[Congressional Record Volume 153, Number 86 (Thursday, May 24, 2007)]
[Senate]
[Pages S6793-S6795]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
UNANIMOUS CONSENT AGREEMENT
Mrs. MURRAY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate,
at 8:25 p.m., vote, without any intervening action or debate, on the
motion to concur in the House amendment to the Senate amendment to H.R.
2206; that the time from 7:55 to 8:25 p.m. be equally divided between
the two leaders, with the majority leader in control of the last 15
minutes, and that no other amendments or motions be in order prior to
the vote, with the time allocated as follows: Senator Durbin, 5
minutes; Senator Levin, 5 minutes; Senator Landrieu, 5 minutes, and
Senator Brown, 5 minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? Without objection, it is
so ordered.
The Senator from Illinois.
Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, in a few moments, the Senate will vote on
a funding bill for the war in Iraq.
It is a historic vote and a very important one over which many of us
have anguished.
I come to this decision with sadness and anger--sadness that we are
in the fifth year of this war, a war that has lasted longer than World
War II; sadness that we have lost 3,435 of our bravest, our American
soldiers; sadness that over 25,000 of these soldiers have been injured,
8,000 or 9,000 grievously injured; sadness that we spent over $500
billion on a war that is second only to World War II in its cost to our
Nation.
I also come to this floor with anger--anger that we do not have it in
our power to make the will of the people of America the law of our
land; anger that this President has vetoed a bipartisan bill carefully
crafted to start bringing America's troops home; anger that we continue
to bury our Nation's heroes every day while this Congress fails to
muster the votes and some of the will to bring this war to an end.
In October of 2002, I stood on this Senate floor and joined 22 other
Senators in casting my vote against this war. I felt then, and I
believe today, that the invasion of Iraq was a serious mistake. I
believe, as I stand here, it has been the most flawed and failed policy
of any administration in our history.
That night when the vote was cast, this ornate Chamber was quiet.
There was a lonely feel about it in the closing moments of the session.
Those of us who lingered knew that regardless of what the White House
said, this President would waste no time invading Iraq--regardless of
the flawed intelligence, regardless of the lack of allies, regardless
of a battle plan that left us in a position stronger after the invasion
than before.
Today, 4\1/2\ years later, 4\1/2\ years after that vote and after
this invasion, America is not safer, Iraq is in turmoil, and our
position as a nation in this world has been compromised by this tragic
decision by this administration.
I said at the time, and I will stand by it with my vote this evening,
that though I loathe this decision to go to war, I will not take my
feelings out on the troops who are in the field. I will continue to
provide the resources they need to be trained and equipped and rested
and ready to go into battle and to come home safely.
The debate will continue over this policy, but our soldiers should
never be bargaining chips in this political debate. That is why I will
vote this evening for this bill. But I want to make it clear with this
vote that this bill is not the end of the debate on the war in Iraq.
This debate will continue until our Nation comes to its senses, until
our troops come home, and until we put this sorry chapter in our
Nation's history behind us.
We have summoned our friends on the Republican side of the aisle to
join us in this effort. Two have had the courage to step forward. I
hope that as they reflect on this war and its cost to America that more
Republicans will join us, that we will not have to wait until President
Bush walks out of the White House to see an end to this war.
I pledge to you, Mr. President, this Senator and so many others will
continue this debate beyond today, beyond tonight, every day until
those troops come home safely. When we consider the Defense
authorization bill in just a few weeks, we will return to this national
debate. We will push for that timetable to bring these troops home. We
will stand by our soldiers and show our devotion to them with our
commitment to bringing them home safely, in an honorable way. The
debate will continue until the soldiers are safe and until they are
home.
I pray this will happen soon, happen before we lose more of these
great men and women. This morning at my desk upstairs, I sat down and
penned more notes to the grieving parents and spouses of fallen
soldiers in my State of Illinois. I never dreamed 4\1/2\ years ago that
I would still be writing those notes today. It is a sad testimony to
what this failed policy has cost our Nation.
With this vote tonight, the debate will not end; the debate will
continue.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Michigan.
Mr. LEVIN. Mr. President, I continue to believe that Congress must
act to change course in Iraq because the Bush administration will not.
Congress needs to force the Iraqi political leaders to accept
responsibility for their country's future. Four years of painful
history have shown that the only way to accomplish that goal is to
write into law a requirement that we reduce the number of U.S. troops
in Iraq beginning in 120 days. That amount of time would give the Iraqi
leaders the time to make the political settlements that are the only
hope of ending the sectarian fighting.
