do that?
Mr. KING of Iowa. Mr. Chairman, I'm very amenable to that process of
doing business about every time I come to the floor. I would be happy
to thank you for that.
Mr. OBEY. In that case we'll accept the amendment on this side of the
[[Page H8158]]
aisle. In accepting this amendment, I would make the following two
points:
One, I believe it is merely a re-statement of current law which
already prohibits the employment of unauthorized aliens. I do not read
it as imposing any new burdens on those who use funds appropriated
under this Act. Rather it is fully consistent with the current legal
obligations imposed on all employers, regardless of whether or not they
use such funds.
Two, I am concerned that the amendment may place an undue enforcement
burden on the agencies that receive funding under this bill. I plan to
discuss that aspect with the administration.
Mr. KING of Iowa. And I would drop my remarks, except to say that
this closes the issue with government working and hiring illegals.
That's a State issue.
I yield back.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Iowa (Mr. King).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment No. 37 Offered by Mr. King of Iowa
Mr. KING of Iowa. Madam Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Acting CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment No. 37 offered by Mr. King of Iowa:
At the end of the bill (before the short title) insert the
following new section:
Sec. __. None of the funds made available in this Act may
be used by the Public Broadcasting Service to sponsor events
at the Filmmaker Lodge at the Sundance Film Festival.
The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday, July
18, 2007, the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. King) and a Member opposed each
will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Iowa.
Mr. OBEY. Again, would the gentleman yield?
Mr. KING of Iowa. I will be happy to yield.
Mr. OBEY. Same deal.
Mr. KING of Iowa. I'll close the same deal with the chairman, and I
will not describe this. The Record will show what this amendment does.
And I'd be happy to urge adoption.
I yield back.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Iowa.
The amendment was agreed to.
Mr. OBEY. Madam Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Wisconsin is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. OBEY. My understanding is that there are no further amendments or
colloquies left on either side of the aisle. Is that his understanding,
also?
Mr. WALSH of New York. Mr. Chairman, that's my understanding, also.
There are no further amendments, no further colloquies.
Mr. OBEY. Then, what I would simply like to say, Madam Chairman, is
that this bill is the product of 5 months work on both sides of the
aisle by some very dedicated people. Mr. Walsh is the new ranking
member on the subcommittee, but he has performed like an old timer. I
am proud of the fact that the subcommittee worked hard on hearings.
And, I'm proud of the fact that we've largely come together on
substance.
I would hope that that would be recognized by the endorsement of many
Members on both sides of the aisle when the roll call vote is opened.
This bill is not a matter of accounting.
{time} 1615
This bill is not a matter of political theory or political party
platforms.
This bill, more than any other, meets the needs of all of those in
society who are not among the most well-connected and the most
privileged. But even for the most well-connected and privileged, this
bill provides a lot because all of us benefit every time a child is
educated. All of us benefit every time an American citizen gets the
health care he or she needs. All of us benefit every time a worker is
educated so that our workforce becomes more competitive. All of us
benefit when a single teacher achieves new skills. There is nothing in
the world more damaging than a dull or a bad teacher, and there is
nothing more wonderful than a well-trained, intelligent one.
So I would urge Members to recognize that the issue isn't whether
some program is defined as a cut or an increase. The issue isn't
whether we like the President of the United States or not. The issue is
whether or not we are building the kind of country we want to have over
the next 10 years. To do that, it takes investments. And, yes,
investments cost money. And, yes, I plead fully guilty to wanting to
provide even more than we can in this bill. But it is essential if we
want to remain competitive. It is essential if we want to have equal
access to opportunity in this country. It is essential that we invest
in bills like this.
And I thank the gentleman from New York for his assistance in trying
to do just that, as well as every other member of the committee and
subcommittee.
There is a reason why there were no votes expressed in opposition to
this bill in full committee, and that is because this is the people's
bill. It is the product of input from each and every Member from the
most conservative to the most liberal, and I think there is not a
member of the subcommittee who would not verify that.
With that, Madam Chairman, I yield to the gentleman.
Mr. WALSH of New York. Madam Chairman, I thank the gentleman for
yielding.
For my part, it was a great experience going through this 5 months
with you. It was a lot of work. I think I speak for the staff as well
when I say we are all pretty tired from all the work that we have done.
And, of course, they had to put together a continuing resolution and a
supplemental to boot. So I know I join the chairman in thanking the
staff for the remarkable work that they have done, both sides of the
aisle. These are professional people who obviously care about the
issues, but they are not as concerned about the partisan aspects of
this as we are.
When the chairman talked about our experience here together, we
combined about 57 years of experience here in the Congress. Most of
that side falls on his watch and not mine, but I am getting up there
too. And it is great to be able to work with someone who has the
command of these issues that he does. And I remember asking him, and I
have said this a couple of times, Why on God's green Earth would you
want to be chairman of the full committee and the subcommittee also?
And he said, Because the subcommittee issues are the issues I came here
for 38 years ago. And he is making a mark on them today.
There has been some partisan back-and-forth here, which is as it
should be. The Founding Fathers wanted us to have a clash of ideas.
The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman from Wisconsin has expired.
Mr. WALSH of New York. Madam Chairman, I move to strike the last
word.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. WALSH of New York. They wanted us to have the contest of ideas
here. The fight should be over words and ideas and not with swords and
other weaponry.
But mostly what we have done is we have found what we disagree on and
talked about it. But overall, overwhelmingly, both sides of the aisle,
Republicans and Democrats, agree that the issues in this bill are
priorities for the Nation. Maybe we think we should spend 5 percent
less or they think they should spend 5 percent more, and I don't want
to discount the differences. There are big differences between the two
parties. And I am very proud that our party on our watch did balance
the Federal budget, did produce surpluses before a crisis of
international proportions affected us in 2001.
But suffice to say, I have great respect for the gentleman from
Wisconsin. Over the years he has made me as mad as anyone else because
sometimes his arguments are just too good to argue with.
So let me just end by thanking him for honoring our requests. I think
we worked out a pretty good bill here, and I would urge my colleagues
to support it.
Madam Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Announcement by the Chairman
The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, proceedings will
now resume on those amendments on which further proceedings were
postponed, in the following order:
[[Page H8159]]
An amendment by Mr. Davis of Kentucky.
Amendment No. 3 by Mr. Gingrey of Georgia.
An amendment by Mr. Souder of Indiana.
An amendment by Mr. Camp of Michigan.
An amendment by Mr. Westmoreland of Georgia.
An amendment by Mr. Lewis of Georgia.
Amendment No. 62 by Mr. Campbell of California.
Amendment No. 16 by Mr. Flake of Arizona.
Amendment No. 6 by Mr. Jordan of Ohio.
Amendment No. 4 by Mr. Price of Georgia.
Amendment No. 23 by Mrs. Musgrave of Colorado.
Amendment No. 7 by Mr. Campbell of California.
Amendment No. 67 by Mr. Pence of Indiana.
The Chair will reduce to 2 minutes the time for any electronic vote
after the first vote in this series.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Davis of Kentucky
The CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a recorded
vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr.
Davis) on which further proceedings were postponed and on which the
noes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Davis of Kentucky:
Page 125, after line 2, insert the following:
Sec. 522. None of the funds made available in this Act may
be used to pay a bonus or other performance-based cash award
to any employee of the Social Security Administration or the
Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services who holds a position
to which such employee was appointed by the President, by and
with the advice and consent of the Senate, or a Senior
Executive Service position (as defined by section 3132 of
title 5, United States Code).
Recorded Vote
The CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 185,
noes 238, not voting 13, as follows:
[Roll No. 672]
AYES--185
Akin
Alexander
Bachmann
Bachus
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Barrow
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Boozman
Boustany
Boyda (KS)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Carney
Carter
Castle
Chabot
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Crenshaw
Cuellar
Culberson
Davis (KY)
Davis, David
Deal (GA)
Dent
Diaz-Balart, M.
Donnelly
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Ellsworth
Emerson
English (PA)
Everett
Fallin
Feeney
Flake
Forbes
Fortuno
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Gerlach
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gillmor
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Gordon
Granger
Graves
Hall (TX)
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Hill
Hobson
Hoekstra
Hunter
Issa
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Jordan
Keller
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kirk
Klein (FL)
Kline (MN)
Knollenberg
Kuhl (NY)
Lamborn
LaTourette
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Loebsack
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mahoney (FL)
Manzullo
Marchant
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McHugh
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
McNerney
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Mitchell
Moran (KS)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murphy, Tim
Musgrave
Myrick
Neugebauer
Paul
Pearce
Pence
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Porter
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Radanovich
Ramstad
Regula
Rehberg
Renzi
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shays
Shuler
Shuster
Simpson
Smith (NE)
Smith (TX)
Souder
Space
Stearns
Sullivan
Tanner
Taylor
Terry
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Turner
Upton
Walberg
Walden (OR)
Walsh (NY)
Wamp
Weldon (FL)
Weller
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
NOES--238
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Aderholt
Allen
Altmire
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Baird
Baldwin
Bean
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Biggert
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Bonner
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boyd (FL)
Brady (PA)
Brady (TX)
Braley (IA)
Brown (SC)
Butterfield
Buyer
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Castor
Chandler
Christensen
Clarke
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Costello
Courtney
Cramer
Crowley
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis, Lincoln
Davis, Tom
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Diaz-Balart, L.
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Doolittle
Doyle
Edwards
Ehlers
Ellison
Emanuel
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Farr
Fattah
Ferguson
Fortenberry
Frank (MA)
Garrett (NJ)
Giffords
Gingrey
Gonzalez
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hare
Hastings (FL)
Herger
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hodes
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Hulshof
Inglis (SC)
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson (GA)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
Kucinich
LaHood
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latham
Lee
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Linder
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lynch
Mack
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (CA)
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McGovern
McIntyre
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Michaud
Miller (NC)
Miller, George
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Murtha
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Norton
Nunes
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Pomeroy
Price (GA)
Price (NC)
Rahall
Rangel
Reichert
Reyes
Reynolds
Rodriguez
Rohrabacher
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Saxton
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Shimkus
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (NJ)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Spratt
Stark
Stupak
Sutton
Tauscher
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Towns
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walz (MN)
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Welch (VT)
Wexler
Wilson (OH)
Wolf
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
NOT VOTING--13
Bono
Bordallo
Brown, Corrine
Carson
Cubin
Davis (IL)
Davis, Jo Ann
Faleomavaega
Filner
Harman
Jindal
Marshall
Tancredo
{time} 1649
Messrs. BRADY of Texas, INGLIS of South Carolina, LAMPSON and PRICE
of Georgia changed their vote from ``aye'' to ``no.''
Messrs. GARY G. MILLER of California, SHAYS and LOEBSACK changed
their vote from ``no'' to ``aye.''
