[Congressional Record Volume 153, Number 69 (Monday, April 30, 2007)]
[Senate]
[Pages S5264-S5265]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
AMERICA COMPETES ACT
Mr. ALEXANDER. Mr. President, last week, while the media covered Iraq
and U.S. attorneys, the Senate spent 3 days debating and passing
perhaps the most important piece of legislation of this 2-year session.
Almost no one noticed. The America COMPETES Act, which was the name of
the legislation, authorized $60 billion over 4 years to, among other
things, double spending for physical sciences research, recruit 10,000
new math and science teachers, and retrain 250,000 more, provide grants
to researchers, and invest more in high-risk, high-payoff research.
These were recommendations of a National Academy of Sciences task
force that had been asked to tell Congress--to tell us--exactly what we
needed to do to help America keep its brainpower advantage so we can
keep our jobs from going to China and India.
Last year, the Senate--but not the House--enacted task force
recommendations to encourage ``insourcing brainpower'' by giving legal
residency to skilled foreign students and researchers. Both Houses
extended the research and development tax credit.
The process for this legislation was as exemplary as the substance.
Senators and their staffs worked across party lines for 2 years. Senior
committee members, chairmen and ranking members, waived jurisdictional
prerogatives. The administration participated in extensive homework
sessions with Senators and outside experts. The effort was so
bipartisan that when the Senate shifted to the Democrats in January,
the new majority leader and minority leader introduced the same bill
their predecessors had in the last Congress. Seventy Senators
cosponsored the legislation. Even though no cloture motion was filed, 9
amendments were voted upon, and 32 more amendments were addressed
within 4 days. The final vote was 88 to 8.
Anyone who knows the Senate knows that the final margin masks how
difficult passage was. There were concerted efforts to derail the bill
by those with different ideas about policy and about spending. Yet this
success with competitiveness suggests three lessons for dealing with
other issues that are simply too big to be solved by one party alone,
such as immigration, to which the majority leader has indicated we will
turn in May, such as health insurance, such as energy independence,
such as terrorism, and such as Iraq.
These are the three lessons as I see them:
First, most ideas in the Senate fail for lack of the idea. The first
step in our success was when Senator Jeff Bingaman and I asked the
National Academy of Sciences the following question more than 2 years
ago:
What are the top 10 actions, in priority order, that
Federal policymakers can take to enhance the science and
technology enterprise so that the United States can
successfully compete, prosper and be secure in the global
community of the 21st century?
The Academy's 21-member task force, headed by former Lockheed Martin
chairman and CEO Norm Augustine and including 3 Nobel laureates, gave
up their summer, reviewed hundreds of proposals, and presented us with
20 specific recommendations in response to our question. These 20
recommendations, along with the work of the Council on Competitiveness
and the President's ideas, gave us something to work with other than
pet projects of various Members of Congress.
The second lesson is that bipartisanship is possible, even on complex
issues. From the framing of the question to the introduction of the
final legislation by the majority and minority leader, every effort was
bipartisan. When Senator Domenici, for example, went to see President
Bush, he invited Senator Bingaman, a Democrat, to go, as well as me, a
Republican. Staffs worked so closely together that no one could say
whether it was a Republican bill or a Democratic bill.
Third, and finally, the last lesson is that, unfortunately,
bipartisan success, even on the biggest, most complex issues, has an
excellent chance of remaining a secret. Despite the size of the
accomplishment, the passage of the 208-page America COMPETES Act was
barely noticed by the major media. This is not a complaint, merely an
observation. More than ever, the media,
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outside interest groups, and party structures reward conflict and the
taking of irreconcilable positions. There is little reward for
reconciling principled positions into legislation.
Here is another example: The work of the bipartisan Iraq Study Group
was consigned almost immediately to the shelf as a bookend. Somewhere,
there is a letter to President Bush from 10 Senators, 5 from each
party, offering to work together with him to help every American have
affordable health insurance.
Although there is not much attention paid to this kind of legislative
activity, I am convinced the American people and most Senators are
hungry for it. I believe the last election was as much about the
conduct of business in Washington, DC, as it was about the conduct of
the war in Iraq. Americans are tired of what they perceive as Senators
playing petty, kindergarten, partisan games while there are big issues
that cannot be solved by one party alone. Americans know we need a
political solution to Iraq in Washington, DC, as much as we need one in
Baghdad.
The irony is that last week's culmination of 2 years of work on the
America COMPETES Act demonstrates that the Senate is capable of
tackling big, complex issues in a bipartisan way, but that we will have
to look beyond the influences of the media, special interest groups,
and the political party apparatus for encouragement to do it.
Virtue, as ever, will be its own reward.
Mr. President, I yield the floor, and I suggest the absence of a
quorum.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. DORGAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, it is so
ordered.
Mr. DORGAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak in
morning business for as much time as I may consume.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, it is so
ordered.
Mr. DORGAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that Senator Webb
be recognized following me for a period of 15 minutes in morning
business.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, it is so
ordered.
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