Setting that beginning point would also force the Iraqi leaders to
face the reality that we will not be their endless security blanket.
That approach got 51 votes in the Senate on March 29. It was sent to
the President. The President vetoed it. But pressure continues to build
for a change in course, even in the President's party.
We will renew the effort to force a change in course in June when we
take up the Defense authorization bill currently scheduled for late
June. The way we will do that is we will make and renew the effort to
require the President to begin reducing American troops in Iraq within
120 days.
I voted against the authorization to attack Iraq 4 years ago, and I
will continue to fight for a bill that forces the President to do the
one thing which will successfully change course in Iraq. Reducing our
presence starting in 120 days is a way of telling the Iraqi leaders
that we cannot save them from themselves and that only they can make
the decision as to whether they want an all-out civil war or they want
a nation.
I cannot vote, however, to stop funding for our troops who are in
harm's way. I simply cannot, and I will not do that. It is not the
proper way we can bring this war to an end. It is not the proper way we
can put pressure on the Iraqi leaders. It is a way of sending the wrong
message to our troops because now that they are there, and now that
they are in harm's way, I believe we must give them all of the support
they need.
It is not only the absence from this bill of a beginning point for
troop reductions, which is so troubling, I am also concerned about the
benchmarks in this bill because they are not only toothless, they may
actually be counterproductive. Benchmarks with no consequences for
failure to achieve them will not put the necessary pressure on the
Iraqi leaders to reach a political settlement. Only a law requiring the
reduction of our troops can do that.
The benchmarks as written in this bill are doubly problematic because
the schedule for reports, July 15 and September 15, could be used as a
way of forestalling pressure on the administration and the Iraqi
leaders since those reports are not due until after we are planning to
take up the Defense authorization bill in June.
Perhaps the supporters of the current course in Iraq will say that
those of us voting to fund the troops bill before us are also signing
on to the toothless benchmarks with their arguably momentum-slowing
requirements. So let me say plainly, I oppose the benchmarks and the
reports as provided for in this bill.
Well, let me say plainly: I oppose the toothless benchmarks and
momentum-delaying reports in this bill. I agree
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with the Iraq Study Group that continued U.S. military support for Iraq
``depends on the Iraqi government's demonstrating political will and
making substantial progress toward the achievement of milestones on
national reconciliation, security and governance.''
It has been clear for a long time that there is no military solution
in Iraq and that an Iraqi political settlement is necessary if there is
a chance of ending the violence in Iraq.
Most telling, perhaps, was Iraqi Prime Minister Maliki's
acknowledgement of this essential point when he stated in November:
The crisis is political, and the ones who can stop the
cycle . . . of bloodletting of innocents are the [Iraqi]
politicians.
Apparently, the Iraqi leaders, however, will realize that their
future is in their hands only when they are forced into that
recognition. That is one of the many reasons that we must pass a law
requiring our President to begin reducing U.S. troops in Iraq in 120
days. We will continue our efforts to do so when the Defense
authorization bill is before us.
The Washington Post reported yesterday that General Petraeus and
Ambassador Crocker are working on a new strategy in Iraq. According to
the Washington Post: ``The end of 2008, is more political than
military: to negotiate settlements between warring factions in Iraq
from the national level down to the local level. In essence, it is as
much about the political deals needed to defuse a civil war as about
the military operations aimed at quelling a complex insurgency, said
officials with knowledge of the plan.''
Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Ms. LANDRIEU. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The Senator is recognized.
Ms. LANDRIEU. Mr. President, I begin by thanking majority leader
Harry Reid for his extraordinary work in helping to negotiate the full
Katrina-Rita package that many of us worked on to try to accelerate and
jump-start the recovery that is underway slowly, solidly in some
places, and not so solidly in others along the entire gulf coast of
this Nation, America's energy coast. Louisiana sits in the middle of
this great coastline and was hit not by one but by two monstrous storms
18 months ago. But, as my colleagues have heard me say many times, it
wasn't just Katrina and Rita that did so much damage, it was the
collapse of a Federal levee system that should have held but didn't
hold. In Louisiana alone, 200,000 homes were totally destroyed. In
Mississippi, it was over 65,000 homes because of the surge that came
out of the gulf.