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Stated against:
Mr. KLEIN. Madam Chairman, during rollcall vote No. 672 on H.R. 3043,
I mistakenly recorded my vote as ``aye'' when I should have voted
``no.''
Mr. FILNER. Madam Chairman, on rollcall No. 672, I was on official
business outside the national Capitol region in my capacity as Chairman
of the Veterans Affairs Committee.
Had I been present, I would have voted ``no.''
Announcement by the Chairman
The CHAIRMAN. The next 14 votes in this series are 2-minute votes.
The Chair requests the cooperation of Members in processing these votes
in an expedited manner.
Amendment No. 3 Offered by Mr. Gingrey
The CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a recorded
vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Georgia (Mr.
Gingrey) on which further proceedings were postponed and on which the
noes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment No. 3 offered by Mr. Gingrey:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. ___. None of the funds appropriated by this Act may be
used by the Commissioner of Social Security or the Social
Security Administration to pay the compensation
[[Page H8160]]
of employees of the Social Security Administration to
administer Social Security benefit payments, under any
agreement between the United States and Mexico establishing
totalization arrangements between the social security system
established by title II of the Social Security Act and the
social security system of Mexico, which would not otherwise
be payable but for such agreement.
Recorded Vote
The CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The CHAIRMAN. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 254,
noes 168, not voting 14, as follows:
[Roll No. 673]
AYES--254
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Allen
Altmire
Arcuri
Bachmann
Bachus
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Barrow
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bean
Biggert
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Bonner
Boozman
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boustany
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (TX)
Brown (SC)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carney
Carter
Castle
Chabot
Chandler
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Costa
Costello
Cramer
Crenshaw
Culberson
Davis (AL)
Davis (KY)
Davis, David
Davis, Lincoln
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
DeFazio
Dent
Donnelly
Doolittle
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Edwards
Ellsworth
Emerson
English (PA)
Everett
Fallin
Feeney
Ferguson
Flake
Forbes
Fortenberry
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gerlach
Giffords
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Gordon
Granger
Graves
Green, Gene
Hall (TX)
Hare
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hill
Hobson
Hodes
Hoekstra
Hooley
Hulshof
Hunter
Inglis (SC)
Israel
Issa
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Jordan
Kagen
Keller
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kirk
Kline (MN)
Knollenberg
Kuhl (NY)
LaHood
Lamborn
Lampson
Latham
LaTourette
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Lynch
Mack
Mahoney (FL)
Manzullo
Marchant
Matheson
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McHenry
McHugh
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
McNerney
Melancon
Mica
Michaud
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Mitchell
Moore (KS)
Moran (KS)
Murphy, Patrick
Murphy, Tim
Musgrave
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Pearce
Pence
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (GA)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Radanovich
Rahall
Ramstad
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Roskam
Ross
Royce
Ryan (OH)
Ryan (WI)
Salazar
Sali
Saxton
Schmidt
Schwartz
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shays
Shimkus
Shuler
Shuster
Simpson
Skelton
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Souder
Space
Spratt
Stearns
Sullivan
Tanner
Taylor
Terry
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Turner
Udall (CO)
Upton
Walberg
Walden (OR)
Walsh (NY)
Walz (MN)
Wamp
Weldon (FL)
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (OH)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Wu
Yarmuth
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
NOES--168
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Andrews
Baca
Baird
Baldwin
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Butterfield
Capps
Capuano
Castor
Christensen
Clarke
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Conyers
Cooper
Courtney
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (CA)
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle
Ehlers
Ellison
Emanuel
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Farr
Fattah
Fortuno
Frank (MA)
Gonzalez
Green, Al
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hastings (FL)
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hoyer
Inslee
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson (GA)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
Klein (FL)
Kucinich
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lee
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McCrery
McDermott
McGovern
McIntyre
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Miller (NC)
Miller, George
Mollohan
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murtha
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Norton
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Perlmutter
Price (NC)
Rangel
Reyes
Rodriguez
Ros-Lehtinen
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Sires
Slaughter
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Stark
Stupak
Sutton
Tauscher
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Towns
Udall (NM)
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Welch (VT)
Weller
Wexler
Woolsey
Wynn
NOT VOTING--14
Bono
Bordallo
Brown, Corrine
Carson
Cubin
Davis (IL)
Davis, Jo Ann
Faleomavaega
Filner
Harman
Jindal
Marshall
Paul
Tancredo
Announcement by the Chairman
The CHAIRMAN (during the vote). Members are advised 1 minute remains
in this vote.
{time} 1655
Mr. MEEK of Florida changed his vote from ``aye'' to ``no.''
Mr. WU, Mr. MICHAUD and Mr. POMEROY changed their vote from ``no'' to
``aye.''
So the amendment was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Stated for:
Mr. McINTYRE. Madam Chairman, during rollcall vote No. 673 on H.R.
3043, I mistakenly recorded my vote as ``no'' when I should have voted
``aye.''
Stated against:
Mr. FILNER. Madam Chairman, on rollcall No. 673, I was on official
business outside the national Capitol region in my capacity as Chairman
of the Veterans Affairs Committee.
Had I been present, I would have voted ``no.''
Amendment Offered by Mr. Souder
The CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a recorded
vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Indiana (Mr.
Souder) on which further proceedings were postponed and on which the
noes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Souder:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. __. None of the funds made available in this Act may
be used by the National Labor Relations Board to recognize as
the exclusive bargaining representative of employees any
labor organization that has not been certified as such by the
National Labor Relations Board pursuant to section 9(c) of
the National Labor Relations Act (29 U.S.C. 159).
Recorded Vote
The CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The CHAIRMAN. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 167,
noes 255, not voting 14, as follows:
[Roll No. 674]
AYES--167
Akin
Bachmann
Bachus
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Bonner
Boozman
Boren
Boustany
Brady (TX)
Brown (SC)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Carter
Chabot
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Crenshaw
Culberson
Davis (KY)
Davis, David
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
Dent
Doolittle
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Ehlers
Everett
Fallin
Feeney
Flake
Forbes
Fortenberry
Fortuno
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Granger
Hall (TX)
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Hobson
Hulshof
Hunter
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Jordan
Keller
King (IA)
Kingston
Kirk
Kline (MN)
Knollenberg
LaHood
Lamborn
Latham
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Manzullo
Marchant
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McCrery
McHenry
McIntyre
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller, Gary
Moran (KS)
Musgrave
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Pearce
Pence
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Price (GA)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Radanovich
Ramstad
Rehberg
[[Page H8161]]
Renzi
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Roskam
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shimkus
Shuster
Simpson
Smith (NE)
Smith (TX)
Souder
Stearns
Sullivan
Taylor
Terry
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Turner
Upton
Walberg
Walden (OR)
Wamp
Weldon (FL)
Weller
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Young (FL)
NOES--255
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Aderholt
Alexander
Allen
Altmire
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Baird
Baldwin
Barrow
Bean
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Biggert
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Boswell
Boucher
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Butterfield
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carney
Carson
Castle
Castor
Chandler
Christensen
Clarke
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Costello
Courtney
Cramer
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis, Lincoln
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Donnelly
Doyle
Edwards
Ellison
Ellsworth
Emanuel
Emerson
Engel
English (PA)
Eshoo
Etheridge
Farr
Fattah
Ferguson
Fossella
Frank (MA)
Gerlach
Giffords
Gillibrand
Gonzalez
Gordon
Graves
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hare
Hastings (FL)
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hill
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hodes
Hoekstra
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
King (NY)
Klein (FL)
Kucinich
Kuhl (NY)
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
LaTourette
Lee
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lynch
Mahoney (FL)
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McCotter
McDermott
McGovern
McHugh
McNerney
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Michaud
Miller (MI)
Miller (NC)
Miller, George
Mitchell
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murphy, Tim
Murtha
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Norton
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (NC)
Rahall
Rangel
Regula
Reichert
Reyes
Rodriguez
Ros-Lehtinen
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Saxton
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shays
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Shuler
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (NJ)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Space
Spratt
Stark
Stupak
Sutton
Tanner
Tauscher
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Towns
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walsh (NY)
Walz (MN)
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Welch (VT)
Wexler
Wilson (OH)
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
Young (AK)
NOT VOTING--14
Bono
Bordallo
Brown, Corrine
Cubin
Davis (IL)
Davis, Jo Ann
Faleomavaega
Filner
Harman
Hirono
Jindal
Marshall
Paul
Tancredo
Announcement by the Chairman
The CHAIRMAN (during the vote). Members are advised 1 minute remains
in this vote.
{time} 1659
Mr. KIRK changed his vote from ``no'' to ``aye.''
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Stated against:
Ms. HIRONO. Madam Chairman, on rollcall No. 674, had I been present,
I would have voted ``no.''
Mr. FILNER. Madam Chairman, on rollcall No. 674, I was on official
business outside the National Capital region in my capacity as chairman
of the Veterans Affairs Committee.
Had I been present, I would have voted ``no.''
Mr. McINTYRE. Madam Chairman, during rollcall vote No. 674 on H.R.
3043, I mistakenly recorded my vote as ``aye'' when I should have voted
``no.''
Amendment Offered by Mr. Camp of Michigan
The CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a recorded
vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Camp)
on which further proceedings were postponed and on which the noes
prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Camp of Michigan:
At the end of the bill (before the short title) insert the
following:
TITLE VI
ADDITIONAL GENERAL PROVISIONS
Sec. 601. None of the funds made available in this Act may
be used to implement any policy prohibiting a Medicare
beneficiary from electing during a coverage election period
described in section 1851(e) of the Social Security Act (42
U.S.C. 1395w-21(e)) to receive health care benefits under
title XVIII of such Act through enrollment in a Medicare
Advantage plan under part C of such title.
