[Congressional Record Volume 153, Number 110 (Wednesday, July 11, 2007)]
[House]
[Pages H7617-H7620]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
EXPRESSING SUPPORT FOR THE NEW POWER-SHARING GOVERNMENT IN NORTHERN
IRELAND
Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules
and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 482) expressing support for the
new power-sharing government in Northern Ireland, as amended.
The Clerk read the title of the resolution.
The text of the resolution is as follows:
H. Res. 482
Whereas the Good Friday Agreement, signed on April 10,
1998, in Belfast, and endorsed in a referendum by the
overwhelming majority of people in Northern Ireland and the
Republic of Ireland, set forth a blueprint for lasting peace
in Northern Ireland;
Whereas on May 8, 2007, leaders from the major political
parties in Northern Ireland took office as part of an
agreement to share power in accordance with the democratic
mandate of the Good Friday Agreement;
Whereas on May 8, 2007, Ian Paisley and Martin McGuinness
became Northern Ireland's first minister and deputy first
minister, marking the beginning of a new era of power-
sharing;
Whereas Dr. Paisley, the Democratic Unionist leader, and
Mr. McGuinness, the Sinn Fein negotiator, have put aside
decades of conflict and moved toward historic reconciliation
and unity in Northern Ireland;
Whereas on May 8, 2007, Dr. Paisley declared, ``I believe
that Northern Ireland has come to a time of peace, a time
when hate will no longer rule.'';
Whereas Mr. McGuinness declared this new government to be
``a fundamental change of approach, with parties moving
forward together to build a better future for the people that
we represent'';
Whereas former British Prime Minister Tony Blair declared
that ``[T]oday marks not just the completion of the
transition from conflict to peace, but also gives the most
visible expression to the fundamental principle on which the
peace process has been based. The acceptance that the future
of Northern Ireland can only be governed successfully by both
communities working together, equal before the law, equal in
the mutual respect shown by all and equally committed both to
sharing power and to securing peace. That is the only basis
upon which true democracy can function and by which normal
politics can at last after decades of violence and suffering
come to this beautiful but troubled land.'';
Whereas the Taoiseach of Ireland, Bertie Ahern, declared
that ``[O]n this day, we mark the historic beginning of a new
era for Northern Ireland. An era founded on peace and
partnership. An era of new politics and new realities.'';
Whereas both communities have worked together in a spirit
of cooperation and mutual respect to solve the problems of
concern to all the people of Northern Ireland, including the
decision by all the major political parties to join the
Northern Ireland Police Board and support the Police Service
of Northern Ireland; and
Whereas President George W. Bush, like his predecessor
President William J. Clinton, has worked tirelessly to bring
the parties in Northern Ireland together in support of
fulfilling the promises of the Good Friday Agreement: Now,
therefore, be it
Resolved, That it is the sense of the House of
Representatives that--
(1) the United States stands strongly in support of the new
power-sharing government in Northern Ireland;
(2) political leaders of Northern Ireland, former Prime
Minister Tony Blair, and Taoiseach Bertie Ahern should be
commended for acting in the best interest of the people of
Northern Ireland by forming the new power-sharing government;
(3) May 8, 2007, will be remembered as an historic day and
an important milestone in cementing peace and unity for
Northern Ireland and a shining example for nations around the
world plagued by internal conflict and violence; and
(4) the United States stands ready to support this new
government and to work with the people of Northern Ireland as
they strive for lasting peace for the people of Northern
Ireland.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentlewoman from
Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee) and the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-
Lehtinen) each will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from Texas.
General Leave
Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that
all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their
remarks and include extraneous materials on the resolution under
consideration.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentlewoman from Texas?
There was no objection.
Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of
this resolution and yield myself such time as I may consume.
I would like, first of all, to commend our distinguished colleague,
Mr. Gallegly of California, for introducing an important resolution
that commemorates a historic occasion in the quest for lasting peace in
Northern Ireland.
{time} 1830
On May 8, Irish Prime Minister Bertie Ahern pronounced ``the historic
beginning of a new era for Northern Ireland, an era founded on peace
and partnership, an era of new politics and new realities.''
