[Congressional Record Volume 153, Number 75 (Tuesday, May 8, 2007)]
[Senate]
[Pages S5736-S5737]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]

      By Ms. SNOWE (for herself and Mr. Bayh):
  S. 1336. A bill to provide for an assessment of the achievement by 
the Government of Iraq of benchmarks for political settlement and 
national reconciliation in Iraq; to the Committee on Foreign Relations.
  Ms. SNOWE. Mr. President, I rise to speak to the monumental and 
consequential matter regarding the future course of the United States 
and our courageous men and women in uniform in Iraq.
  Today, we are at a profoundly challenging moment in time, and at a 
critical crossroads with respect to our direction in this war. That 
sense of urgency was compounded by my recent trip to Iraq this past 
weekend where I had the privilege of meeting with some of America's 
bravest and finest serving in Baghdad, including Mainers. I came away 
believing more firmly than ever that the Iraq Government must 
understand that our commitment is not infinite, and that Americans are 
losing patience with the failure of the leadership to end the sectarian 
violence and move toward national reconciliation.
  My visit further underscored the fact that there is not a military 
solution to the problem, and in the final analysis, the situation 
requires demonstrable action by the Iraq Government on true political 
reform and reconciliation. My firsthand experience reinforced that 
political will and diplomatic initiatives must form the core of our 
success, and that our goal must be to bring about reconciliation as 
soon as possible so that all of America's soldiers including those from 
Maine can return home to their families and loved ones.
  None of us arrive at this question lightly. In my 28-year tenure in 
Congress, I have witnessed and participated in debates on such vital 
matters as Lebanon, Panama, the Persian Gulf, Somalia, Bosnia, and 
Kosovo. And indisputably, myriad, deeply-held beliefs and arguments 
were expressed on those pivotal matters, some in concert, some 
complementary, some in conflict. Yet, without question, all were rooted 
in mutual concern for, and love of, our great Nation. And there was, 
and should not be today, no question about our support for our brave 
and extraordinary troops.
  It is therefore with the utmost respect for our troops that Senator 
Evan Bayh and I today introduce a bill which allows them the ability to 
complete the mission they have selflessly undertaken, while assuring 
them that their valor shall not be unconditionally expended upon an 
Iraqi Government which fails to respond in kind.
  Before proceeding any further, let me pause to express my deep 
appreciation and immense gratitude to Senator Bayh for his tremendous 
leadership and indispensable contribution in forging this welcomed, 
bipartisan measure. If there ever were a time for us to fashion a way 
forward, together, it is surely now, and because of Senator Bayh and 
his tireless efforts we have a measure that represents a significant 
step in the right direction. I thank him and his staff for bringing 
this fresh approach to fruition today.

  The Snowe-Bayh Iraq bill requires that government to actually achieve 
previously agreed political and security benchmarks while the Baghdad 
Security Plan, commonly referred to as the ``surge,'' is in effect, or 
face the redeployment of those U.S. troops dedicated to that plan.
  Specifically, this legislation would require that, 120 days after 
enactment, a point in time at which our military commanders have stated 
that they should know whether the surge will succeed, the commander of 
Multi-National Forces, Iraq would report to Congress as to whether the 
Iraqi Government has met each of six political and security-related 
benchmarks which it has already agreed to meet by that time. These six 
benchmarks are: Iraqi assumption of control of its military; enactment 
and implementation of a militia law to disarm and demobilize militias 
and to ensure that such security forces are accountable only to the 
central government and loyal to the constitution of Iraq; completion of 
the constitutional review and a referendum held on special amendments 
to the Iraqi Constitution that ensure equitable participation in the 
Government of Iraq without regard to religious sect or ethnicity; 
completion of a provincial election law and commencement and specific 
preparation for the conduct of provincial elections that ensures 
equitable constitution of provincial representative bodies without 
regard to religious sect or ethnicity; enactment and implementation of 
legislation to ensure that the energy resources of Iraq benefit Sunni 
Arabs, Shia Arabs, Kurds, and other Iraqi citizens in an equitable 
manner; and enactment and implementation of legislation that equitably 
reforms the de-Ba'athification process in Iraq.
  The Iraqi Government must know that any opportunity gained from our 
increased troop levels in Baghdad is a window that we will soon close 
if it fails to take urgent action and show tangible results in tandem. 
If, at the end of 120 days, the commander of Multi-National Forces, 
Iraq reports the Iraqi Government has not met the benchmarks, then the 
commander should plan for the phased redeployment of the troops we 
provided for the Baghdad Security Plan, period.
  That is why, under the Snowe-Bayh measure, after 120 days, should the 
commander report that the Iraqi Government has failed to meet any of 
the benchmarks listed, he will then be required to present a plan for 
the phased redeployment of those combat troops sent to Iraq in support 
of the Baghdad Security Plan and to provide plans detailing the 
transition of the mission of the U.S. forces remaining in Iraq to one 
of logistical support, training, force protection, and targeted 
counterterrorism operations, for examples, those functions set forth in 
the

[[Page S5737]]

Iraq Study Group Report, with the objective of successfully 
accomplishing this change in mission within 6 months of the date of his 
testimony before Congress. The commander must further indicate the 
number of troops needed to successfully complete the changed mission 
and the estimated duration of that mission. As General Petraeus stated 
in March.