Recorded Vote
The CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The CHAIRMAN. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 192,
noes 228, not voting 16, as follows:
[Roll No. 675]
AYES--192
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Bachmann
Bachus
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Biggert
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Bonner
Boozman
Boustany
Brady (TX)
Brown (SC)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Carney
Carter
Castle
Chabot
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Crenshaw
Culberson
Davis (KY)
Davis, David
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
Dent
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Doolittle
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Ehlers
English (PA)
Everett
Fallin
Feeney
Ferguson
Flake
Forbes
Fortenberry
Fortuno
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gerlach
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Granger
Graves
Hall (TX)
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Hobson
Hoekstra
Hulshof
Hunter
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Jordan
Keller
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kirk
Klein (FL)
Kline (MN)
Knollenberg
Kuhl (NY)
Lamborn
Latham
LaTourette
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
LoBiondo
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Mahoney (FL)
Manzullo
Marchant
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McHugh
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Musgrave
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Pearce
Pence
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Porter
Price (GA)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Radanovich
Ramstad
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Roskam
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Saxton
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shays
Shimkus
Shuster
Simpson
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Souder
Stearns
Sullivan
Terry
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Turner
Upton
Walberg
Walden (OR)
Walsh (NY)
Wamp
Weldon (FL)
Weller
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Young (FL)
NOES--228
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Allen
Altmire
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Baird
Baldwin
Barrow
Bean
Becerra
Berman
Berry
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Butterfield
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carson
Castor
Chandler
Christensen
Clarke
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Costello
Courtney
Cramer
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis, Lincoln
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Donnelly
Doyle
Edwards
Ellison
Ellsworth
Emanuel
Emerson
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Farr
Fattah
Frank (MA)
Giffords
Gillibrand
Gonzalez
Gordon
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hare
Hastings (FL)
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hill
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hodes
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson (GA)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
Kucinich
LaHood
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
[[Page H8162]]
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lee
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lynch
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McGovern
McIntyre
McNerney
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Michaud
Miller (NC)
Miller, George
Mitchell
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (KS)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murphy, Tim
Murtha
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Norton
Oberstar
Obey
Ortiz
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Pomeroy
Price (NC)
Rahall
Rangel
Renzi
Reyes
Rodriguez
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Shuler
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Space
Spratt
Stark
Stupak
Sutton
Tanner
Tauscher
Taylor
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Towns
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walz (MN)
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Welch (VT)
Wexler
Wilson (OH)
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
Young (AK)
NOT VOTING--16
Berkley
Bono
Bordallo
Brown, Corrine
Cubin
Davis, Jo Ann
Faleomavaega
Filner
Harman
Jindal
Kaptur
Marshall
Olver
Paul
Ros-Lehtinen
Tancredo
Announcement by the Chairman
The CHAIRMAN (during the vote). Members are advised 1 minute remains
on the vote.
{time} 1703
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Stated for:
Mr. TIM MURPHY of Pennsylvania. Madam Chairman, on rollcall No. 675 I
inadvertently voted ``no'' but intended to vote ``aye.''
Stated against:
Mr. FILNER. Madam Chairman, on rollcall No. 675, I was on official
business outside the national Capitol region in my capacity as Chairman
of the Veterans Affairs Committee.
Had I been present, I would have voted ``no.''
Amendment Offered by Mr. Westmoreland
The CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a recorded
vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Georgia (Mr.
Westmoreland) on which further proceedings were postponed and on which
the noes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The CHAIRMAN. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 191,
noes 233, not voting 12, as follows:
[Roll No. 676]
AYES--191
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Altmire
Bachmann
Bachus
Baird
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Barrow
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Bonner
Boozman
Boren
Boustany
Boyda (KS)
Brown (SC)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Carney
Carter
Chabot
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Costa
Cramer
Crenshaw
Culberson
Davis (KY)
Davis, David
Davis, Lincoln
Deal (GA)
Dent
Doolittle
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Ellsworth
Emerson
Everett
Fallin
Feeney
Flake
Forbes
Fortenberry
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gerlach
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Gordon
Granger
Graves
Hall (TX)
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Hill
Hobson
Hoekstra
Hulshof
Hunter
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Jordan
Keller
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kline (MN)
Knollenberg
Kuhl (NY)
Lamborn
Latham
LaTourette
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
LoBiondo
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Manzullo
Marchant
Matheson
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McHugh
McIntyre
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
Melancon
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Mitchell
Moran (KS)
Musgrave
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Pence
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Porter
Price (GA)
Putnam
Radanovich
Ramstad
Regula
Rehberg
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Roskam
Ross
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Saxton
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shimkus
Shuler
Shuster
Simpson
Skelton
Smith (NE)
Smith (TX)
Souder
Space
Stearns
Sullivan
Tanner
Taylor
Terry
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Turner
Upton
Walberg
Walsh (NY)
Wamp
Weldon (FL)
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (SC)
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
NOES--233
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Allen
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Baldwin
Bean
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Biggert
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Boswell
Boucher
Boyd (FL)
Brady (PA)
Brady (TX)
Braley (IA)
Butterfield
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carson
Castle
Castor
Chandler
Christensen
Clarke
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Conyers
Cooper
Costello
Courtney
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis, Tom
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Donnelly
Doyle
Edwards
Ehlers
Ellison
Emanuel
Engel
English (PA)
Eshoo
Etheridge
Farr
Fattah
Ferguson
Fortuno
Frank (MA)
Giffords
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gillmor
Gonzalez
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hare
Hastings (FL)
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hodes
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson (GA)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
Kirk
Klein (FL)
Kucinich
LaHood
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lee
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lynch
Mahoney (FL)
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McGovern
McNerney
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Michaud
Miller (NC)
Miller, George
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murphy, Tim
Murtha
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Norton
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Pearce
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Pomeroy
Price (NC)
Pryce (OH)
Rahall
Rangel
Reichert
Renzi
Reyes
Rodriguez
Ros-Lehtinen
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shays
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Sires
Slaughter
Smith (NJ)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Spratt
Stark
Stupak
Sutton
Tauscher
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Towns
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walden (OR)
Walz (MN)
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Welch (VT)
Weller
Wexler
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (OH)
Wolf
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
NOT VOTING--12
Bono
Bordallo
Brown, Corrine
Cubin
Davis, Jo Ann
Faleomavaega
Filner
Harman
Jindal
Marshall
Paul
Tancredo
Announcement by the Chairman
The CHAIRMAN (during the vote). Members are advised 1 minute remains
on this vote.
{time} 1707
Mrs. MALONEY of New York changed her vote from ``aye'' to ``no.''
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Stated against:
Mr. FILNER. Madam Chairman, on rollcall No. 676, I was on official
business outside the national Capitol region in my capacity as Chairman
of the Veterans Affairs Committee.
Had I been present, I would have voted ``no.''
Amendment Offered by Mr. Lewis of Georgia
The CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a recorded
vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Lewis)
on which further proceedings were postponed and on which the ayes
prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
[[Page H8163]]
A recorded vote was ordered.
The CHAIRMAN. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 412,
noes 12, not voting 12, as follows:
[Roll No. 677]
AYES--412
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Allen
Altmire
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Bachmann
Bachus
Baird
Baker
Baldwin
Barrett (SC)
Barrow
Bartlett (MD)
Bean
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Biggert
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blumenauer
Blunt
Boehner
Bonner
Boozman
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boustany
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Brady (TX)
Braley (IA)
Brown (SC)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Butterfield
Buyer
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carney
Carson
Carter
Castle
Castor
Chabot
Chandler
Christensen
Clarke
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Coble
Cohen
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Costello
Courtney
Cramer
Crenshaw
Crowley
Cuellar
Culberson
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis (KY)
Davis, David
Davis, Lincoln
Davis, Tom
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dent
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Donnelly
Doolittle
Doyle
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Edwards
Ehlers
Ellison
Ellsworth
Emanuel
Emerson
Engel
English (PA)
Eshoo
Etheridge
Everett
Fallin
Farr
Fattah
Feeney
Ferguson
Forbes
Fortenberry
Fortuno
Fossella
Foxx
Frank (MA)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gerlach
Giffords
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Gonzalez
Goode
Goodlatte
Gordon
Granger
Graves
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hall (TX)
Hare
Hastings (FL)
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hill
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hobson
Hodes
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Hulshof
Hunter
Inglis (SC)
Inslee
Israel
Issa
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, E. B.
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Jones (OH)
Jordan
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Keller
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
King (NY)
Kingston
Kirk
Klein (FL)
Kline (MN)
Knollenberg
Kucinich
Kuhl (NY)
LaHood
Lamborn
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latham
LaTourette
Lee
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lewis (KY)
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Lynch
Mack
Mahoney (FL)
Maloney (NY)
Manzullo
Marchant
Markey
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (CA)
McCarthy (NY)
McCaul (TX)
McCollum (MN)
McCotter
McDermott
McGovern
McHenry
McHugh
McIntyre
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
McNerney
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Mica
Michaud
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller (NC)
Miller, Gary
Miller, George
Mitchell
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (KS)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murphy, Tim
Murtha
Musgrave
Myrick
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Neugebauer
Norton
Nunes
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Pearce
Pence
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (GA)
Price (NC)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Radanovich
Rahall
Ramstad
Rangel
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reyes
Reynolds
Rodriguez
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Royce
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Ryan (WI)
Salazar
Sali
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Saxton
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schmidt
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Sensenbrenner
Serrano
Sessions
Sestak
Shays
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Shimkus
Shuler
Shuster
Simpson
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Souder
Space
Spratt
Stark
Stearns
Stupak
Sullivan
Sutton
Tanner
Tauscher
Taylor
Terry
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Tierney
Towns
Turner
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Upton
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walberg
Walden (OR)
Walsh (NY)
Walz (MN)
Wamp
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Welch (VT)
Weldon (FL)
Weller
Westmoreland
Wexler
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (OH)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
NOES--12
Barton (TX)
Campbell (CA)
Deal (GA)
Flake
Franks (AZ)
Hastert
Hoekstra
King (IA)
Lewis (CA)
Linder
McCrery
Shadegg
NOT VOTING--12
Bono
Bordallo
Brown, Corrine
Cubin
Davis, Jo Ann
Faleomavaega
Filner
Harman
Jindal
Marshall
Paul
Tancredo
Announcement by the Chairman
The CHAIRMAN (during the vote). Members are advised 1 minute remains
on the vote.
{time} 1712
Mr. CAMPBELL of California changed his vote from ``aye'' to ``no.''
Mr. LARSEN of Washington changed his vote from ``no'' to ``aye.''
So the amendment was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Stated for:
Mr. FILNER. Madam Chairman, on rollcall No. 677, I was on official
business outside the National Capital region in my capacity as Chairman
of the Veterans' Affairs Committee.
Had I been present, I would have voted ``aye.''
Amendment No. 62 Offered by Mr. Campbell of California
The CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a recorded
vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from California (Mr.
Campbell) on which further proceedings were postponed and on which the
noes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The CHAIRMAN. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 108,
noes 316, not voting 12, as follows:
[Roll No. 678]
AYES--108
Akin
Bachmann
Barrett (SC)
Biggert
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Buyer
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Carter
Castle
Chabot
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Cooper
Crenshaw
Culberson
Davis (KY)
Davis, David
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
Dent
Duncan
Ehlers
Fallin
Feeney
Flake
Forbes
Fortenberry
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Garrett (NJ)
Gerlach
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Granger
Graves
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Heller
Hensarling
Hoekstra
Hulshof
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Jordan
Keller
King (IA)
Kingston
Kirk
Kline (MN)
Lamborn
Latham
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Manzullo
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McHenry
McMorris Rodgers
Mica
Miller (FL)
Musgrave
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Pearce
Pence
Petri
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Price (GA)
Putnam
Radanovich
Reichert
Rogers (MI)
Roskam
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shimkus
Shuster
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Stearns
Sullivan
Terry
Thornberry
Walberg
Walden (OR)
Weldon (FL)
Westmoreland
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
NOES--316
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Aderholt
Alexander
Allen
Altmire
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Bachus
Baird
Baker
Baldwin
Barrow
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bean
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Blunt
Boehner
Bonner
Boozman
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boustany
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Brady (TX)
Braley (IA)
Brown (SC)
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Butterfield
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carney
Carson
Castor
Chandler
Christensen
Clarke
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Conyers
Costa
Costello
Courtney
Cramer
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis, Lincoln
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Donnelly
Doolittle
Doyle
Drake
Dreier
Edwards
Ellison
Ellsworth
Emanuel
Emerson
Engel
English (PA)
Eshoo
Etheridge
Everett
Farr
Fattah
Ferguson
Fortuno
Fossella
Frank (MA)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Giffords
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gillmor
Gonzalez
Gordon
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
[[Page H8164]]
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hall (TX)
Hare
Hastings (FL)
Hayes
Herger
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hill
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hobson
Hodes
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Hunter
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, E. B.