That day indeed marked a new era as age-old rivals Ian Paisley of the
Democratic Unionist Party and Martin McGuinness of Sinn Fein became
Northern Ireland's First Minister and Deputy First Minister,
respectively, taking their places in the new power-sharing government
at Stormont.
May 8 also marked the end of direct rule from London and the end of
guns and bombs as a form of political expression. These developments
provide an opportunity for the people of Northern Ireland to govern
themselves.
Finally, that day marked the end of decades of conflict and gave hope
to the spirit of reconciliation, hope that may inspire those in other
communities ravaged by sectarian conflict to keep striving to find
peace. We think in particular today of the conflicts of Iraq, Lebanon,
Israel and Palestine, Cyprus, and Kashmir. The end to civil wars can
bring true peace. Ireland is a true example. And since, of course, the
war in Iraq is raging as a civil war, this is a most potent model of
success for peace and reconciliation.
We know it will not be easy for these dividing societies to achieve
lasting peace, but it was not an easy road for Northern Ireland's war-
weary politicians. The prospect of reconciliation was tantalizingly
close in April, 1998, when political leaders signed the Good Friday
Agreement and voters endorsed its provisions in a referendum. I am
reminded of traveling to Ireland with then chairman of the Foreign
Relations Committee, Ben Gilman, as we went from area to area talking
with the disparate groups addressing the question of peace in Ireland.
In December, 1999, the new Northern Ireland Executive finally met for
the first time after repeated failures to agree upon its membership.
During the next 3 years, the assembly operated in fits and starts as
political leaders sought to reach agreement on outstanding issues, such
as the decommissioning of weapons and reform of the police service.
Trust between the two communities deteriorated to such a point that
devolution was suspended in October, 2002, and not restored until this
past May. It is due in large part to the tireless efforts of Northern
Ireland's political representatives as well as the constant
encouragement of Ireland and Britain's long-serving leaders, Bertie
Ahern and Tony Blair, that solutions were eventually found to the most
vexing problems. And may we be reminded that there were those who were
willing to lay down their weapons.
I would also like to pay tribute to the efforts of Presidents Bush
and Clinton as well as former Senator George Mitchell, who worked
together with British and Irish leaders to fulfill the promises of the
Good Friday Agreement. Senator George Mitchell worked without ceasing
and worked with passion and heart.
It is, of course, the people of Northern Ireland who are the biggest
winners, as we in this House hope the establishment of the new power-
sharing government heralds the dawn of a truly new era characterized by
peace, prosperity and mutual respect for all races and religions.
Madam Speaker, I strongly support this resolution, and I urge my
colleagues to do the same.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
I am pleased to take this opportunity to rise in strong support of
House Resolution 482, expressing support for the new power-sharing
arrangement for the government in Northern Ireland.
Madam Speaker, on May 8, longstanding enemies in the violent
conflicts in Northern Ireland came together in a historic agreement to
put down violence and instead sit together in Parliament. With the
formation of a
[[Page H7618]]
new Northern Irish government based upon a power-sharing agreement
between the unionists and the nationalists, an important component of
the 1998 peace accord known as the Good Friday Agreement has been
fulfilled, and a further step forward toward a peaceful political
settlement in the region has been taken.
Progress toward peace in Northern Ireland has been dangerously
unsteady, and it gives us all hope that perhaps at long last the
paramilitary organizations in Northern Ireland have lost favor with the
public and that people are now looking forward to a legitimate
political party process that leads them into the future.
While tensions may not have been completely erased and the
differences of opinion will no doubt persist, it is remarkable to
contemplate that now, hopefully, such differences will play out in the
political arena rather than in the arena of bombs and guns.
Madam Speaker, this legislation rightfully commends the collaboration
of former Prime Minister Tony Blair and Irish Prime Minister Bertie
Ahern, whose patience and perseverance through the years even in the
face of great odds has resulted in this step forward in the peace
process. Prime Minister Blair eloquently outlined his fondest hopes for
Northern Ireland in a 2002 statement regarding the peace process where
he stated: `` . . . enemies would become not just partners in progress
but sit together in government'' and `` . . . paramilitaries who used
to murder each other as a matter of routine would talk to each other
and learn to live with each other.''