It is hard for people to comprehend what that means. It is still
difficult for those of us who live there to get a handle on the scope
of the damage and devastation. We are grateful for the generosity of
this Nation. We are grateful for the private contributions, the many
church groups and people of faith who have come to help us, and we are
excited about this package in this emergency supplemental.
When we began this journey 4 or 5 months ago, there were some on the
opposition side that said we didn't need to include any of this; that
this is for an emergency overseas. But I really want to remind everyone
that we are still in a state of emergency on the gulf coast, and asking
for $3.7 billion in a $120 billion bill is really not too much to ask
for hard-working American taxpayers whose homes had never flooded
before. Many of these home owners and business owners never had an inch
of water in them, but they suddenly came home or woke up to 12 to 14
feet of water, up to their roofs, ruining everything they had worked
for, sometimes everything their parents and grandparents had worked
for.
Briefly, what we have done, in this last minute as I summarize, is to
waive the 10-percent match, which is critical. It is not only the money
that is helpful, obviously, to not have to put up that 10 percent, but
mostly by waiving the match we are waiving 90 percent of the redtape
that is keeping these hard-working people who are doing everything they
can to rebuild their lives.
There were some in the administration who wanted to play games with
the levees, and move levees from the east bank to the west bank and say
we will fund it later. Well, there is no later for us. There is now,
and we are going to build these levees and protect the people in south
Louisiana. That has been done.
One other part that is very important to me, and a provision I
objected to when it was first implemented 2 years ago, is the option
for the forgiveness of loans, which had been taken away. I said, on
behalf of the people I represent, we are entitled to the same response
that other communities have received, and this bill gives us justice on
the gulf coast.
In addition, there is some money for help for our criminal justice
system that needs improvement, and to correct some of the teacher
shortages as a result of the collapse and damage to many schools, and
teachers who have had to move to higher ground but who want to come
back to teach the children.
Finally, let me thank Senator Murray, who has been extraordinary in
her efforts on our behalf. I also thank Senator Byrd, the chairman of
our committee. They were not going to let this bill get through without
Katrina and Rita being recognized and the hundreds of thousands of
people who are depending on this Congress to keep fighting for them and
to at least meet them halfway. We do not look for charity, we look for
a hand up. We look for our Government to meet us halfway.
We can afford at least 10 to 15 days' worth of Iraq spending toward
rebuilding the great energy coast of America.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Republican leader.
Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, it was important from the outset that
this supplemental, these funds, be provided to the troops by Memorial
Day. The President told us the first week in February that he needed
the funds to support troops stationed overseas. A month and a half
after the Secretary of Defense stepped in, he said delays would
seriously disrupt key military programs. The Army Chief of Staff told
us if he didn't get the funds soon, he would have to take Draconian
measures that would impact readiness and impose hardships on soldiers
and their families. The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General
Pace, said delays would force the Army to cut quality-of-life
initiatives.
Then the calls started coming from Iraq. The chief spokesman of the
Multinational Forces, General Caldwell, told us that delays in funding
have already started to hamstring our efforts to train Iraqi security
units. That was more than a month and a half ago.
It was 108 days ago the President said he needed funds for the
troops. But since that first request in early February until today,
Congress has voted more than 30 times on Iraq-related measures without
approving a single dime. Mr. President, 108 days and more than 30 votes
later, Congress is finally sending these funds to the troops.
Many on this side of the aisle are disappointed that the final bill
contains billions of dollars in spending for items unrelated to the
war, but we are relieved the Democratic leadership has decided to strip
a reckless and nonsensical surrender date from the bill.
One other thing. It is important the Iraqi Government be held
accountable. It needs to engage in political reconciliation, and this
bill calls upon them to do just that. Members on both sides are deeply
frustrated with the Iraqi Government. Anything that puts pressure on
them without putting pressure on U.S. troops is a step in the right
direction.
I have been saying since January that benchmarks would be a good
idea. General Petraeus and General Pace have said the Baghdad security
plan is a necessary precondition for political progress in Iraq. We
need to be sure Iraqi politicians are putting the same effort into
their half of the bargain as our men and women in uniform.
General Petraeus and Ambassador Crocker will report back to Congress
at the end of the summer, and the success or failure of the security
plan will be clear by the end of the year.
I strongly urge my colleagues to vote in favor of this bill, which
finally gives the troops the funds they need. We
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should remember as we return home to our families this weekend that
thousands of American men and women will be fighting for us far away
from their homes. The very least we can do for them this Memorial Day
is to give them the tools they need to stay in the fight.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
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