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
King (NY)
Klein (FL)
Knollenberg
Kucinich
Kuhl (NY)
LaHood
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
LaTourette
Lee
Levin
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (GA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lucas
Lynch
Mahoney (FL)
Maloney (NY)
Marchant
Markey
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McCotter
McCrery
McDermott
McGovern
McHugh
McIntyre
McKeon
McNerney
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Michaud
Miller (MI)
Miller (NC)
Miller, Gary
Miller, George
Mitchell
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (KS)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murphy, Tim
Murtha
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Norton
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Pickering
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (NC)
Pryce (OH)
Rahall
Ramstad
Rangel
Regula
Rehberg
Renzi
Reyes
Reynolds
Rodriguez
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Royce
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Saxton
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shays
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Shuler
Simpson
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Souder
Space
Spratt
Stark
Stupak
Sutton
Tanner
Tauscher
Taylor
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Tierney
Towns
Turner
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Upton
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walsh (NY)
Walz (MN)
Wamp
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Welch (VT)
Weller
Wexler
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (OH)
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
NOT VOTING--12
Bono
Bordallo
Brown, Corrine
Cubin
Davis, Jo Ann
Faleomavaega
Filner
Harman
Jindal
Marshall
Paul
Tancredo
Announcement by the Chairman
The CHAIRMAN (during the vote). Members are advised 1 minute remains
on this vote.
{time} 1717
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Stated against:
Mr. FILNER. Madam Chairman, on rollcall No. 678, I was on official
business outside the national Capitol region in my capacity as Chairman
of the Veterans Affairs Committee.
Had I been present, I would have voted ``no.''
Amendment No. 16 Offered by Mr. Flake
The CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a recorded
vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Flake)
on which further proceedings were postponed and on which the noes
prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The CHAIRMAN. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 96,
noes 327, not voting 13, as follows:
[Roll No. 679]
AYES--96
Akin
Bachmann
Barrett (SC)
Barrow
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Boehner
Boozman
Brady (TX)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Castle
Chabot
Coble
Conaway
Cooper
Davis (KY)
Davis, David
Deal (GA)
Duncan
Ehlers
Feeney
Flake
Fossella
Franks (AZ)
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gingrey
Gohmert
Granger
Hall (TX)
Hastert
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Johnson, Sam
Jordan
Keller
King (IA)
Kingston
Kline (MN)
Linder
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Marchant
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McHenry
Mica
Miller (FL)
Musgrave
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Pearce
Pence
Petri
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Price (GA)
Putnam
Ramstad
Rohrabacher
Roskam
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shimkus
Shuster
Smith (NE)
Stearns
Sullivan
Terry
Thornberry
Upton
Walberg
Weldon (FL)
Westmoreland
Wilson (SC)
NOES--327
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Aderholt
Alexander
Allen
Altmire
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Bachus
Baird
Baker
Baldwin
Bean
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Biggert
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Blunt
Bonner
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boustany
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Brown (SC)
Burgess
Butterfield
Calvert
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carney
Carson
Carter
Castor
Chandler
Christensen
Clarke
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Cole (OK)
Conyers
Costa
Costello
Courtney
Cramer
Crenshaw
Crowley
Cuellar
Culberson
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis, Lincoln
Davis, Tom
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dent
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Donnelly
Doolittle
Doyle
Drake
Dreier
Edwards
Ellison
Ellsworth
Emanuel
Emerson
Engel
English (PA)
Eshoo
Etheridge
Everett
Fallin
Farr
Fattah
Ferguson
Forbes
Fortenberry
Fortuno
Foxx
Frank (MA)
Frelinghuysen
Gerlach
Giffords
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gillmor
Gonzalez
Goode
Goodlatte
Gordon
Graves
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hare
Hastings (FL)
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hill
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hobson
Hodes
Hoekstra
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Hulshof
Hunter
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (NC)
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
King (NY)
Kirk
Klein (FL)
Knollenberg
Kucinich
Kuhl (NY)
LaHood
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latham
LaTourette
Lee
Levin
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (GA)
Lewis (KY)
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lucas
Lynch
Mahoney (FL)
Maloney (NY)
Manzullo
Markey
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McCotter
McCrery
McDermott
McGovern
McHugh
McIntyre
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
McNerney
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Michaud
Miller (MI)
Miller (NC)
Miller, Gary
Miller, George
Mitchell
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (KS)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murphy, Tim
Murtha
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Norton
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Pickering
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (NC)
Pryce (OH)
Radanovich
Rahall
Rangel
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reyes
Reynolds
Rodriguez
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Ros-Lehtinen
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Saxton
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shays
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Shuler
Simpson
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Souder
Space
Spratt
Stark
Stupak
Sutton
Tanner
Tauscher
Taylor
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Tierney
Towns
Turner
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walden (OR)
Walsh (NY)
Walz (MN)
Wamp
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Welch (VT)
Weller
Wexler
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (OH)
Wolf
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
NOT VOTING--13
Bono
Bordallo
Brown, Corrine
Cubin
Davis, Jo Ann
Faleomavaega
Filner
Harman
Jindal
Lamborn
Marshall
Paul
Tancredo
Announcement by the Chairman
The CHAIRMAN (during the vote). Members are advised there is 1 minute
remaining on this vote.
{time} 1720
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Stated against:
Mr. FILNER. Madam Chairman, on rollcall No. 679, I was on official
business outside the national Capitol region in my capacity as Chairman
of the Veterans Affairs Committee.
[[Page H8165]]
Had I been present, I would have voted ``no.''
Amendment No. 6 Offered by Mr. Jordan of Ohio
The CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a recorded
vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Jordan)
on which further proceedings were postponed and on which the noes
prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The CHAIRMAN. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 136,
noes 288, not voting 12, as follows:
[Roll No. 680]
AYES--136
Akin
Bachmann
Bachus
Barrett (SC)
Bartlett (MD)
Biggert
Bilbray
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Bonner
Boozman
Brady (TX)
Brown (SC)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Carter
Chabot
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Crenshaw
Culberson
Davis (KY)
Davis, David
Deal (GA)
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Fallin
Feeney
Flake
Forbes
Fortuno
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Granger
Hall (TX)
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Hoekstra
Hunter
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Jordan
Keller
King (IA)
Kingston
Kline (MN)
Lamborn
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Mahoney (FL)
Manzullo
Marchant
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Moran (KS)
Musgrave
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Pearce
Pence
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Poe
Price (GA)
Putnam
Radanovich
Reynolds
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shimkus
Shuler
Shuster
Smith (NE)
Smith (TX)
Stearns
Sullivan
Taylor
Terry
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Walberg
Wamp
Weldon (FL)
Westmoreland
Wilson (SC)
NOES--288
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Aderholt
Alexander
Allen
Altmire
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Baird
Baker
Baldwin
Barrow
Barton (TX)
Bean
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boustany
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Buchanan
Butterfield
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carney
Carson
Castle
Castor
Chandler
Christensen
Clarke
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Costello
Courtney
Cramer
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis, Lincoln
Davis, Tom
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dent
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Donnelly
Doolittle
Doyle
Edwards
Ehlers
Ellison
Ellsworth
Emanuel
Emerson
Engel
English (PA)
Eshoo
Etheridge
Everett
Farr
Fattah
Ferguson
Fortenberry
Frank (MA)
Frelinghuysen
Gerlach
Giffords
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gonzalez
Gordon
Graves
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hare
Hastings (FL)
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hill
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hobson
Hodes
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Hulshof
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
King (NY)
Kirk
Klein (FL)
Knollenberg
Kucinich
Kuhl (NY)
LaHood
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latham
LaTourette
Lee
Levin
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lynch
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McGovern
McHugh
McIntyre
McNerney
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Michaud
Miller (NC)
Miller, George
Mitchell
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murphy, Tim
Murtha
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Norton
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Platts
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (NC)
Pryce (OH)
Rahall
Ramstad
Rangel
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reyes
Rodriguez
Rogers (AL)
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Saxton
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shays
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Simpson
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (NJ)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Souder
Space
Spratt
Stark
Stupak
Sutton
Tanner
Tauscher
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tiberi
Tierney
Towns
Turner
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Upton
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walden (OR)
Walsh (NY)
Walz (MN)
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Welch (VT)
Weller
Wexler
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (OH)
Wolf
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
NOT VOTING--12
Bono
Bordallo
Brown, Corrine
Cubin
Davis, Jo Ann
Faleomavaega
Filner
Harman
Jindal
Marshall
Paul
Tancredo
Announcement by the Chairman
The CHAIRMAN (during the vote). Members are advised there is 1 minute
remaining on this vote.
{time} 1725
Messrs. RUSH, HOLDEN and BUCHANAN changed their vote from ``aye'' to
``no.''
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Stated against:
Mr. FILNER. Madam Chairman, on rollcall No. 680, I was on official
business outside the national capital region in my capacity as chairman
of the Veterans' Affairs Committee.