The commitments of Mr. Blair, Mr. Ahern and others appears to have
transformed those noble goals into doable outcomes.
Madam Speaker, we all hope for a Northern Ireland that is a safer
place to live and that those benefits turn into a prosperous economy
for all. These recent developments are positive steps forward, but
there is still much work to be done. We should seek to encourage
continuing momentum and goodwill and support the new power-sharing
agreement in whatever way is appropriate and possible to do.
I, therefore, ask my colleagues to join me in voting for this measure
to show our support for this new government and to express our hope
that the people of Northern Ireland will at long last achieve their
goal of peace.
Madam Speaker, I now yield such time as he may consume to Mr.
Gallegly, the ranking member on the Subcommittee on Europe.
Mr. GALLEGLY. I thank the gentlewoman for yielding.
Madam Speaker, House Resolution 482, which I introduced on June 12,
expresses the support of the House of Representatives for one of the
most successful efforts in peacemaking in modern European history.
The resolution recognizes the success of the Northern Irish peace
process that had its first major breakthrough with the signing of the
Good Friday Agreement in 1998. While the Good Friday Agreement provided
the blueprint for lasting peace, it took years of negotiation and
compromise by both communities in Northern Ireland for the agreement to
be fully implemented.
This occurred on May 8 with the formation of a government based on a
power-sharing arrangement involving the largest unionist and
nationalist parties in Northern Ireland. The May 8 accord translated
the general principles of the Good Friday Agreement into a concrete
political settlement with important powers being transferred from
London to Belfast.
Madam Speaker, House Resolution 482 expresses the sense of the House
of Representatives that the United States should strongly support the
new power-sharing government in Northern Ireland. The legislation also
commends the Northern Irish political leaders, both of those who
represent the Catholic and Protestant communities, as well as former
British Prime Minister Tony Blair and Irish leader Bertie Ahern for
their leadership in the formation of this new government.
Lastly, House Resolution 482 states that the U.S. stands ready to
support the new government and to work with the people of Northern
Ireland to achieve their goal of a long-lasting peace.
Madam Speaker, the restoration of power-sharing institutions, the
Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive Committee, will not ensure
lasting peace in Northern Ireland. Much work remains to be done in
terms of bringing the two communities even closer together. And
Congress must stay engaged with Northern Ireland as an honest broker in
the years to come.
However, the May 8 agreement represents major progress in resolving a
sectarian conflict that has plagued Northern Ireland for over 400 years
and has claimed over 3,200 lives just since 1969.
Madam Speaker, this legislation is cosponsored, I believe, by every
one of my colleagues that have taken a legislative or leadership role
in the Congress in resolving sectarian conflict in Northern Ireland.
I urge the passage of House Resolution 482.
Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Madam Speaker, I continue to reserve the
balance of my time.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, at this time I would like to yield
such time as he may consume to Mr. Tim Murphy, a member of the Friends
of Ireland Caucus and a leader on this peace process.
Mr. TIM MURPHY of Pennsylvania. Madam Speaker, I thank the
gentlewoman for yielding to me on this important part that other
colleagues and I have traveled to Ireland to work on this issue. And I
am pleased today to speak in support of the power-sharing agreement
reached in Northern Ireland.
Since my own youth, I have followed the conflicts in Northern Ireland
and, like many Americans, hoped and prayed for the day when there would
be peace throughout all the island of Ireland. As of a few weeks ago,
with the power-sharing agreement, it would seem that peace has finally
come. Now DUP, Sinn Fein, the UUP and the SDLP all share in the
governance of Northern Ireland. Now men and women who once gave fiery
speeches in opposition to one another sit at the same table working
with one another.
When I visited Northern Ireland a few months ago with other Members
of Congress, we were witnessing history, perhaps the end to centuries
of conflict, the beginning of a new dawn. It was not too long ago,
beginning in the 1960s, that marches for civil rights in Northern
Ireland were followed by decades of riots, assassinations, bombings and
warfare carried out by paramilitary groups. Thousands of British troops
occupied the north to stop the violence. Ceasefires temporarily stopped
the attacks, but the ``Troubles,'' as they came to be known, continued.