       I have an obligation to the young men and women in uniform 
     out here, that if I think it's not going to happen, to tell 
     them that it's not going to happen, and there needs to be a 
     change.

  My colleagues may recall that I opposed the surge because I did not, 
and still do not, believe that additional troops are a substitute for 
political will and capacity. General Petraeus said last month that a 
political resolution is crucial because that is what will determine in 
the long run the success of this effort. I could not agree more. The 
fact is, America and the world require more than Iraq's commitment to 
accomplishing the benchmarks that will lead to a true national 
reconciliation, we must see actual results. The Iraqi Government must 
find the will to ensure that it represents and protects the rights of 
every Iraqi.
  After our 4-year commitment, Iraq's Government should not doubt that 
we must observe more than incremental steps toward political 
reconciliation, we require demonstrable changes. While limited progress 
has been mad on necessary legislative initiatives such as the 
Hydrocarbon Law, it is in fact a sheaf of laws and not just a single 
measure that must pass to ensure that all Iraqis have a share and stake 
in their government. Chief among these are constitutional amendments 
which will permit Iraqis of all ethnicities and confessions to be 
represented at the local level of government. Yet, so far, the review 
committee has yet to even finish drafts of these critical amendments.
  I believe we were all encouraged by the recent ambassadorial meetings 
in Baghdad and last week's ministerial conference called at the Iraqi 
Government's request. These diplomatic talks are vital to securing 
Iraq's border, reversing the flow of refugees, and stemming the foreign 
interference which exacerbates sectarian divisions. But we also look 
for the Iraqi Government's leadership in dismantling the militias and 
strengthening the National Army so that it is truly a national 
institution that can provide the security so desperately desired by all 
Iraqis in every province.
  We are now 3\1/2\ months into the surge, and our troops have made 
gains in reducing the still horrific levels of violence on Baghdad 
through their heroic efforts. Yet it is deeply concerning to me that, 
mirroring the slowness with which the Iraqi Government has moved on 
political reforms, their sacrifice remains by and largely unmatched by 
their Iraqi counterparts.
  Last month, Leon Panetta, a member of the Iraq Study Group, wrote the 
following in a New York Times Op-ED, ``. . . every military commander 
we talked to felt that the absence of national reconciliation was the 
fundamental cause of violence in Iraq. As one American general told us, 
`if the Iraqi Government does not make political progress on reforms, 
all the troops in the world will not provide security.' He went on to 
enumerate the progress or, more to the point, the lack of progress 
toward the agreed upon benchmarks and concluded that `unless the United 
States finds new ways to bring strong pressure on the Iraqis, things 
are not likely to pick up any time soon.' ''

  In fact, over the past few months, many have come to the realization 
that political action by the Iraqi Government is a paramount precursor 
to national reconciliation and stability and, without it, the Baghdad 
Security Plan is only a temporary, tactical fix for one specific 
location. And while we are hearing about incremental successes, I agree 
with Thomas Friedman who said recently in an interview, ``there's only 
one metric for the surge working, and that is whether we're seeing a 
negotiation among Iraqis to share power, to stabilize the political 
situation in Iraq, which only they can do . . . telling me that the 
violence is down 10 percent or 8 percent here or 12 percent there, I 
don't really think that's the metric at all.''
  To this day, the public looks to the United States Senate to temper 
the passions of politics and to bridge divides. And if ever there were 
a moment when Americans are imploring us to live up to the moniker of 
``world's greatest deliberative body,'' that moment is upon us.
  If I had a son or daughter or other family member serving in Iraq, I 
would want at least the assurance that someone was speaking up to tell 
the Iraqi Government, and frankly our government as well, that at my 
family's sacrifice must be matched by action and sacrifice on the part 
of the Iraqi Government. I would want to know that the most profound of 
all issues was fully debated by those who are elected to provide 
leadership. For those of us who seek success in Iraq, and believe that 
a strategy predicated on political and diplomatic solutions, not merely 
increased troop levels, presents the strongest opportunity to reach 
that goal, let us coalesce around this bill, which will allow us to 
speak as one voice, strong, together, and united in service to a 
purpose we believe to be right.
                                 ______