Had I been present, I would have voted ``no.''
amendment no. 4 offered by mr. price of georgia
The CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a recorded
vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Price)
on which further proceedings were postponed and on which the noes
prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
recorded vote
the CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The CHAIRMAN. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 165,
noes 256, not voting 15, as follows:
[Roll No. 681]
AYES--165
Akin
Altmire
Bachmann
Bachus
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bean
Biggert
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Bonner
Boozman
Brady (TX)
Brown (SC)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Carney
Carter
Castle
Chabot
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Crenshaw
Culberson
Davis (KY)
Davis, David
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Donnelly
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
English (PA)
Fallin
Feeney
Flake
Forbes
Fortuno
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Granger
Graves
Hall (TX)
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Hoekstra
Hulshof
Hunter
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Jordan
Keller
King (IA)
Kingston
Kline (MN)
Knollenberg
Lamborn
Lampson
Latham
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Mahoney (FL)
Manzullo
Marchant
Matheson
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Mitchell
Moran (KS)
Musgrave
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Pearce
Pence
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Poe
Price (GA)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Radanovich
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shimkus
Shuler
Shuster
Smith (NE)
Smith (TX)
Souder
Stearns
Sullivan
Tanner
Taylor
Terry
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Upton
Walberg
Walden (OR)
Wamp
Weldon (FL)
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (SC)
Young (FL)
[[Page H8166]]
NOES--256
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Aderholt
Alexander
Allen
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Baird
Baldwin
Barrow
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boustany
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Butterfield
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carson
Castor
Chandler
Christensen
Clarke
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Costello
Courtney
Cramer
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis, Lincoln
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dent
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Doolittle
Doyle
Edwards
Ehlers
Ellison
Ellsworth
Emanuel
Emerson
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Everett
Farr
Fattah
Ferguson
Fortenberry
Frank (MA)
Frelinghuysen
Gerlach
Giffords
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gonzalez
Gordon
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hare
Hastings (FL)
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hill
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hobson
Hodes
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
King (NY)
Kirk
Klein (FL)
Kucinich
Kuhl (NY)
LaHood
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
LaTourette
Lee
Levin
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lowey
Lynch
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McGovern
McHugh
McIntyre
McNerney
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Michaud
Miller (NC)
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murphy, Tim
Murtha
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Norton
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Platts
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (NC)
Rahall
Ramstad
Rangel
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reyes
Rodriguez
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Saxton
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shays
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Simpson
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (NJ)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Spratt
Stark
Stupak
Sutton
Tauscher
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Towns
Turner
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walsh (NY)
Walz (MN)
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Welch (VT)
Weller
Wexler
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (OH)
Wolf
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
Young (AK)
NOT VOTING--15
Bono
Bordallo
Brown, Corrine
Cubin
Davis, Jo Ann
Faleomavaega
Filner
Harman
Jindal
Lofgren, Zoe
Marshall
Miller, George
Paul
Space
Tancredo
Announcement by the Chairman
The CHAIRMAN (during the vote). Members are advised there is 1 minute
remaining on this vote.
{time} 1728
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Stated against:
Mr. FILNER. Madam Chairman, on rollcall No. 681, I was on official
business outside the national capital region in my capacity as Chairman
of the Veterans' Affairs Committee.
Had I been present, I would have voted ``no.''
Amendment No. 23 Offered by Mrs. Musgrave
The CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a recorded
vote on the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from Colorado (Mrs.
Musgrave) on which further proceedings were postponed and on which the
noes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The CHAIRMAN. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 177,
noes 245, not voting 14, as follows:
[Roll No. 682]
AYES--177
Aderholt
Akin
Altmire
Bachmann
Bachus
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bean
Biggert
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Bonner
Boozman
Brady (TX)
Brown (SC)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Carney
Carter
Castle
Chabot
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Crenshaw
Culberson
Davis (KY)
Davis, David
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Donnelly
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Ellsworth
English (PA)
Fallin
Feeney
Flake
Forbes
Fortenberry
Fortuno
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Giffords
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Granger
Graves
Hall (TX)
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Hill
Hobson
Hoekstra
Hulshof
Hunter
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Jordan
Keller
King (IA)
Kingston
Kirk
Kline (MN)
Knollenberg
Lamborn
Lampson
Latham
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Mahoney (FL)
Manzullo
Marchant
Matheson
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
McNerney
Melancon
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Mitchell
Moran (KS)
Musgrave
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Pearce
Pence
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Poe
Price (GA)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Radanovich
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shays
Shimkus
Shuler
Shuster
Smith (NE)
Smith (TX)
Souder
Stearns
Sullivan
Tanner
Taylor
Terry
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Upton
Walberg
Walden (OR)
Wamp
Weldon (FL)
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Young (FL)
NOES--245
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Alexander
Allen
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Baird
Baldwin
Barrow
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boustany
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Butterfield
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carson
Castor
Chandler
Christensen
Clarke
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Costello
Courtney
Cramer
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis, Lincoln
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dent
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Doolittle
Doyle
Edwards
Ehlers
Ellison
Emanuel
Emerson
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Everett
Farr
Fattah
Ferguson
Frank (MA)
Gerlach
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gonzalez
Gordon
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hare
Hastings (FL)
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hodes
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
King (NY)
Klein (FL)
Kucinich
Kuhl (NY)
LaHood
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
LaTourette
Lee
Levin
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lowey
Lynch
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McGovern
McHugh
McIntyre
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Michaud
Miller (NC)
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murphy, Tim
Murtha
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Norton
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Platts
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (NC)
Rahall
Ramstad
Rangel
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reyes
Rodriguez
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Saxton
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Simpson
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (NJ)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Space
Spratt
Stark
Stupak
Sutton
Tauscher
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Towns
Turner
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walsh (NY)
Walz (MN)
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Welch (VT)
Weller
Wexler
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (OH)
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
Young (AK)
[[Page H8167]]
NOT VOTING--14
Bono
Bordallo
Brown, Corrine
Cubin
Davis, Jo Ann
Faleomavaega
Filner
Harman
Jindal
Lofgren, Zoe
Marshall
Miller, George
Paul
Tancredo
Announcement by the Chairman
The CHAIRMAN (during the vote). Members are advised there is 1 minute
remaining on this vote.
{time} 1732
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Stated against:
Mr. FILNER. Madam Chairman, on rollcall No. 682, I was on official
business outside the national capital region in my capacity as Chairman
of the Veterans' Affairs Committee.
Had I been present, I would have voted ``no.''
Amendment No. 7 Offered by Mr. Campbell of California
The CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a recorded
vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from California (Mr.
Campbell) on which further proceedings were postponed and on which the
noes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The CHAIRMAN. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 177,
noes 245, not voting 14, as follows:
[Roll No. 683]
AYES--177
Aderholt
Akin
Altmire
Bachmann
Bachus
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bean
Biggert
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Bonner
Boozman
Brady (TX)
Brown (SC)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Carney
Carter
Castle
Chabot
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Crenshaw
Culberson
Davis (KY)
Davis, David
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Donnelly
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Ellsworth
Emerson
English (PA)
Fallin
Feeney
Flake
Forbes
Fortenberry
Fortuno
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Giffords
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Granger
Graves
Hall (TX)
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Hill
Hoekstra
Hulshof
Hunter
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Jordan
Keller
King (IA)
Kingston
Kirk
Kline (MN)
Knollenberg
Lamborn
Lampson
Latham
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Mahoney (FL)
Manzullo
Marchant
Matheson
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
McNerney
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Mitchell
Moran (KS)
Musgrave
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Pearce
Pence
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Poe
Price (GA)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Radanovich
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shays
Shimkus
Shuler
Shuster
Smith (NE)
Smith (TX)
Souder
Stearns
Sullivan
Tanner
Taylor
Terry
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Upton
Walberg
Walden (OR)
Wamp
Weldon (FL)
Weller
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Young (FL)
NOES--245
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Alexander
Allen
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Baird
Baldwin
Barrow
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boustany
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Butterfield
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carson
Castor
Chandler
Christensen
Clarke
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Costello
Courtney
Cramer
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis, Lincoln
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dent
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Doolittle
Doyle
Edwards
Ehlers
Ellison
Emanuel
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Everett
Farr
Fattah
Ferguson
Frank (MA)
Gerlach
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gonzalez
Gordon
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hare
Hastings (FL)
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hobson
Hodes
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
King (NY)
Klein (FL)
Kucinich
Kuhl (NY)
LaHood
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
LaTourette
Lee
Levin
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lowey
Lynch
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McGovern
McHugh
McIntyre
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Michaud
Miller (NC)
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murphy, Tim
Murtha
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Norton
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Platts
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (NC)
Rahall
Ramstad
Rangel
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reyes
Rodriguez
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Saxton
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Simpson
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (NJ)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Space
Spratt
Stark
Stupak
Sutton
Tauscher
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Towns
Turner
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walsh (NY)
Walz (MN)
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Welch (VT)
Wexler
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (OH)
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
Young (AK)
NOT VOTING--14
Bono
Bordallo
Brown, Corrine
Cubin
Davis, Jo Ann
Faleomavaega
Filner
Harman
Jindal
Lofgren, Zoe
Marshall
Miller, George
Paul
Tancredo
Announcement by the Chairman
The CHAIRMAN (during the vote). Members are advised there is 1 minute
remaining on this vote.
{time} 1736
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Stated against:
Mr. FILNER. Madam Chairman, on rollcall No. 683, I was on official
business outside the national capital region in my capacity as Chairman
of the Veterans' Affairs Committee.
Had I been present, I would have voted ``no.''
Amendment No. 67 Offered by Mr. Pence
The CHAIRMAN. The unfinished business is the demand for a recorded
vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Pence)
on which further proceedings were postponed and on which the noes
prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The CHAIRMAN. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The CHAIRMAN. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 189,
noes 231, not voting 16, as follows:
[Roll No. 684]
AYES--189
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Bachmann
Bachus
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Bonner
Boozman
Boren
Boustany
Brady (TX)
Brown (SC)
Buchanan
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Carter
Chabot
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Costello
Crenshaw
Culberson
Davis (KY)
Davis, David
Davis, Lincoln
Deal (GA)
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Donnelly
Doolittle
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Ehlers
Ellsworth
Emerson
English (PA)
Fallin
Feeney
Ferguson
Flake
Forbes
Fortenberry
Fortuno
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gillmor
Gingrey
Goode
Goodlatte
Graves
Hall (TX)
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Hoekstra
Hulshof
Hunter
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Jordan
Keller
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kline (MN)
Knollenberg
Kuhl (NY)
LaHood
Lamborn
Latham
LaTourette
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Lucas
[[Page H8168]]
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Manzullo
Marchant
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McHugh
McIntyre
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
Melancon
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Mollohan
Moran (KS)
Murphy, Tim
Musgrave
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Ortiz
Pearce
Pence
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Porter
Price (GA)
Putnam
Radanovich
Rahall
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Saxton
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shimkus
Shuler
Simpson
Skelton
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Souder
Stearns
Sullivan
Taylor
Terry
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Turner
Walberg
Walsh (NY)
Wamp
Weldon (FL)
Weller
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (OH)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
NOES--231
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Allen
Altmire
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Baird
Baldwin
Barrow
Bean
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Biggert
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Boswell
Boucher
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Butterfield
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carney
Carson
Castle
Castor
Chandler
Christensen
Clarke
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Courtney
Cramer
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis, Tom
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dent
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle
Edwards
Ellison
Emanuel
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Everett
Farr
Fattah
Frank (MA)
Frelinghuysen
Gerlach
Giffords
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gonzalez
Gordon
Granger
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hare
Hastings (FL)
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hill
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hobson
Hodes
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson (GA)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
Kirk
Klein (FL)
Kucinich
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lee
Levin
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (GA)
Loebsack
Lowey
Lynch
Mahoney (FL)
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McGovern
McNerney
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Michaud
Miller (NC)
Mitchell
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murtha
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Norton
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Perlmutter
Pomeroy
Price (NC)
Pryce (OH)
Ramstad
Rangel
Reyes
Reynolds
Rodriguez
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shays
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Sires
Slaughter
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Space
Spratt
Stark
Stupak
Sutton
Tanner
Tauscher
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Towns
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Upton
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walden (OR)
Walz (MN)
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Welch (VT)
Wexler
Wilson (NM)
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
NOT VOTING--16
Bono
Bordallo
Brown, Corrine
Cubin
Davis, Jo Ann
Faleomavaega
Filner
Gohmert
Harman
Jindal
Lofgren, Zoe
Marshall
Miller, George
Paul
Shuster
Tancredo
Announcement by the Chairman
The CHAIRMAN (during the vote). Members are advised there is 1 minute
remaining on this vote.