In the end, over 3,200 or more were killed and thousands more were
wounded.
Phil Coulter from Northern Ireland wrote in the song a few years ago,
``The Town I Loved So Well,'' about his return to the area, where he
wrote in the final verse:
``Now the music's gone, but they carry on for their spirit's been
bruised, never broken. They will not forget, but their hearts are set
on tomorrow and peace once again. For what's done is done, and what's
won is won, and what's lost is lost and gone forever. I can only pray
for a bright, brand new day in the town I loved so well.''
Perhaps those prayers have been answered. The troops are gone. The
bombings have stopped. And there is hope for all of the towns that are
loved by the citizens of Northern Ireland.
Eight years ago, the Northern Ireland political parties signed the
Good Friday Agreement, which established a blueprint for self-rule. But
reconciliation faced continued difficulties. New deadlines to start
self-government were set. The ceasefires continued to hold, and another
election occurred in March of this year. Then, for the first time, men
who were enemies, the likes of Ian Paisley, Martin McGuinness and Gerry
Adams, sat at the same tables to establish self-government. It was
nothing short of remarkable that left all on the island with a palpable
sense of awe and hope.
How did they do it?
First, there was hope for prosperity. The south of Ireland is in the
midst of the greatest economic boom in the European Union. Families in
Northern Ireland want to be part of that prosperity rather than the
poverty and dependence on government jobs and the dole. They are
putting tremendous pressure on their leaders to settle the differences
and create jobs.
[[Page H7619]]
Number two, international diplomacy. The prime ministers of the
United Kingdom, such as Tony Blair, and Ireland's Bertie Ahern,
Presidents Clinton and Bush, and Members of Congress from the United
States, in particular Mr. Walsh and King of New York and Mr. Neal of
Massachusetts, have all maintained pressure for resolution. At the same
time, programs supported by the International Fund for Ireland brought
Catholics and Protestants together to build positive relations.
Third, the disarmament of paramilitary groups. The IRA says it has
given up its weapons, and outside observers agree. And even though
other paramilitary groups say they are not yet ready to disarm, there
is still a discernible belief that the days of terrorism are a thing of
the past.
{time} 1845
Each day without violence builds trust.
Number four: integration of the police force. To overcome the fears
that the police will be used as weapons by or against either side, they
have been working towards a goal of 50 percent Catholic and 50 percent
Protestant. Respect for law enforcement is growing on both sides; and
after 30 years of occupation, the last British troops quietly left only
a few weeks ago.
In the midst of this hope, there are many challenges that lie ahead.
Ninety-five percent of schools are still segregated. Thirty-foot high
``peace'' walls still divide Catholic and Protestant neighborhoods.
Huge murals still cover the sides of buildings declaring loyalty to the
Crown or to Ireland, or showing one or other masked paramilitary
members looking down the barrel of a gun declaring who controls the
neighborhood, or depicting an atrocity blamed on either the Catholics
or the Protestants. Some neighborhoods fly the Union Jack of the United
Kingdom, and others the green, white and orange flag of Ireland.
Perhaps these challenges and choices facing the people of Northern
Ireland are best characterized by one of the murals we saw in a Belfast
neighborhood. It depicts a large black and white photograph of a youth
lying wounded on a street while a riot looms behind in the
neighborhood. Another youth stands in the foreground throwing a bomb.
But encircling this picture are the words, ``Can It Change?'' And at
the bottom is the word ``Believe.''
While the original meaning of the mural was meant to show that this
Protestant neighborhood believed it could rise up and defend itself
against what it considered to be ethnic cleansing, perhaps this mural
can take on a new meaning today. Perhaps it can be a beacon of hope to
believe in an end to violence and a lasting peace. Indeed, keeping the
peace will demand that many believe. And if they do, perhaps this time,
in our time, there will be an end to several centuries of warfare.