{time} 1739
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Stated against:
Mr. FILNER. Madam Chairman, on rollcall No. 684, I was on official
business outside the National Capital region in my capacity as Chairman
of the Veterans' Affairs Committee.
Had I been present, I would have voted ``no.''
Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Madam Chairman, I rise today in strong
support of H.R. 3043, the FY 2008 Labor, Health and Human Services and
Education Appropriations bill. Let me first commend my dignified
colleague, the gentleman from Wisconsin, Representative David Obey, for
his tenacity and strong leadership in steering this important piece of
legislation. Among many things, this bill will provide the support and
additional resources in areas where our Nation is currently facing
scarcity--health care, social security, medical research, skilled
workers and job training, community services, as well as the quality,
accessibility and affordability of higher education and education for
the disabled.
Madam Chairman, I must certainly agree with the rationale behind this
bill--``we cannot continue to disinvest in our Nation's future.'' Over
the past several years, the previous Republican-led Congress
significantly cut investments for the Labor-HHS-Education bill, and our
43rd United States President has once again proposed drastic cuts--$7.6
billion below FY 2007. As a Representative of the people of the United
States, I am committed to reversing this trend of disinvestment. Our
Nation's future is dependent on quality health care, job opportunities
for our citizens, decent education, improvement of life-saving
technologies, and national security. With $151.7 billion of projected
discretionary spending in FY 2008, this bill will provide a modest
increase of $4.3 billion (or 3 percent) over 2007, after adjusting for
inflation and population. Although this bill will not completely
rectify the problem, it is indeed a step towards a positive direction.
This bill promises to make college more affordable because its
provisions include an increase in the maximum Pell Grant of $390, which
is in addition to th $260 enacted in February 2007 by this Democratic-
led Congress. This measure will benefit the more than 5.5 million low-
and middle-income students across America's higher education system. In
addition, this bill provides an increase of 4.8 percent for the TRIO
programs, educational opportunity outreach programs designed to
motivate and support students from disadvantaged backgrounds.
Madam Chairman, this bill is of significant importance to my
constituents. For the past twelve years, I have served as a
Representative of the 18th Congressional District of Texas. In the
heart of my district are several community colleges and three major
universities--the University of Houston, the University of Houston--
Downtown, as well as one of our nations leading Historically Black
College/University, Texas Southern University. In the heart of my
district are also three ABA-approved law schools--the University of
Houston Law Center, Thurgood Marshall School of Law, and South Texas
College of Law. With the rising cost of college education, many of
these students in my district are reliant on Federal financial aid to
complete their education. Because investment in education system today
yields high returns for the individual, as well as society, I support
this measure to make college more affordable and accessible.
Madam Chairman, quality health care is close to non-existent in this
great nation that we call America. As a nation of abundant natural
resources and high productivity, it is humiliating to know that 46.6
million citizens are without health insurance. If current policy plans
are to continue, by 2013, the number of uninsured Americans will
increase by 11 million. This is simply an unacceptable national problem
and must be rectified. H.R. 3043 will expand access to health care for
the uninsured by providing access for more than 2 million uninsured
Americans. Funds will be directed to community health centers, which
will enable them to serve an additional 1 million uninsured Americans.
The bill also includes a $50 million initiative to assist states in
providing high-risk insurance pools, thereby supporting affordable
insurance for almost 200,000 medically high-risk people. I strongly
urge my colleagues to support this bill, which invests in initiatives
that will provide new access to health care for more than 2 million
uninsured Americans.
H.R. 3043 invests in life-saving medical research by reversing the
previous Republican disinvestment plans and providing an increase for
National Institute of Health of $750 million. As once stated by Senator
Joe Lieberman, ``by expanding our knowledge of human diseases, we can
help reduce health care costs by discovering more effective treatments
and learning how to prevent onset of serious illnesses. Biomedical
research is a fundamental component of a preventive care approach to
health care reform.'' Medical research at NIH offers optimism to
millions of American families--with groundbreaking research into
diseases such as cancer, AIDS, Alzheimer's, Parkinson's disease, and
many more. This bill provides an increase of $750 million, which in
essence allows for NIH to support another 545 new and competing
research grants. Expanding and funding life-saving medical research
programs must become a top priority if the United States hopes to
combat the inefficiencies and inequities in our health care system.
Madam Chairman, it is time that we take a new course of action in
investing in our Nation's future. I strongly believe that H.R. 3043 is
this new course. Forty-one low priority programs were cut or
eliminated, saving $1.1 billion below 2007. Through passage of this
bill,
[[Page H8169]]
our Nation will benefit from the increase in quality, accessibility and
affordability of higher education with the $3.3 billion directed to
student financial aid. The academic performance of our American
children will be improved through the $1 billion allocation for No
Child Left Behind Programs. Our citizens, especially the uninsured,
will have the opportunity to receive quality health care, through the
$1.3 billion being directed to the Health Resources and Services
Administration. This bill also allows for an investment in the skills
and training of America's workers and the workforce through additional
funding to programs similar to Job Corps, as well as community services
initiatives, such as the Community Services Block Grant. Our disabled
citizens will be cared for through federal contributions for special
education for children with disabilities through the funding of the
Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA).
Madam Chairman, I am a strong believer that our children are our
future. Family is the backbone to the success of any child, as well as
the success of our Nation. For this reason, all members of society must
be granted access to quality health care, education, and job skills
training. It is students like my current Congressional Black Caucus
Foundation Intern, Daria Awusah, that gives me strong faith that our
future is in good hands. As my constituent, as well as a student at the
University of Houston (which is in my district), she has worked
tirelessly and endlessly to finance the past three years of her college
education. It is her testimony that although not enough, financial aid
has been an instrumental element in financing her education. Let us
continue to support students like Ms. Awusah.
I ask my colleagues to join me and support H.R. 3043. Once again, I
thank you, Congressman Obey, for your leadership in this endeavor. Our
country's future is dependent on the role that we take as Members of
Congress through the policies that we choose to implement. Let us begin
with the reinvestment in our country's future by passing H.R. 3043.
Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Chairman, the Act of August 25th, 1916, more
commonly referred to as the National Park Service Organic Act, states
that, ``there is hereby created in the Department of the Interior a
service to be called the National Park Service, which shall be under
the charge of a director, who shall be appointed by the President.''
Since 1916, the National Park Service created by the Organic Act has
grown to include 22,000 people, conserving and interpreting 391 units
in a National Park System that will welcome more than 270 million
visitors this year. Our National Parks are a source of enormous pride
for millions of Americans and examples for the world regarding the
conservation of places and resources which make a Nation and a people
unique. And of course, Madam Chairman, much of the credit for the
tremendous success of the National Park idea is due to the
professionalism, commitment and expertise of the men and women working
for the NPS.
As the centennial of the Organic Act approaches, there is consensus--
among policy-makers and the American people--that this 100th
anniversary must be viewed as an opportunity to recommit ourselves to
building a stronger, more diverse, better trained and better equipped
National Park Service. In February, the Bush Administration proposed
legislation to increase funding for the NPS over the next decade in
recognition of this milestone. Two of my colleagues on the Natural
Resources Committee--full committee Ranking Member Don Young and
subcommittee Ranking Member Rob Bishop--have introduced that
legislation, by request, as H.R. 2959.
Today, with the support of Natural Resources Committee Chairman Nick
Rahall, I am honored to introduce H.R. 3094, legislation we believe
will best commemorate this 100th anniversary while also preparing the
National Parks and the National Park Service for another 100 years.
H.R. 3094 authorizes mandatory spending expected to total $100 million
a year for ten years. The bill creates a process whereby the Executive
Branch will coordinate annual proposals for how best to spend this new
funding and the Congress, through the Interior Appropriations bill,
will allocate the funds.
In contrast to the Administration's proposal, H.R. 3094 identifies
six specific program areas within which this increased funding is to be
spent. These areas include education in the parks, diversity programs,
an environmental leadership initiative, professional development,
resource protection an construction. This mix of funding priorities--
investing in natural resources, bricks and mortar and human capital--
will insure our parks and park employees can meet the challenge of the
next 100 years successfully.
Also in contrast to the legislation proposed by the Administration,
H.R. 3094 provides this new spending without requiring private matching
funds. While we recognize the critical role private giving has played
in creating and sustaining the National Park System, we remain
concerned regarding the ever-increasing reliance on private funds. H.R.
3094 encourages private giving but makes absolutely certain that NPS
spending priorities are determined by the Congress and the
Administration without regard to which projects might, or might not, be
most attractive to private donors.
And finally, Madam Chairman, H.R. 3094 differs from the
Administration's proposal in that all of the spending in our bill is
paid for--meaning this bill addresses the stringent PAYGO requirements
instituted by the Democratic majority. The Administration's failure to
identify a source for the mandatory expenditures in H.R. 2959 makes
that proposal simply unrealistic.
Madam Chairman, the American people treasure their national parks and
care deeply about their future. The funding levels we provide for the
National Park Service, at this critical milestone in its history,
should reflect that. The initiatives funded through this legislation--
especially those which will use our national parks as classrooms for
young people--will create new generations of stewards to safeguard our
national parks for the next 100 years.
Mr. DINGELL. Madam Chairman, I have always said that the working men
and women of Michigan are my top priority. I believe that every working
family deserves access to a quality education, strong healthcare, jobs
that are safe for its workers and secure retirement plans. Today the
House will consider the Labor, Health and Human Services and Education
Appropriations bill, H.R. 3043, which will fund programs families need
and rely on. I rise in support of this legislation because I believe it
will provide our families with healthy and secure environment in which
to raise their children.
By 2014, nearly half of nation's growing occupations will require
higher education. If we want to help families succeed and help children
prepare for work in the global marketplace, then we must help them earn
a college degree. H.R. 3043 will provide the Department of Education
with $61.7 billion, which is $4.2 billion or 7.4 percent above 2007
funding. In addition, this legislation will provide $2 billion, a 14.6
percent increase above 2007, in funding for Pell Grants to raise the
maximum Pell grant by $390 to $4,700, benefiting over 5.5 million
students.
This legislation will also help prepare our students for college by
providing $2 billion for No Child Left Behind, an 8.4 percent increase
above 2007. Specifically, $1.9 billion will go towards Title I grants,
which benefit nearly 55,000 disadvantaged students in preschool,
elementary and secondary levels. This funding will also provide reading
and math instruction for 161,000 low-income students. The Individuals
with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) Part B grants will receive
$174.5 million, ending the previous Congress's habit of declining
Federal contributions for special education.
We also must focus on preparing workers, many of whom who have been
displaced due to layoffs or company closings, for second career
opportunities. H.R. 3043 will increase funding for the Department of
Labor, including a $227.4 million increase for employment, training and
worker protection programs. This funding will greatly help our great
state of Michigan because $1.2 billion will be used to provide state
grants that training and supportive services, such as rapid-response
assistance to help workers affected by mass layoffs and plant closures.
H.R. 3043 will also provide for the health and well-being of our
families. Currently over 44 million Americans do not have health
insurance; by 2013, the number of uninsured Americans will grow by 11
million. Universal health care has always been one of my top
priorities, and I believe this legislation reflects a strong commitment
to improving health care in our country.
Democrats took the first step towards helping the uninsured by
passing a $207 million increase in funding for community health centers
in the FY2007 Continuing Resolution, benefiting an additional 1.2
million people. The legislation before us today will provide an
additional $200 million for community health centers. This bill also
includes $50 million to assist states in providing affordable insurance
for almost 200,000 people who are considered medically high risk and
are not able to obtain health insurance in the commercial market.
Lastly, H.R. 3043 will provide $45 million for health insurance
counseling to assist 45 million Medicare beneficiaries to understand
and fully utilize the benefits to which they are entitled.
This legislation will go farther than just providing health care to
the uninsured; it will also provide much needed funding to the Centers
for Disease Control and Prevention and emergency responders who served
during 9/11. While the administration proposed reducing funding for the
Federal government's public health activities by $159 million, this
bill will provide a $255 million increase for a total of $6.5 billion.
This funding will be dedicated to programs that focus on childhood
immunization, state and local public health emergency
[[Page H8170]]
preparedness, and efforts to combat chronic diseases such as diabetes
and heart disease and emerging infectious diseases. In the aftermath of
9/11, many first responders were exposed to dust and other harmful
debris at the World Trade Center site. H.R. 3043 provides $50 million
to improve the health monitoring and treatment of the World Trade
Center emergency responders. It will also require that the
Administration develop a comprehensive plan for how they will address
the current health needs of these first responders.
The Labor-HHS Appropriations bill will also help families keep warm.
The Low-Income Home Energy Assistance Program (LIHEAP) has helped over
500,000 families in Michigan heat their homes during Michigan's tough
winters. This year it will see a critical increase of $500 million,
23.2 percent above 2008, to provide energy assistance to nearly 1
million more low-income seniors and families. The Community Services
Block Grant, which provides funding to States to expand services such
as housing, home weatherization, parenting education, adult literacy
classes, and emergency food assistance will see a $30 million increase
to $660 million. In order to help improve processing time for Social
Security disability claims and hearings, the Social Security
Administration (SSA) will receive $9.7 billion, $401 million above
2007. Over the years, disability claims and hearings have increased,
creating a backlog in casework. This funding will help to reduce the
backlog and allow the SSA to continue providing monthly cash benefits
to nearly 55 million Americans each year.
Our Founding Fathers trusted Congress with the task of funding the
Federal government through the annual appropriations process. While
this process is never easy, it is one of the most important duties we
have to the American people. Not only has President Bush threatened to
veto this legislation, but he also proposed cutting funding for these
programs $7.6 billion below last year. This bill invests in families
and their health, the workforce and their job training, and students
and their education. I urge my colleagues to support this legislation
and show the American people Congress is dedicated to improving their
quality of life.
Ms. BERKLEY. Madam Chairman, Congress created the Energy Employees
Occupational Illness Compensation program in the FY 2001 Defense
Authorization Act. This program compensates workers who were exposed to
nuclear radiation while on the job within the Department of Energy and
who later developed cancer and other illnesses.
While the program was a step toward righting the wrongs that these
hard-working Americans had to suffer, there have been many problems
since the enactment of this program. Many DOE workers have had
difficulty proving that their cancer was directly caused by the
radiation they were exposed to in the line of duty. The years-long
process that the program requires workers to go through to prove they
deserve compensation is intrusive and drawn-out.
This is an issue that directly affects my constituents. The Nevada
Test site is an area larger than the State of Rhode Island, located
about 65 miles north of Las Vegas. After years of exposure to nuclear
radiation, many DOE workers who were employed at the Nevada Test Site
during Cold War nuclear testing are now battling several forms of
cancer, and many have already passed away. Unfortunately, many of these
workers have also been turned away from Federal compensation.
However, there is an alternative for workers to qualify for Federal
compensation. Workers at other Energy Department facilities across the
country have been designated as part of the Special Exposure Cohort
(SEC). Workers at these locations qualify for EEOIC benefits without
going through an arduous and bureaucratic process. Since the creation
of the program, Nevada Test Site workers have petitioned to be included
in the SEC, but have only succeeded in part. Currently, only NTS
workers who worked at the site between 1951 and 1962 are part of the
Cohort and therefore automatically qualify for benefits. This only
accounts for one third of all NTS claimants, leaving a large group of
former Federal employees who are awaiting the compensation they
deserve.
Madam Chairman, I understand this appropriations bill is not the time
to designate Special Exposure Cohorts. However, it is imperative that
we as a Congress act on this issue before it's too late: before the
victims of nuclear radiation are gone. Before their families are left
behind without their loved ones. This is long overdue and we must act
now.
Mrs. McCARTHY of New York. Madam Chairman, in recent years, the GOP-
led Congress significantly cut investments for priorities in the Labor-
HHS-Education bill. This year, the President has once again proposed
significant cuts to programs of $7.6 billion below 2007 levels. This is
the wrong message and the wrong policy for America.
My colleagues and I are determined to reverse the funding cuts put
forth over the past several years. This bill rejects most of the
President's damaging cuts and provides an increase of $4.3 billion (or
3 percent) over the 2007 funding levels. The bill makes college more
affordable--including increasing the maximum Pell Grant by $390. The
bill helps raise the achievement levels of America's students,
providing $2 billion increase above 2007 and $1 billion above the
President's request for No Child Left Behind programs.
H.R. 3043 expands access to health care for the uninsured by
investing in initiatives that will provide for new and innovative ways
to reduce costs while expanding coverage. This legislation provides
$200 million for community health centers, enabling these centers to
serve an additional 1 million uninsured Americans. The bill provides
$75 million for a new initiative of state health access grants,
providing start-up grants to states that are ready with plans to expand
health care coverage to targeted groups. It also includes $50 million
for an initiative to assist states in providing insurance pools to
support affordable insurance for almost 200,000 people who are
medically high-risk.
H.R. 3043 meets the domestic healthcare and education needs of our
Nation. For too long, Congress has ignored the needs of the American
people. Today, I will move with my colleagues in a new direction to
fully fund the vital healthcare and education programs utilized by the
American people.
Mr. LEWIS of California. Madam Chair, I rise for two reasons.
First, this has been a long and very difficult bill on the floor. I
think the House should recognize the fabulous work of both Mr. Obey of
Wisconsin and my colleague from New York (Mr. Walsh). They endured all
this. Congratulations for a good job.
Further, I believe we ought to extend our appreciation to the
Chairwoman who has done a wonderful job and a fair job in the process,
Mrs. Tauscher of California.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will read.
The Clerk read as follows:
This Act may be cited as the ``Departments of Labor, Health
and Human Services, and Education, and Related Agencies
Appropriations Act, 2008''.
Mr. OBEY. Madam Chairman, I move that the Committee do now rise and
report the bill back to the House with sundry amendments, with the
recommendation that the amendments be agreed to and that the bill, as
amended, do pass.
The motion was agreed to.
Accordingly, the Committee rose; and the Speaker pro tempore (Mr.
Hastings of Florida) having assumed the chair, Mrs. Tauscher, Chairman
of the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union, reported
that that Committee, having had under consideration the bill (H.R.
3043) making appropriations for the Departments of Labor, Health and
Human Services, and Education, and related agencies for the fiscal year
ending September 30, 2008, and for other purposes, she reported the
bill back to the House with sundry amendments, with the recommendation
that the amendments be agreed to and that the bill, as amended, do
pass.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under House Resolution 547, the previous
question is ordered.
Is a separate vote demanded on any amendment reported from the
Committee of the Whole? If not, the Chair will put them en gros.
The amendments were agreed to.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the engrossment and third
reading of the bill.
The bill was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time, and was
read the third time.
Motion to Recommit Offered by Mr. Lewis of California
Mr. LEWIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I offer a motion to recommit.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is the gentleman opposed to the bill?
Mr. LEWIS of California. In its present form I am.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Clerk will report the motion to
recommit.
The Clerk read as follows:
Mr. Lewis of California moves to recommit the bill H.R.
3043 to the Committee on Appropriations with instructions to
report the same back to the House promptly with an amendment
providing that funds made available to any child welfare
agency, private or public elementary school, private or
public secondary school, local educational agency, or State
educational agency under titles II or III of the bill may be
used to pay for any fees charged under the Schools Safely
Acquiring Faculty Excellence Act of 2006 for
[[Page H8171]]
conducting background checks authorized by law.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from California is recognized
for 5 minutes.
Mr. LEWIS of California. Mr. Speaker, the Clerk's reading essentially
explained what my motion to recommit is all about. Essentially for the
House's better understanding, we provide simply discretionary
flexibility to school districts to use funding in these titles to make
certain that they know well the backgrounds of those people who will be
working with and around children.
Mr. Speaker, I yield to my colleague from Nevada (Mr. Porter) because
he spent a good deal of time in this arena, and his district is
adjacent to mine in the beautiful downtown Nevada. We understand some
of the same difficulties we are facing.
{time} 1745
Mr. PORTER. I would like to ask this body to take 2 minutes and
listen to something very compelling. This bill does not matter on its
face if our children are not safe. This body, with an amendment that I
passed last year, has helped protect 27 million more children across
this country by providing for school districts that could not in the
past do criminal background checks. In this session alone, we passed
additional legislation to help kids that are in Head Start by giving
them additional protection for 1 million children who did not have that
before.
An example of what is happening in this epidemic nationwide is we
have teachers, we have professionals, we have individuals that are
predators, sexual predators following our children. We need to make
sure we add one additional tool, and that eliminates barrier to help
fund these programs that we passed last session and this session. Head
Start alone, one particular program had 660 teachers; of that, they
were not inspected for 5 years. They discovered, out of 660 teachers,
100 teachers and support staff had criminal backgrounds. Of that, 50
had serious offenses from first-degree murder to child predator to
domestic violence.