Perhaps this time the elected government shared by the parties will not
just be one more temporary fix, but the dawn of a bright brand new day
in the towns that we all love so well.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield such time as
he may consume to Mr. Walsh of New York, a cosponsor of this
resolution, and a long-time champion of the peace process in Northern
Ireland.
Mr. WALSH of New York. I thank my good friend and colleague from
Florida for giving me time to speak on this issue, and to my colleague
from California, who brought this resolution to the floor, and my
colleague from Texas.
This is a wonderful celebration of a great success for mankind, not
just for the Irish, but for all of mankind. And it's an important and
significant foreign policy success for the United States of America.
About 12 years ago, then-Speaker Gingrich asked me if I would be
willing to chair the Friends of Ireland, an ad hoc organization within
the Congress that had been begun by Tip O'Neill, and the tradition
continued through Speaker Wright and Foley and then Gingrich.
Historically it had been a Democratic Congress, and I was the first
Republican to chair it. But we never missed a beat. The Democrats and
the Republicans worked side by side. Both Houses, Senators Kennedy and
Dodd, McConnell and Connie Mack worked hand in hand with Rich Neal,
Pete King, myself, Ben Gilman, and so many others.
There is a real paradigm here for American foreign policy. If we can
get everybody working together, we can solve I think pretty much
anything in the world. But we played a part in this. The significant
players were the British, beginning with John Major, and certainly Tony
Blair, who focused on this all through his entire career. And also on
the other island of Ireland, going all the way back to Elbert Reynolds
and John Bruton, and then Bertie Ahern for the last 10 years. Every one
of them, and again, different parties, different leaders, different
philosophies, the same with the United States at the White House with
President Clinton and then President Bush. Regardless of party,
regardless of nationality, people all focused on what needed to be
done.
I remember when I first took on this assignment, and what a labor of
love for me, as an Irish-American, son of an Irish mother and an Irish
father, when I first met David Tremble and I asked him, what do you
expect to get from all of this? He said one word, Peace. And then
subsequently, a day or so later, I had the chance to meet Gerry Adams
and I asked Gerry Adams, what do you expect from all this? He said in
three words, Peace with justice. And so I think both men showed
remarkable patience and persistence through this process. And certainly
now we have a government that combines the republican forces of
Northern Ireland, Adams, McGuinness and others, and the loyalist forces
led by Ian Paisley, Peter Robinson, Jeffrey Donaldson and others. It's
a remarkable achievement. It's almost like having Sunnis and Shia
working together in Iraq. Imagine that. It's possible.
But we should celebrate this victory as Americans, and as members of
the family of man, because it is a great victory. We have taken a very,
very dangerous place on the Earth and made it a peaceful place. We have
seen the people of Northern Ireland, loyalists, nationalists, Catholic
and Protestant, come together in one exercise, a democratic
legislation. And it was that election, the election this spring, that
really provided the coup de grace to violence and established democracy
because all the parties participated and the people provided ultimately
the leadership that was required to make this happen and gave their
leaders the strength and the political capital to form this government.
So Tim Murphy and I and a number of others, Rich Neal, were in
Ireland to watch Ian Paisley walk across the sidewalk in Dublin and
shake hands with Bertie Ahern, say, I've got to grip this man's hand,
give him a good grip. It was astounding. And the pictures of Gerry
Adams and Martin McGuinness and Peter Robinson and Ian Paisley meeting
together was an astounding picture that sent hope out to the entire
world. So credit everyone. Victory has a thousand fathers and mothers.
And we should all celebrate that.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Let me thank the sponsors of this
legislation. This was an important discussion on the floor.
And I might just conclude in my thanks to the ranking member and the
chairman of the full committee, and remind my colleagues that the
message of this legislation is the point of individuals in conflict
willing to lay their guns and weapons down in what has been a long-
standing civil war, and their ability to share power; important lessons
for countries or nations like Iraq, Lebanon, and many, many others.
With that, I ask my colleagues to support this legislation.
Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the
gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee) that the House suspend the
rules and agree to the resolution, H. Res. 482, as amended.
The question was taken.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds
being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.
Mr. GALLEGLY. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX and the
Chair's prior announcement, further
[[Page H7620]]
proceedings on this question will be postponed.
____________________