What I am asking this body to do is to use common sense, allow for
these school districts to eliminate one more barrier to help them pay
for these backgrounds checks. It is common sense. It is a way to
provide protection. It is something that we can do to ensure and add
one additional guarantee for our families and our children that they
will be safe within our schools.
Mr. LEWIS of California. Mr. Speaker, Jon Porter said it all. I urge
your positive vote on this motion to recommit.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the motion to
recommit.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Speaker, if this issue were in fact the real problem,
it can easily be dealt with in conference by Mr. Walsh and myself and
the rest of the committee, but in fact it is not a problem. The fact is
that under the bill money in the Safe and Drug Free Schools account can
already be used for exactly the same purpose.
I would also like to point out, however, that this is a program which
was cut by the President to $100 million, and the House has restored
$146 million above the President's figure to take care of problems just
such as this.
But the membership should also understand that this recommit kills
the bill. It is dressed up in language on fees, but in fact it calls
for the bill to be referred to the committee and reported back
promptly, not forthwith. And, as Members know, that is a device that
kills the bill.
We have endured over the last 3 days filibusters by amendment. We
have had 25 hours of amendments, sometimes repetitious amendments. We
have spent twice as much time on this bill as was spent the last time
that the bill was considered by the Congress.
And I would make one other point. The sponsors of this proposal could
have used it to do anything they wanted to do with the bill. They could
have cut the bill, they could have changed the priorities. They didn't.
And the fact that they didn't, in my view, is an admission that, in
terms of policy, this is a good bill. It is a backhanded admission that
this bill ought to pass as is.
So I would ask Members to vote ``no'' on the motion and vote ``yes''
on passage. They can then go home having done good things for America's
children, for Americans who need help to get health care, and for
American workers.
Let me also take just a second to thank the House for its indulgence
over the last 3 days. I know that it has often been tiresome, but I
appreciate the fact that they understood that the committee was just
trying to do its job.
I yield to the distinguished majority leader.
Mr. HOYER. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
This motion will be defeated because it kills the bill. If the
gentleman from Nevada were serious about this motion, he would have
asked that it be forthwith. That would have passed his amendment. This
is not a serious amendment, I tell my friend. This is, unfortunately,
however, why the American public is so upset with the Congress of the
United States: because what they see, they say that Congress is not
getting its work done, and they are right. And they are right because
obstructionism is occurring on this floor and on the floor across the
hall. And if it were in the name of serious legislating, perhaps they
would understand. But this is not serious legislating, A, because the
money can be spent for that now; and, B, because it kills a bill that
is for the education and the health care of our people.
Reject this specious motion. Pass this bill.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Speaker, again, I want to thank Members of both parties
who have helped through the process. I urge a ``no'' vote on this
motion and a bipartisan ``yes'' vote on final passage.
parliamentary inquiries
Mr. WESTMORELAND. Mr. Speaker, I have a parliamentary inquiry.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman will state his parliamentary
inquiry.
Mr. WESTMORELAND. Mr. Speaker, is it not true that if indeed this
motion passed, this bill could be reported back to the respective
committee through which it was designated, and that the bill could be
reported back to the House the very next legislative day?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Unlike the case of a motion to recommit with
instructions to report back forthwith, the adoption of which occasions
an immediate report on the floor, the adoption of a motion to recommit
with instructions to report back promptly sends the bill to committee,
whose eventual report, if any, would not be immediately before the
House. This is illuminated in Deschler's Precedents, volume 7, chapter
23, section 32.25.
Mr. WESTMORELAND. Further parliamentary inquiry, Mr. Speaker.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman will state his parliamentary
inquiry.
Mr. WESTMORELAND. Is it not true that this bill could be reported
back the next legislative day?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. A recommitted bill may be reported from
committee again.
Mr. LEWIS of California. Parliamentary inquiry, Mr. Speaker.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman will state his parliamentary
inquiry.
Mr. LEWIS of California. Is it untoward for me or someone to ask for
unanimous consent that this vote be a 2-minute vote rather than a more
extended vote?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair cannot entertain that request
under the current circumstances.
Without objection, the previous question is ordered on the motion to
recommit.
There was no objection.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion to recommit.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the noes appeared to have it.
Mr. LEWIS of California. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and
nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 9 of rule XX, the Chair
will reduce to 5 minutes the minimum time for any electronic vote on
the question of passage.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 206,
nays 213, not voting 12, as follows:
[[Page H8172]]
[Roll No. 685]
YEAS--206
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Altmire
Bachmann
Bachus
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Barrow
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bean
Biggert
Bilbray
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Bonner
Boozman
Boustany
Brady (TX)
Brown (SC)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Buchanan
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Carney
Carter
Castle
Chabot
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Crenshaw
Cuellar
Culberson
Davis (KY)
Davis, David
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
Dent
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Doolittle
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Ehlers
Emerson
English (PA)
Everett
Fallin
Feeney
Ferguson
Flake
Forbes
Fortenberry
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gerlach
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Granger
Graves
Hall (TX)
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Hobson
Hoekstra
Hulshof
Hunter
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Jordan
Keller
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kirk
Kline (MN)
Knollenberg
Kuhl (NY)
LaHood
Lamborn
Lampson
Latham
LaTourette
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
LoBiondo
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Manzullo
Marchant
Matheson
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McHugh
McKeon
McMorris Rodgers
McNerney
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Mitchell
Moran (KS)
Murphy, Patrick
Murphy, Tim
Musgrave
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Pearce
Pence
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Porter
Price (GA)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Radanovich
Ramstad
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Saxton
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shays
Shimkus
Shuler
Shuster
Simpson
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Souder
Stearns
Sullivan
Terry
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Turner
Upton
Walberg
Walden (OR)
Walsh (NY)
Wamp
Weldon (FL)
Weller
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
NAYS--213
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Allen
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Baird
Baldwin
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Butterfield
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carson
Castor
Chandler
Clarke
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Costello
Courtney
Cramer
Crowley
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis, Lincoln
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Donnelly
Doyle
Edwards
Ellison
Ellsworth
Emanuel
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Farr
Fattah
Frank (MA)
Giffords
Gillibrand
Gonzalez
Gordon
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hare
Hastings (FL)
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hill
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hodes
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson (GA)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
Klein (FL)
Kucinich
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lee
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
Loebsack
Lowey
Lynch
Mahoney (FL)
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McGovern
McIntyre
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Michaud
Miller (NC)
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murtha
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Pomeroy
Price (NC)
Rahall
Rangel
Reyes
Rodriguez
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Space
Spratt
Stark
Stupak
Sutton
Tanner
Tauscher
Taylor
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Towns
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walz (MN)
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Welch (VT)
Wexler
Wilson (OH)
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
NOT VOTING--12
Bono
Brown, Corrine
Cubin
Davis, Jo Ann
Filner
Harman
Jindal
Lofgren, Zoe
Marshall
Miller, George
Paul
Tancredo
{time} 1809
So the motion to recommit was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Stated against:
Mr. FILNER. Mr. Speaker, on rollcall No. 685, I was on official
business outside the national capital region in my capacity as Chairman
of the Veterans' Affairs Committee.
Had I been present, I would have voted ``nay.''
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the passage of the bill.
Under clause 10 of rule XX, the yeas and nays are ordered.
This will be a 5-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 276,
nays 140, not voting 15, as follows:
[Roll No. 686]
YEAS--276
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Allen
Altmire
Andrews
Arcuri
Baca
Baird
Baldwin
Barrow
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Biggert
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boyd (FL)
Boyda (KS)
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Buchanan
Butterfield
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carney
Carson
Castle
Castor
Chandler
Clarke
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Costello
Courtney
Cramer
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (IL)
Davis, Lincoln
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dent
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Donnelly
Doyle
Edwards
Ehlers
Ellison
Ellsworth
Emanuel
Emerson
Engel
English (PA)
Eshoo
Etheridge
Everett
Farr
Fattah
Ferguson
Fortenberry
Frank (MA)
Gerlach
Giffords
Gilchrest
Gillibrand
Gonzalez
Gordon
Graves
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall (NY)
Hare
Hastings (FL)
Hayes
Herseth Sandlin
Higgins
Hill
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Hirono
Hobson
Hodes
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Hulshof
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kagen
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Keller
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilpatrick
Kind
Kirk
Klein (FL)
Kucinich
LaHood
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latham
LaTourette
Lee
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lowey
Lynch
Mahoney (FL)
Maloney (NY)
Markey
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McGovern
McHugh
McIntyre
McNerney
McNulty
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Melancon
Michaud
Miller (MI)
Miller (NC)
Mitchell
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Murphy (CT)
Murphy, Patrick
Murphy, Tim
Murtha
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Perlmutter
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Pickering
Platts
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (NC)
Pryce (OH)
Rahall
Ramstad
Rangel
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reyes
Rodriguez
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (MI)
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Saxton
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sestak
Shays
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Shuler
Simpson
Sires
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (NJ)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Space
Spratt
Stark
Stupak
Sutton
Tanner
Tauscher
Taylor
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Towns
Turner
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Upton
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walsh (NY)
Walz (MN)
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Welch (VT)
Weldon (FL)
Weller
Wexler
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (OH)
Wolf
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Yarmuth
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
NAYS--140
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Bachmann
Bachus
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bean
Bilbray
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehner
Bonner
Boozman
Boustany
Brady (TX)
Brown (SC)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Carter
Chabot
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Crenshaw
Culberson
Davis (KY)
Davis, David
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Doolittle
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Fallin
Feeney
Flake
Forbes
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gillmor
[[Page H8173]]
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Granger
Hall (TX)
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Heller
Hensarling
Herger
Hoekstra
Hunter
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Jordan
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kline (MN)
Knollenberg
Kuhl (NY)
Lamborn
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Manzullo
Marchant
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McMorris Rodgers
Mica
Miller (FL)
Moran (KS)
Musgrave
Myrick
Neugebauer
Nunes
Pearce
Pence
Petri
Pitts
Poe
Price (GA)
Putnam
Radanovich
Reynolds
Rogers (KY)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Sali
Schmidt
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shimkus
Shuster
Smith (NE)
Smith (TX)
Souder
Stearns
Sullivan
Terry
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Walberg
Walden (OR)
Wamp
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (SC)
NOT VOTING--15
Bono
Brown, Corrine
Calvert
Cubin
Davis, Jo Ann
Filner
Harman
Jindal
Lofgren, Zoe
Marshall
McKeon
Miller, Gary
Miller, George
Paul
Tancredo
{time} 1817
Mr. HOBSON changed his vote from ``no'' to ``aye.''
So the bill was passed.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
Stated for:
Mr. FILNER. Mr. Speaker, on rollcall No. 686, I was on official
business outside the national Capitol region in my capacity as Chairman
of the Veterans Affairs Committee.
Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea.''
____________________